Sunday, June 21, 2015

John M. Forbes to Sarah Hathaway Forbes, March 6, 1862 – 4 p.m.

Four P. M. Thursday, March 6, 1862.

I left you day before yesterday, well posted up to that time. We had just begun to feel comfortable when another gale sprang up, worse than the first and right ahead, — lasting all day yesterday and up to this morning, when it was again smooth and sunny; but we had lost our chance of reaching Port Royal in time for high tide on the bar. At noon we passed Fort Sumter and Charleston spires in the distance, and were boarded by one of the blockaders for news. It is now blowing half a gale again, and we have got to lie off the bar all night, and until noon tomorrow, making a four days' passage. Yesterday I had nothing to tell except of headache, etc., which made me too miserable to read or write. Today I am about well again, under the more genial air, though still coughing.

We expect to be boarded in about an hour by the pilot-boat, which will take the mail ashore, and I make up my package for the chance of its finding a vessel ready there to go homeward. I should go ashore myself, but that I should there be all adrift, and might be exposed to catching cold; so with my usual prudence I hold on. . . .

To-morrow night I hope to see Will; and now with lots of love to the children and to all who love me, I am as ever,

Yours,
J. M. F.

P. S. — Tell Mack, Billy looks all right after his adventures, though rather sleepy! Whist, too, is bright. Mr. Heard, as I see more of him, seems very feeble. I hope the yacht will get down, so that I may make him comfortable. This rough weather looks rather formidable for her, but she may hit upon a smooth time.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 298-9

Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis, July 14, 1864

Ashfield, 14 July, 1864.

Your notes are so pleasant and add to the worth of our evening mail so much that I wish you would write to me every day. Last night, just at sunset, when Jane and Dora1 and I came back from renewing our youth in gathering the wild raspberries on a beautiful hillside half a mile away, Susan met us just as we came in sight of home, with your note and the other letters and papers which the coach from Deerfield had just brought in. I looked first to see what had become of the world during the day before, to find out whether the raiders had yet reached their fate after scaring Pennsylvania out of its senses and trampling “My Maryland” in the dust, — and finding that we were still cut off from Washington and still the victims of rumors, — I opened your note and was contented.

Ashfield has neither telegraph nor railroad, and but one mail a day, — and it is a good, patriotic, happy little village, that does not believe in being excited, but holds firm to its faith in the country and is quiet in the assurance that the rebels are soon to be on their knees. It is so pleasant a place that I hope you will come up to see it and us while we are here. The scenery all around us is delightful, with the mingled charms of fresh wild nature and the cultivation of cheerful farms. It is prettier than any other scenery I know in Massachusetts, — and is like the tamer parts of the English lake country. The village is as quiet as if every day were Sunday. The people are all well off. There are no poor in the town. The air is cool and fresh, the hills have a fine wind blowing across their tops, the little brooks run singing and leaping down their sides, the fields are gardens of wild fruit, the woods are thick and dark and beautiful as the forest of Broceliande, the glades look like the openings in a park, — one could write Massachusetts idylls or a New England “Arcadia” in this happy, tranquil region of the world. . . .
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1 Mrs. Norton's youngest sister, Miss Theodora Sedgwick.

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 273-4

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Tuesday, August 30, 1864

It is warm and sultry. There are not so many sick and wounded coming in as there were a few days ago. Quite a number, at their own request, are being sent out to the front. When the convalescents are able for duty, they can't stand it to remain here; the first thought is to get back into the lines. Taking care of the sick is no light work, if one does his duty. The worst is that there is so much sad, heart-rending work to do, ministering to the dying, taking down their farewells to be sent to their homes; then after death, we have to roll the bodies in their blankets and carry them to the “deadhouse,” where other hands take charge and bury them without coffin or ceremony.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 212

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, August 31, 1864

The same old thing over again. Nothing new from the front.1 The sick and also the attendants here in the hospital were mustered for pay today. This is muster day throughout the entire army.
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1 Crocker's Iowa Brigade at this time was down at Jonesboro, below Atlanta, stationed on the Atlanta & Montgomery Railroad, which was one of the main roads running into Atlanta from the South. The losses in the brigade while there, were small. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 212-3

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Thursday, September 1, 1864

It is quite warm. Nothing of importance.1 The number of men in the hospitals is decreasing rapidly, for so many are going home on furloughs and no more are coming in.2
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1 On September 1st Crocker's Iowa Brigade advanced from Jonesboro to Flint creek with the remainder of Sherman's army. The loss during the day was light. — A. G. D.

