Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, September 16, 1850

Washington, Monday, September 16, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Your two very gratifying letters were received this morning. It is my purpose to remain here till Congress adjourns, and then, so soon as the cars shall be a little cleared of the crowd, to go North. I shall be content that the people of Boston dispose of me just as they see fit. They have been accustomed to do that, and as they have always treated me much better than I deserved, I shall not now oppose any of their wishes.

You will all know when I shall be coming along. Of course, Mr. Eliot must be invited to any proceedings intended to be complimentary to me. He has acted a noble part, and deserves all commendation.

The weather is so cool, I write a few lines with my own hand this morning, but must not tax my eyes too far.

Yours always, truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

P. S. Thursday morning.—This should have been sent three days ago, but it got mislaid. No great news here to-day. Congress is working along, and I hope will get through by the 30th.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 389

Congressman Horace Mann, June 18, 1850

JUNE 18, 1850.

Yesterday Mr. Webster made his last and special declaration. A motion was pending, that it should be no objection to the admission of any State hereafter to be formed out of the territory ceded by Mexico, that is, California, Utah, or New Mexico,—that its constitution should recognize or provide for or establish slavery. The present Congress, it is admitted on all hands, has no power to act on that subject; but the movement was designed to give some moral power to the claims of slavery hereafter, should such claims be made. Mr. Webster took a retrospect of his whole course since the 7th of March speech, his Newburyport letter, &c., and declared that he had seen, heard, and reflected nothing which had not confirmed him in the soundness of his opinion; and so, in the most solemn manner, he declared his purpose to go for the bill. I think it will pass the Senate beyond all question. I fear it will also pass the House. It is said that Mr. Clay put in the provision about buying out the claims of Texas at some eight or ten or twelve millions of dollars, for the very purpose of securing a sufficient number of votes to carry it.

The Texan debt consists of bonds or scrip, which, at the time the Compromise Bill was brought in, was not worth more than four or five cents on the dollar: but the same stock is said to be now worth fifty per cent; and, should the bill pass, the stock will be worth a premium. Now, where so many persons are interested, will they not influence members? May not members themselves be influenced by becoming owners of this stock? It affords at least a chance for unrighteous proceedings; and, should the bill pass, there are members who will not escape imputation and suspicion.

A rumor has reached us from New Mexico, that the people are taking steps there to call a convention for the formation of a State Constitution. Should this prove authentic, as most people here think it will, and should they put a proviso against slavery in their constitution, would it not look like a godsend, like a special providence, notwithstanding all we say about that class of events?

Oh, may it turn out to be so!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 303-4

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, June 13, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 13, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR, You must excuse me for not answering all your kind letters. I should be glad to do so, if it were possible, especially if it would be the means of getting more; for they are most acceptable to me.

I learn that Mr. Webster has written home, that, if the North will give way on the subject of slavery, THEY CAN HAVE A TARIFF IN SIX WEEKS; and I suppose the address now to be circulated is for signatures, calling upon the Massachusetts delegation to make “concession;” that is, to surrender the Territories to slavery: then we may have "beneficent legislation," by which he means a tariff.

I am also told that the Hon. ———, a factory superintendent at Lowell, on a salary of four or five thousand dollars a year, was on here two or three weeks ago to see if some arrangement could not be made to barter human bodies and souls at the South for the sake of certain percentages on imported cottons at the North; and that Mr. Foote of Mississippi, and Mangum of North Carolina, offered to become sureties for the arrangement: how many others, I do not know. I have no doubt of all this, not a particle; though I communicate it to you to give you the means of further inquiry, and of action after inquiry is made. . . .

The Whigs, with very few exceptions, appear to stand well in the House; and I trust we shall be able to give a good account of ourselves. How I wish the Whigs now had all the Free-soilers in their ranks ! In great haste, yours ever and truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 304

Congressman Horace Mann, July 1, 1850

WASHINGTON, July 1, 1850.

Webster said there were only two parts of the Constitution which had any bearing on the subject of the trial by jury; and that the Constitution, neither in its letter nor in its spirit, required the trial by jury for a fugitive slave.

I proved in my letter that the article in the Constitution about courts did have a bearing, and a most important one, on the subject of jury trial; because, on the strength of it, Congress provided jury trials for more than nine-tenths of all the cases that ever arise in the courts. I showed, that, under this article about courts, Congress had power to make provision for juries.

On the second point, I showed that the spirit of the Constitution did clearly require, that, in legislating on the subject of fugitive slaves, Congress should provide the jury trial.

Now, some one who has written an article in the "Christian Register," which no man at once honest and sensible could write, takes the second position of Mr. Webster, and applies my first answer to it; that is, when Mr. Webster says the trial by jury is not demanded, he applies my answer to the part of Mr. Webster's positions, that there was no clause having any bearing on the subject, or conferring any power.

The Compromise Bill drags along with various prophecies about its success. How I shall hallelujah if it is defeated in the Senate!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 305-6

Congressman Horace Mann, July 20, 1850

WASHINGTON, July 20, 1850.

I suppose the Cabinet work is done, and that Mr. Webster is to be Secretary of State. This is to be regretted for a thousand reasons; but there are some aspects of the case in which it may argue well for a settlement of the hostile questions which now agitate the country. Mr. Webster will be very acceptable to the South for the very reason that he has made himself offensive to the North. I only hope it will eventuate for the good of the country.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 308

Congressman Horace Mann, July 21, 1850

July 21. Four of the seven members who compose the cabinet are from the slaveholding States: so, if we consider Mr. Webster a proslavery man, they have five out of seven. But one thing is very observable, though four are from the slaveholding States, yet one is from Missouri, one from Kentucky, one from Maryland, and one from North Carolina. All these are just south of Mason and Dixon's line; and they are from the States that hold slavery in its more mitigated forms, and not one of them is an intense proslavery State. The men selected are, I suppose, moderate men, comparatively, on this subject. Therefore, though the South have no confidence in Mr. Webster as an honest man, yet his late change of position on this subject renders him less offensive to the extreme men, and more acceptable to the moderate men.

If Mr. Fillmore has taken this course to conciliate the South in the first instance, and, with his Cabinet, eventually to subserve Northern feeling on this subject of slavery, then the whole may eventuate well; but if it is a concession to the South, on the surface, to be followed by an adoption of their views as to slavery ultimately, then it deserves all reprobation. For myself, I shall not give my confidence to this Administration, on this point, until it earns it. When it does earn it, then, as a matter of justice, I shall no longer withhold it; though, in the honesty of one of the members composing it, I have not, and probably never shall have, the slightest confidence. I therefore await developments. It has proved, so far, a godsend to Mr. Webster; for I do not believe he could have withstood the opposition against him in Massachusetts. Now, instead of being defeated, he escapes from the conflict. Still I can have no confidence in his ultimate success; for no one can safely prophesy success of a dishonest man.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 308-9

Senator Daniel Webster to Robert C. Winthrop, Sunday Morning, June [possibly 9,] 1850

Sunday morning, June, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I truly lament that my arrangements for the week prevent my acceptance of your invitation for Tuesday, to meet what I am sure will be a most agreeable party of friends.

Mr. Edward Curtis and myself, with Mrs. Curtis and Mrs. Webster, propose to leave the city as early as Monday evening or Tuesday morning, for a short journey into Virginia, to occupy the expected days of recess of the Senate.

As long as I have passed a great part of every year here, I never yet saw the "passage of the Potomac through the Blue Ridge." We propose to go by the railroad to Harper's Ferry, thence to Winchester or further up the valley, and to return by the way of Charlottesville.

I assure you it gives me pain to miss the opportunity of seeing, at your house, the distinguished strangers mentioned in your note. Yours always truly,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 372

Senator Daniel Webster to Edward Curtis, June 16, 1850—6 a.m.

Monday [sic] morning, six o'clock, June 16, 1850.¹

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your communication in whole and half sheets, yesterday. The most important part told a story of which I was not aware. I shall be delighted beyond measure, if Dr. Cox shall succeed as well as present appearances lead to expect.