2 This shows how completely in the dark our diarist-nurse was, as to what was going on around Atlanta. — Ed.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 213

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Friday, September 2, 1864

Cloudy and warm — threatened rain. No news.1 I wrote two letters today, one to Lewis Elseffer and one to Mrs. Mary Ham, Iowa City, Iowa.
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1 On this day John Hilton of Company E was severely wounded in the right side at Lovejoy Station. This was the last day's fighting In the siege of Atlanta. Crocker's Iowa Brigade had been under fire eighty-one days out of the eighty-seven days of the siege — from June to September. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 213

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, September 3, 1864

A report1 came in today that General Sherman has his headquarters in Atlanta, and that the rebel army is in retreat with our army after them.2 News came also of the surrender of Fort Morgan at Mobile, Alabama; also that General Grant is shelling Petersburg with fifteen-inch shells. All things are quiet here at Rome, Georgia.
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1 The information was gathered from a poster or news sheet about four inches wide and twenty-two inches long, printed on one side and sold among the soldiers at the hospital. Mr. Downing purchased one, which he has preserved, and thinks he paid ten cents for it. — Ed.

2 General Sherman finally took Atlanta by a bit of strategy. He withdrew his army from the rifle-pits in front of Atlanta, and placing the Twentieth Army Corps across the Chattahoochee river to protect his base of supplies at Marietta, moved with the remainder of the army in a wide circuit by his right flank and got into the rear of Hood's army. It is said that when Sherman made this move, Hood, taking it for granted that Sherman had given up the siege, proclaimed the fact, and he and his army, together with the citizens of Atlanta, began celebrating the event with a great jollification. But when Hood, in the midst of their rejoicings, learned by courier the truth about Sherman's move, and that the Union army was in his rear in full force, he sent orders throughout his camp and the city, calling every man to arms. He Immediately began the evacuation of Atlanta, destroying the ammunition and all army supplies. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 213

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, September 4, 1864

It is cool and quite pleasant. No news of any importance. The boys in my ward are all getting along fine, with the exception of two or three, and it is doubtful whether they will ever again be well.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 213

Saturday, June 20, 2015

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, March 28, 1862

Camp South Of Strasburg, March 28, 1862.

You must be expecting, by this time, to hear some account of what we have been up to for these last ten days. I will give you a journal of things as they have happened.

Last Friday afternoon, our brigade received orders for a four days' march to Centreville, fifty-five miles across the Shenandoah and over the mountains; the Second brigade had gone the day before; the First was to follow us. Our brigade formed line and started at ten Saturday morning, and made a good march of fifteen miles to Snicker's Ferry on the Shenandoah, passing through Berryville; we camped there. Reveille the next morning was beaten at five o'clock; at seven, things were moving; our regiment that day being put in the rear of everything. The Third Wisconsin, Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania, and Twenty-seventh Indiana, had crossed the bridge and half the supply train was over, when a refractory team of mules succeeded in making a bad break, two mules were drowned, and of course our chance of crossing was small until the bridge was repaired.

It was near night before it was ready, and we were ordered to camp again where we were. Reveille Monday morning at five o'clock. Mounted orderlies coming at the gallop brought us news of a fight at Winchester. Our march was countermanded and we were ordered back with a section of artillery and some cavalry to Berryville. Here we stayed, guarding the approaches till noon, when the rest of the brigade came up. Starting at about one, we marched back to Winchester, arriving there just before dark. Our regiment was quartered in some empty warehouses. We officers had the ticket office of the railroad for our quarters. I will give you now an account of the skirmish and fight of Saturday and Sunday, as I have heard it from eye-witnesses and from soldiers engaged. A few hours after the First and Third brigades had marched away from Winchester, Colonel Ashby, with a few hundred cavalry and a battery of artillery, drove in the pickets of General Shields' division, and came with his force almost into town; our side pitched in and took a good many prisoners; no great harm was done except that General Shields had his arm fractured by a shell grazing it.

That night, every precaution was taken to guard against surprise. The next morning, the enemy again appeared in small numbers, and there was cannonading on both sides throughout the day till three o'clock, when their infantry appeared. Our line was formed and the fight began. We had six regiments engaged; their force must have been between seven and eight thousand. The fighting was of the fiercest description for two hours, when the rebels gave way and retreated, leaving in our hands two hundred and forty-two prisoners, and between two and three hundred dead on the field and several hundred wounded. Our loss was about a hundred killed and four or five hundred wounded. The rebels fought as well as they ever can fight. They were close to their homes, numbers of them living in Winchester, and we whipped them by sheer hard fighting at short range. Persons who were near by told me that for two hours there was not an interval of a second between the firing of the musketry. Captain Carey, of our regiment, whose company is on provost marshal duty in Winchester, had a pretty hard duty that night; he had to provide quarters for the wounded of both sides as they were brought into town. All night long they were brought in by the wagon load, every empty house and room in town was filled with them; the poor fellows had to be laid right down on the floor, nothing, of course, being provided for them. Monday they were gradually made more comfortable, yet as late as Monday night, when we arrived in town, there were numbers of wounded who had not seen a surgeon.

Tuesday morning, I went into the Court House, which had been turned into a hospital. In the yard, there were two cannon which we had captured; one of them was taken from us at Bull Run and belongs to a battery in our division. Just in the entrance were about twenty of our men that had died, laid out in their uniform for burial, their faces covered by the cape of their overcoat. The sight inside was of the most painful description; there were sixty or seventy of the wounded in the room, mostly of the enemy, and the most of them very severely wounded. Generally they did not seem to suffer much, but there were some in dreadful agony. I saw one nice-looking young fellow that I pitied very much. He could not have been more than sixteen or seventeen years old, and was mortally wounded, shot through the body. He was sitting up resting against the wall; his eyes were closed and there was almost a smile on his face. You could see, though, by the deathly color of his face, that he had only a few minutes to live. It seemed hard that he should have to die there with no one near that knew him. There was one rebel captain who was shot across the forehead, blinded and mortally wounded, who, when our surgeon attempted to help him, slapped him in the face and said he wouldn't let any “damned Yankee” touch him; he relented, however, in the afternoon and had his wounds dressed. I will say this for our two surgeons, they worked nobly for nearly twenty-four hours without rest.

During the day, the ladies of the town brought a great many comforts to the wounded of their side, but everything was refused for particular individuals, and they became more charitable and gave a great deal of aid to the surgeons.

One of the rebel wounded was George Washington, of the present Sophomore class at Cambridge; as he was brought in, he recognized Lieutenant Crowninshield, who was his classmate, and spoke to him. G. W. is of the old Washington family and, of course, one of the “F. F. Vs.” He was serving as a private; he has been made a great hero of in Winchester; he is said to be mortally wounded.

About ten o'clock, after visiting the hospital, Captains Savage and Russell and myself walked out to the battle-field, four or five miles from town. On the road as we approached it, were the marks of shells, dead horses and cows lying about where they were struck. At the side of the road where our artillery turned off, we found one of our men, the top and back of whose head had been entirely knocked off by a shell. The hardest fighting was along a ridge which the enemy attempted to hold. Along it for nearly a mile, the bodies of our soldiers and those of the enemy were scattered thick, although most of them were the enemy. In one little piece of thick woods, there were at least thirty of the enemy lying just as they fell; they were sheltered by a ledge of rocks, and most of them were shot through the head and had fallen directly backwards, lying flat on their backs with their arms stretched out in an easy, natural manner over their heads. Some were terrible to look at, but others looked as peaceful as if they were asleep. Men killed by a shot scarce ever have an expression of pain on their faces. It is astonishing how much less repulsive the bodies were that were lying about in this manner, than those that were regularly laid out in rows for burial.

The countrymen about here had, when we visited the ground, taken every button and other article of value off the bodies. I saw one who had had a daguerreotype cut out from a case that was hanging around his neck; almost all had had their boots taken off their feet. A number of people were out from Winchester, trying to recognize their townsmen. The bushes and trees here were completely riddled with bullets; there was not a twig the size of your finger that was not cut off, and trees the size of a man's body had every one at least three or four bullets in it. Our men shot remarkably well, as these things go to show. Several soldiers of Captain Carey's company got passes and went out to the fight and joined the Seventh Ohio; they fought well and took two prisoners and two rifles.