Washington is very still, and very few people in it. There is little doing in my department, and I believe not much in any other. The President goes to Old Point Comfort and Norfolk, about Friday. Some of the gentlemen go with him, and I stay behind. Mr. Corwin sets off for Ohio to-day or to-morrow. I intend to make a desperate effort to leave Washington, as soon as the President returns, and to get to New Hampshire for a day, and Marshfield for another. I am warmly pressed to pass through Concord, before the last day of the month. Things appear to be going on well in Massachusetts.

In regard to my own movements, when hot weather arrives, three things present themselves. First, The talked-of voyage; second, a trip to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada; third, a trial of the Virginia Springs.

In case this was resorted to, Mrs. Webster could go with me, and perhaps you and Mrs. Curtis might join us.

I understand the water has no lime in it; that the mountain air is delicious, and the scenery beautiful, and the living scant and poor. If on trial, this should be found to do no good, I might still go North. I much prefer the voyage, but the drawbacks are, the expense, and the necessity of rushing into high company. Then there is one other consideration, namely, where is it best for me to be, if there is to be a real campaign?

Yours,

D. W.

_______________

¹ This letter could either be June 16^th, which was a Sunday or June 17^th, which was a Monday.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 373-4

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, June 19, 1850

(PRIVATE.)

Washington, June 19, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I verily believe our prospects brighten. It is certainly now the opinion at the White House, that the bill will pass. There is one difficulty yet to be got over, namely, the amount to be given to Texas. I hope, however, we shall agree on something.

It keeps us hard at work. We are obliged to have frequent conferences and agreements, and then we have something to do in debate; and then again, as you will see, I have become like an old school-book called the "Complete Letter-Writer."

The Senate adjourns from Thursday to Monday. I believe I shall try to get a little air in the mountains, or go to some cool place, down the river. My health is good, uncommonly good, and I feel pretty able to fight through this contest. When the bill shall be put on its passage, if it shall ever reach that step, I must make a speech as good as I can.

Yours,

D. W.

P. S. I have no time to write to our good friend Harvey. Please show him this.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 374-5

Senator Daniel Webster to Fletcher Webster, June [possibly 23,] 1850—10:30

Sunday, half-past ten o'clock, June, 1850.

DEAR FLETCHER,—After writing you this morning, I received two letters from you, for which I thank you. I shall now go to Marshfield before I go to New Hampshire, and will push right off for Marshpee, Waquoit, Red Brook, or elsewhere in those foreign parts.

This morning, after breakfast, and before church, that is, between half-past seven and eleven o'clock, I struck out the whole frame and substance of my address for the Fourth of July. I propose to write it all out, which I can do in three hours, and to read it, and to give correct copies at once to the printers.

So, if I find a trout stream in Virginia, I shall not have to be thinking out, "Venerable men."

Your mother wrote Caroline yesterday, and sends you her love to-day.

Yours affectionately,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 375

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Thursday Morning, July 11, 1850—8:00 a.m.

Washington, July 11, 1850. Thursday morning, eight o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—It is not easy to say what will be the extent of the changes in consequence of General Taylor's death, and Mr. Fillmore's accession. It is at this moment supposed that there will be an entirely new Cabinet. Certainly not more than one or two can remain. Who will succeed to the vacant places, I have no means of saying with any certainty. One thing I feel sure of, and that is that they will be sound men. The President is a sensible man, and a conservative Whig, and is not likely to be in favor of any "isms," such as have votaries at the present day.

I believe Mr. Fillmore favors the Compromise, and there is no doubt that recent events have increased the probability of the passage of that measure. Nothing will be done in congress this week. The funeral ceremonies will take all that remains of it.

P. S. Two o'clock.—I am rather confirmed in the expectation of a total change. Beyond this I know little, and nothing which I can communicate. The idea is now general that the Compromise will go through. I have a few words to say on Monday or Tuesday.

Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 376

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Friday Morning, July 12, 1850

Washington, July 12, 1850. Friday morning.

MY DEAR SIR,—You will hear various rumors respecting appointments to the Cabinet, but none of them will deserve credit any further than they rest on general probability. Nothing is decided as yet. The present Cabinet have all tendered their resignations, but they will not be answered till after the funeral.