One of Captain Quincy's company, who was taken prisoner at Maryland Heights last year, and was released about a month ago, arrived at Winchester, on his way to join the regiment, the day of the fight; he went out to the battle and took a prisoner and a gun. At six o'clock that night (Tuesday), we got marching orders; at seven, we were on the way to Strasburg; we marched thirteen miles to just the other side of Middleton, arriving there between one and two A. M. We built fires here and lay down till daylight, then proceeded on to Strasburg, where we marched into a wood to bivouac. There was a good deal of sleeping done that night although we lay on the ground with nothing over our heads. Thursday morning, as we were quietly sitting around our fires, we heard the long roll beaten at the guard tent. An attack had been made on our outposts, and all disposable forces were marched in that direction. After going four miles, the firing stopped. Our brigade was halted in a fine wood where we are now camping.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 43-8

Major Wilder Dwight: August 26, 1861

Washington, August 26th, 1861.

I am probably to leave for home, i. e. camp, to-morrow. Everything has gone quite well with me. I put up with my classmate, A. S. Hill, who is the correspondent of the Tribune. I slept as well as one can in a bed. To-day I have been in the saddle pursuing quartermasters, providing rations, arranging for a departure to-morrow if possible. I dined with William, and this evening we have been out together to see General Couch's camp. William is in fine spirits, full of energy and go. He is making his regiment as perfect as the material will allow, and is full of his work. I should be glad to feel in trim for a letter, but I am too tired for it now; besides, General Heintzelman, who had a brigade, and was wounded at Bull Run, is in the room where I write, and is talking of the fight with one or two newspaper men who are in Hill's room, which is the Tribune head-quarters. The General is an unpretending man, and his conversation is interesting, my letter not. He says that' a sufficient cause for the loss of the battle of Bull Run is, that a regiment appeared in front of Griffin's battery, within one hundred yards. The cannon were loaded with canister, just ready to fire. An officer of our army came up and begged Griffin not to fire, as the troops were our own. They carried no flag; the cannon were turned, and fired to another point, then the regiment opened fire, killed all the cannoneers, and took the battery. The discharge of that canister would have cut that regiment to pieces, and changed the result in that part of the field.' These words are just from his lips. It shows the importance of a uniform uniform, and it shows the folly of States' rights in every shape. But it is not very profitable to speculate upon the various explanations of defeat. I think we are drawing lessons from that battle. I think, too, that McClellan's spirit is a fine one. Certainly there is more vigor, military ardor, and glow here than with our column. Another influence and a stronger spirit is at work here, and I want to get within its range.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 85

William Frederick Milton Arny

WILLIAM FREDERICK MILTON ARNY was born at Georgetown, District of Columbia, May 9, 1813. He died at Topeka, September 18, 1881. He was educated in the public schools and at Bethany College, Virginia. He was for several years secretary of Bethany, when the celebrated preacher, Alexander Campbell, was its president. He came to Kansas from Illinois in 1855, and settled at Hyatt, now Garnett, where he lived until he moved to New Mexico in 1862, settling at Santa Fe. He was United States Indian agent for the Navajos for several years, when President Lincoln made him secretary of the territory, during much of which time he acted as governor. Upon the expiration of this service he was again appointed Indian agent. He represented New Mexico at the Centennial Exposition, at Philadelphia, in 1876.

Kansas suffered from a severe drought in the year 1860. On the 14th of November, 1860, a territorial relief convention was held at Lawrence. The convention was presided over by Robert B. Mitchell president, and R. G. Elliott and John A. Martin secretaries. A committee was appointed, of which Samuel C. Pomeroy was elected president; Rev. Charles Reynolds, D. D., vice president; James L. McDowell, secretary; George H. Fairchild, treasurer. January 9, 1861, W. F. M. Arny was appointed general shipping agent. A statement by Arny, from the beginning to June 6, 1861, which was probably the end of the business, shows that Arny contracted with railroads for the shipment of 12,722,810 pounds of food, including some seeds, medicines, boots and shoes, and that he received $47,437.96 in money. An auditing committee, composed of S. C. Pomeroy, Rev. Lewis Bodwell, F. P. Baker, and W. W. Guthrie, checked Arny’s accounts up as all right. Thaddeus Hyatt says Arny was “most faithful and unselfish.” The first acknowledgment of goods received was on January 5, 1861, before Arny's time, Pomeroy reporting that he had received 867,619 pounds of goods.