The three important departments are State, Treasury, and Interior. I have no doubt some man known to be thoroughly sound in revenue matters, will be appointed to the Treasury. As to the State Department, I have no idea who will have it, although, if the power were with me, I think I could find a man¹ without going out of Massachusetts, who has talent enough, and knowledge enough; but whether he is at this moment so fresh in the minds of the people that his appointment would strike the public mind favorably, may be a doubt. Nobody can well be Secretary of State who has not fortune, unless he be a bachelor. The Secretary of State is the head of the administration, and he must have a house, sometimes to receive guests in. He is of course necessarily in daily communication with the diplomatic corps, which I believe is twice as numerous now as it was twenty years ago.

My dear Sir, you see the spirit of good-will which is manifesting itself here. This is the golden hour of opportunity, be assured. The opposition gentlemen are determined, all the conservative part of them at least, to give the administration fair play; and Mr. Fillmore is well-intentioned and discreet. He will meet with annoyances from the rather overbearing spirit of a certain quarter, but I hope he will stand stiff. If he is successful in forming his administration, I verily believe a prospect is before us for a better state of things than we have enjoyed for twenty years. Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Mr. Everett.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 376-7

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Tuesday Morning, July 16, 1850

July 16, 1850. Tuesday morning.

MY DEAR SIR,—The President goes slow, but I trust will come out well. He will undoubtedly have a sound Cabinet, and one acceptable to all good Whigs. How able he may make it, 1 cannot say. As yet, I believe he has not committed himself.

I hope we shall at last finish this so long protracted measure in the Senate. The story yesterday was that the extreme South would join the extreme North, and lay the bill on the table, judging it the less evil, in their opinion, to let California come in at once, and the territorial bills go over.

Yours, truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 377

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Sunday, July 21, 1850

(PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.)

Sunday, July 21, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Yours came to hand yesterday, together with one from Mr. Mills, and one from Mr. Haven. I yielded to what has been suggested from so many sides, and gave up my own wishes to the wishes and opinions of my friends. I must leave myself in their hands. There is work enough before me, and anxious duties in plenty; but if I can preserve my health, I will toil through a hot summer here, though I confess it does seem hard, that at my age I cannot enjoy the comforts of my own home. I was persuaded to think it was my duty, in the present crisis, to accept a seat in the cabinet,¹ but it made my heart ache to think of it.

Yours, truly always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Two days later Webster would become the 19^th United States Secretary of State.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 378

John J. Crittenden’s Eulogy of United States Supreme Court Associate Justice John McKinley, July 20, 1852

Since its adjournment yesterday, the members of the bar and officers of the court held a meeting and adopted resolutions expressive of their high sense of the public and private worth of the Hon. John McKinley, one of the justices of this court, and their deep regret at his death. By the same meeting I was requested to present those resolutions to the court, and to ask that they might be entered on its records, and I now rise to perform that honored task.

Besides the private grief which naturally attends it, the death of a member of this court, which is the head of a great, essential, and vital department of the government, must always be an event of public interest and importance.

I had the good fortune to be acquainted with Judge McKinley from my earliest manhood. In the relations of private life he was frank, hospitable, affectionate. In his manners he was simple and unaffected, and his character was uniformly marked with manliness, integrity, and honor. Elevation to the bench of the Supreme Court made no change in him. His honors were borne meekly, without ostentation or presumption.

He was a candid, impartial, and righteous judge. Shrinking from no responsibility, he was fearless in the performance of his duty, seeking only to do right, and fearing nothing but to do wrong. Death has now set her seal to his character, making it unchangeable forever; and I think it may be truly inscribed on his monument that as a private gentleman and as a public magistrate he was without fear and without reproach.

This occasion cannot but remind us of other afflicting losses which have recently befallen us. The present, indeed, has been a sad year for the profession of the law. In a few short months it has been bereaved of its brightest and greatest ornaments. Clay, Webster, and Sergeant have gone to their immortal rest in quick succession. We had scarcely returned from the grave of one of them till we were summoned to the funeral of another. Like bright stars they have sunk below the horizon, and have left the land in widespread gloom. This hall that knew them so well shall know them no more. Their wisdom has no utterance now, and the voice of their eloquence shall be heard here no more forever.

This hall itself seems as though it was sensible of its loss, and even these marble pillars seem to sympathize as they stand around us like so many majestic mourners.

But we will have consolation in the remembrance of these illustrious men. Their names will remain to us and be like a light kindled in the sky to shine upon us and to guide our course. We may hope, too, that the memory of them and their great examples will create a virtuous emulation which may raise up men worthy to be their successors in the service of their country, its constitution, and its laws.

For this digression, and these allusions to Clay, Webster, and Sergeant, I hope the occasion may be considered as a sufficient excuse, and I will not trespass by another word, except only to move that these resolutions in relation to Judge McKinley, when they shall have been read by the clerk, may be entered on the records of this court.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 381-3

Robert P. Letcher to John J. Crittenden, October 20, 1850

MEXICO, October 20, 1850.

DEAR CRITTENDEN,—Mr. Marks, a gentleman of respectability and intelligence, has just signified to me that he sets out for Washington City in a few hours. I give you a brief letter. Attend to him and introduce him to Mr. Webster. He is quite intimate with the government, and has been for many years the confidential friend of some of the leading members of the cabinet. Mr. Webster's amendments to the treaty were received about ten days ago. I have succeeded in getting the whole of them adopted, with the exception of two. Marks can tell you all about it. They never can be carried, if tried, to the day the great judgment-gun shall be fired. I have tried every argument, every persuasion, every threat, to prevail upon the cabinet to accept these two amendments in vain. In fact, I tried very hard to have these amendments inserted in the original treaty for three months. I believe I could prevail upon these folks to cede the whole country to the United States sooner than agree to these modifications. I won't trouble you with these matters. Unhappy as I am here, anxious as I am to return home, I will not quit my post till the end of this treaty is seen. I have some reason to believe Mr. Webster is not satisfied with my negotiations in regard to this treaty. This fills me with the deepest concern. It is utterly impossible for Mr. Webster to know and see things in this country as they really exist. Under all the circumstances, I know it was right to sign that treaty; I care not who may think to the contrary. Mr. Webster shall have a chance of appointing some one in my place who suits him better. I have worked hard since I have been in this country, and expect but little thanks; but I don't deserve censure or reproach. I don't mean to utter a word of complaint against Mr. Webster, or to say to any one else what I have said to you, unless it becomes necessary in my own defense, and then I'll say a damned deal. The truth is I feel a little desperate, and as cross as—at the idea of being reproached. Damn the treaty; it's opposed by all the foreign influence, by the opposition party, and by all the moneyed and commercial men of this country in solid column. The newspapers have openly charged me with forcing the government to make it. They have charged me with the crime of controlling this government as I please. The foreign ministers talk in the same way.

So I am, you may well imagine, worried to death, and get no thanks for it. If anything whatever occurs, which in your judgment should render it proper for me to resign, you are fully authorized to file my resignation at any moment. All I care about is to see the end of this treaty, and then my mission shall be at an end through the grace of God.

Good-by to you.

R. P. LETCHER.

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 383-4

Theodore Parker to Congressman Horace Mann, Saturday Night, March 11, 1850

BOSTON, March 11, 1850.        

Saturday Night.

HON. HORACE MANN.

DEAR SIR,—God bless you for your noble speech which I have just read in the Boston Daily Journal. Send me a copy to keep as a monument of the age when the Websters did as they have done, and oblige

Yours truly,

THEODORE PARKER.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 295

Congressman Horace Mann, March 13, 1850

MARCH 13, 1850.

The hallucination that seizes the South on the subject of slavery, is, indeed, enough to excite our compassion; but an excuse of their conduct to themselves on this ground, would, perhaps, enrage them more than any thing else. I would be willing to offer them any pecuniary indemnity which they might desire. Indeed, I had thought of bringing forward some such idea in my speech; but I feared they would only scout it.

I do not think Mr. Webster can be honest in the views expressed in his speech. I would struggle against a belief in his treachery to the last minute; but this speech is in flagrant violation of all that he has ever said before.