SOURCE: George W. Martin, Editor, Transactions of the Kansas State Historical Society, Volume 7, p. 203

Horace White to John Brown, March 21, 1857

Chicago, March 21, 1857.
Captain John Brown.

My Dear Friend, — I find it quite impossible to prepare a schedule of the property which belongs to you under the New York resolution. It can only be ascertained in the Territory. I am going there myself about the first of next month, and I need not say that yon may command my services at all times. Mr. Arny is there, and with the help of him and Mr. Whitman we shall probably be able to secure everything. At any rate we will work for it. Please let me hear how you are prospering. Write me a line directed to Chicago. If I am not here it will be forwarded to me. State when you expect to be in Kansas. If you should think it undesirable to have one of your letters sent through Missouri, you need not sign your name to it. I shall know the handwriting. I anticipate perilous times; and when the Philistines are upon us, I may possibly be found carrying a bayonet on the right side.

Very truly,
Horace White.

P. S. I suppose the Boston people will fix you out with a return ticket. Perhaps it may not be amiss to send you the enclosed note. If you have other means of procuring just as well a free ticket, I would prefer you would not use this, because the railroads have done very liberally by us, and I do not wish to seem to be bleeding them. I would rather no one but yourself should have the benefit of the enclosed, because our credit with the companies for the future depends somewhat upon the fairness which they experience this summer.1

Again very truly,
H. W.
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1 The note enclosed runs thus :—

Office National Kansas Committee, 11 Marine Bank Building,
Chicago, March 21,1857.

Dear Sir, — Allow me to Introduce Captain John Brown, of Osawatomie, Kansas Territory. If you could consistently give him a trip pass over your road it would be regarded a special favor by the committee, and a personal one to most of us. We shall not be in the habit of making such requests, but in the present instance it is peculiarly wanted, and will be rightly appreciated.

Very respectfully,
Horace White,
Assistant Secretary N. K. Committee.

To C. B. Greenouoh, Esq,, General Ticket Agent, New York & Erie Railroad, New York.
William R Barr, Esq., General Agent Lake Shore Railroad, Buffalo, N. Y.
Dudley P. Phelps, Esq., General Ticket Agent, Michigan Southern Railroad, Toledo, Ohio.

Upon which is the following indorsement in the handwriting of John Brown: “Horace White, March 21, 1857.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 361-2

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, September 1, 1864 - Evening

Near Smithfield, Sept. 1, 1864, Evening.

If you could only just step in here, — such a pretty place for Headquarters, — two wall-tents facing West, in a perfectly green and smooth front-yard with locust and maple trees for shade. On the porch of the house you would have enjoyed seeing five little darkies, the oldest not over six, dancing while the band was playing an hour ago. And to complete it, Berold is right in front looking over the fence very inquisitively at a two-year-old colt that has just been brought in, stolen, — that's the way it was an hour ago, I mean, — it is dark now, but we have a blazing fire of rails which lights up everything gloriously.

Poor McClellan, I am sorry his name is to be dragged through the mud so, — what a contemptible platform! Honestly I believe that if by chance McClellan is elected, the North will split before his four years are passed, and we shall be left in the condition of the South American republics, or worse.

If success to our arms will further Lincoln's chances, I feel as if each one of us, both in the army and at home, had a tenfold motive for exertion now. If McClellan is chosen, I shall despair of the Republic; either half a dozen little republics, or one despotism, must follow, it seems to me. What a state of affairs Governor Brough's proclamation about the draft indicates! I should not like to be an editor now, or at any other time. Don't be alarmed about that, in spite of my fondness for writing!

By the way, I do wish that Sherman's letter could be made, in this campaign, the platform, so far as the contraband question goes. I feel as if the bill for recruiting in the Southern States, and the continual efforts to prove that black troops are altogether as good as white, were going to damage us, and rightly too, for I do not consider either of the above positions tenable, when looked at largely.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 332-3

Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to Brigadier-General Seth Williams, July 12, 1862

Headquarters 2nd Division,
2nd Army Corps,
Harrison's Landing, Virginia,
July 26, 1862.
Brigadier-General S. Williams,
Assistant Adjutant-General,
Army of the Potomac.