You are in an error in supposing that the exclusion of slavery from the Territories will affect the growth of cotton or rice unfavorably. Slaves are in great demand now for the cotton and rice fields. No production of the Territories would come in competition with their great staples. It is a fear of losing the balance of power, as they call it; and no doubt, in some cases, a fear that this is only a beginning of a war upon slavery in the States themselves. On this latter point, they will not be pacified by any declarations made by the North. Then, again, on this subject they are not a reasoning people.

To recur to Mr. Webster again. He has said some things it was quite unnecessary to say, and some things not true. Look at his interpretation of the admission of Texas! The act was, as he has quoted in his speech, that four new States—no more might be formed from Texas: those south of 36° 30′ might be slave States, and those north must be free States. Now, he says we are bound to admit four slave States. But we are bound to admit only four in the whole. Why, then, admit all these four as slave States, and then others, that is, if we get the consent of Texas, as free States? No: we are to admit but four in the whole; and, as one or two of these are to be free, there must not be four slave. He therefore not only proposes to execute that ungodly bargain, but to give one or two slave States to the South as a gratuity.

So his offer to take the proceeds of the public lands to deport free blacks is of the greatest service to slavery. It is just what the South wants, to get rid of its free blacks. It would enhance the value and the security of the slave property so called. Had he proposed to give the proceeds of the lands to deport manumitted slaves, that would encourage manumission, and be of real service to humanity. Indeed, the more I think of the speech, the worse I think of it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 295-6

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, March 1850

MARCH, 1850.

To S. DOWNER.

MY DEAR FRIEND,—Mr. Webster astonished almost all Northern men here. We are recovering from the shock; but it was a severe one. It was as unexpected as it was astounding. It may seem egotistic in me; but I wish I had not spoken till after he did. I should have liked to ask him how he knows that God has Wilmot provisoed New Mexico. Has he had any new revelation since the North-west Territory needed provisoing, since Wisconsin needed it, since Oregon needed it? Indiana came near being a slave State, proviso and all; and would have been so, if Congress had not rejected her petition, John Randolph, of Virginia, making the report. Has God Wilmot-provisoed the whole belt of country from the eastern side of Delaware to the western side of Missouri, any more than he has New Mexico? and, if so, why has not his proviso taken effect? Is there not a vast region of those States that lies far north of the greater part of New Mexico? Has Mr. Webster any geological eyes by which he has discovered that there are no mines in New Mexico which could be profitably worked by slaves? If predial slavery cannot exist there, cannot menial? Does not slavery depend more on conscience than on climate? If individuals do not desire to carry slavery into New Mexico for personal profit, may not communities and States desire it for political aggrandizement?

As to fugitive slaves, I need say nothing. While Massachusetts citizens are imprisoned in Southern ports, I think fugitive slaves will be gentlemen at large in Massachusetts.

But the offer to give eighty millions received and a hundred and eighty millions expected to be received from the public lands to transport free negroes to Africa, and thereby to give increased value to slaves and increased security to slave property, is atrocious.

Now, would to God that you Free-soilers were not a separate organization! With what power such men as S. C. Phillips, G. Palfrey, William Jackson, and Sumner, could act upon the Whigs, if they were not alienated from them! For Heaven's sake, heal this breach, instead of widening it, and bring the whole force of the North to bear in favor of freedom!

With best love for your wife and your babes and yourself, I am very truly and sincerely yours,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 297-8

Congressman Horace Mann, April 6 1850

APRIL 6, 1850.

Public affairs are looking worse here,―more dangerous for the cause of liberty than ever. The defection of Mr. Webster is dreadful! The Whigs and Free-soilers in Massachusetts are so hostile to each other, that, though the great body of them think alike on the most important subjects, they cannot act together. They fly from each other with hard words, instead of laboring together for the cause of the country.

Since Mr. Webster's speech, the tide of things is changed. The South have taken courage, and are pressing their schemes with renewed energy. Their old skill can hardly be improved.

Being the last bid for the Presidency, this speech of Mr. Webster's was the heaviest; but the other aspirants for the same object do not wish to be outdone or outbid, and so they are taking a strong Southern ground. I fear the cause will be lost. God grant that I may be mistaken!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 299