General:

In compliance with the circular issued from Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, July 23, 1862, I have the honour herewith to enclose revised lists of the officers and soldiers in the brigades of this division recommended for promotion and reward for meritorious conduct.

Although not personally cognizant of the merits of all of the officers named, I cheerfully endorse the recommendation of the Brigadiers.

I would add a list of those whose conduct, coming more immediately under my personal observation, attracted my especial attention by merit and gallantry.

I would strongly urge the name of Colonel Edward W. Hinks, 19th Massachusetts Volunteers, for the appointment of Brigadier-General. He led his fine regiment through all the actions up to Glendale, where he fell severely wounded. I would also mention Colonel J. T. Owens, 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers. No officer or regiment behaved better.

Lieutenant-Colonel Palfrey, Major Paul J. Revere, and Lieutenant C. L. Peirson and Lieutenant C. A. Whittier of the 20th Massachusetts Volunteers deserve promotion for gallantry on several occasions, especially at Glendale.

Colonel C. H. Tompkins, Chief of Artillery of my staff, rendered distinguished services, behaving with great gallantry on several occasions, especially in the battles of Savage's Station and Glendale.

Captain William D. Sedgwick, my Assistant Adjutant-General, and Lieutenant Church Howe, 15th Massachusetts Volunteers, my aide, have already been recommended for field appointments in Massachusetts regiments. Should they fail to receive such appointments, I would urge promotion for them, if practicable, upon the staff. They were both with me at the battle of Fair Oaks and all the subsequent actions in which this division has been engaged, and their conduct on all occasions has been all I could have wished. I regret to do any seeming injustice by omitting to mention many others who doubtless behaved equally well with those I have mentioned, but I have preferred to limit my recommendations to those whose good conduct I personally and especially witnessed.

I am, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
John Sedgwick,
Brigadier-General Volunteers.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 75-7

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, December 25, 1861

Camp Union, Christmas morning, 1861.

Dearest: — A merry Christmas to you and the little stranger (I suppose he is a stranger to you no longer) — and to all at home. At this home-happiness season, I think of you constantly.

. . . Oh the boys, how they must enjoy Uncle Joe and the presents! You will see they get some from “Uncle Papa” too.

A Dr. Hayes is here as brigade surgeon. Scarcely any sick in our regiment, so Dr. Joe can feel easy about his absence.

Beautiful weather again. Only one bad day. The rest of the Thirtieth has come up. It is now the strongest regiment here. This half is better stuff too and had some service.

Captain Zimmerman takes this. I sent a chair and five hundred dollars, by Captain Sperry. Let Joe tell me what money you have received from me. It is all right, I suppose, but I would like to know. . . .

Affectionately, darling,
R.
Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 169

Francis Lieber to Senator Charles Sumner, December 27, 1861

New York, December 27, 1861.

I wrote to you yesterday, my dear Sumner, and now intend to reply to your letter of the 24th. I must overcome a feeling of restraint, arising from the consciousness that I may present views which, by the time they reach you in your central position, may prove wholly out of the question. The difference of our positions makes the short distance from New York to Washington as long as that which separates a governor-general of the East Indies from the cabinet of St. James. My morning paper reports you to have said that all will come out right as to the “Trent.” If this be true, and if you had arbitration in view, you have probably found reason in your intercourse with Lord Lyons to modify your opinion on the infeasibility of arbitration, expressed in your letter to me.

Civilization will yet arrive, one of these days, at something like an international application of the principle of the Athenians, when Themistocles said that he knew something very useful to Athens, but doubtful as to justice, and they appointed Aristides to receive the secret and to decide what they should do. I wrote to Mr. Cushing at the time of our Oregon troubles, — when we behaved like schoolboys, and the English like men (very different from now), — what a blessed and simple thing it would be if nations could be brought to lay such things before the law faculty of some foreign high university; as some German States sent, in last appeal, important cases to the law faculty of some university not in the country. What, indeed, does an arbitrating monarch do? He gives, of course, the case to his Minister of Justice; and he again, if he is honest, gives it to some eminent jurists. How much more direct — ay, and dignified as well as truthful — would it be to appoint two jurists, with the injunction to elect jointly a third, to decide on knotty international questions! You know I am very positively against a permanent international court of arbitration, in the present state of our civilization. However, all this may be Utopian in the present case. If, then, decision by appeal to reason be still possible, I say, as I said to you before, take Prussia. Everything points to her. If Napoleon has really offered himself, it complicates matters. France would be, in this very case, an inadmissible judge; yet France would take the preference of Prussia, after Napoleon's offer, as a slight. There never was a case inherently more fit for high adjudication.  . . . Well, let us argue the case in court, — a high, impartial court, — and settle a principle. International law is the greatest blessing of modern civilization, and every settlement of a principle in the law of nations is a distinct, plain step in the progress of humanity. The Duke of Orleans said to Cardinal Dubois, when he commenced his regency, Un peu de droiture, mon ami. I wish I could say to the Americans and the English, Un peu de raison, mes amis, un peu de raison. Pardon me that I quoted a scamp.  . . . As to that international commission, or congress, of which I spoke, I did not mean it as in the least connected with the Trent business. I only meant that this business — when a captain of ours thought it clearly and honestly his duty, and the right of his country to do what he did, and when he executed it really with international delicacy — having brought nations to the brink of war, and seemingly bewildered the people of Great Britain, this would be a fair occasion to propose a congress of all maritime nations, European and American, to settle some more canons of the law of nations than were settled at the Peace of Paris, — canons chiefly or exclusively relating to the rights and duties of belligerents and neutrals on the sea; for there lies the chief difficulty. The sea belongs to all; hence the difficulty of the sea police, because there all are equals. I mean no codification of international law; I mean that such a congress, avowedly convened for such a purpose, should take some more canons out of the cloudy realm of precedents than the Peace of Paris did, almost incidentally. Suppose Russia, Austria, Italy, Prussia, France, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, England, the United States, Brazil, Turkey,—all could be induced to send, each power, two jurists (with naval advisers if they chose), does any one, who knows how swelling civilization courses in our history, doubt that their debates and resolutions would remain useless, —even though the whole should lead, this time, to no more than an experiment? All those ideas that are now great and large blessings of our race, having wrought themselves into constitutions or law systems, belonged once to Utopia. Have I ever told you that I always direct the attention of my hearers to a branch of political science which I term Utopiology, — the knowledge of all the Utopias of philosophers, with their advance-guard ideas and their errors? To respect private property at sea, even in peace, was once very Utopian, even when Greece flourished in Periclean splendor. I go farther still, and say that even such a proposition, if made with dignity and simplicity, in a dignified place, free from all influence of “socictics,” but in a manly, statesmanlike way, would be of use, though not adopted. The history of ideas in our civilization points almost always to very narrow incipiencies, like the beginning of the Osman empire, — a standard planted before a tent, and an Osman that did it. There is a historical embryology that is very instructive. I can imagine some twenty canons settled by such a congress, — formulations like those of the Peace of Paris, — that would save much blood, much treasure, much anger. There is no sickly philanthropy in this; you know that I have no morbid feeling about war; what I wish, I wish as an earnest publicist, and in the name of international statesmanship.

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 323-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 12, 1861

Col. Wright has had a race with the Yankees on the North Carolina coast. They fled to their works before his single regiment with such precipitation as to leave many of their arms and men behind. We lost but one man: and he was fat, broke his wind, and died in the pursuit.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 84

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 13, 1861

Another little success, but not in this vicinity. Gen. Anderson, of South Carolina, in the night crossed to Santa Rosa Island and cut up Billy Wilson's regiment of New York cutthroats and thieves, under the very guns of Fort Pickens.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 84

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: January 8, 1864

Snow of the deepest. Nobody can come to-day, I thought. But they did! My girls, first; then Constance Cary tripped in — the clever Conny. Hetty is the beauty, so called, though she is clever enough, too; but Constance is actually clever and has a classically perfect outline. Next came the four Kentuckians and Preston Hampton. He is as tall as the Kentuckians and ever so much better looking. Then we had egg-nog.

I was to take Miss Cary to the Semmes's. My husband inquired the price of a carriage. It was twenty-five dollars an hour! He cursed by all his gods at such extravagance. The play was not worth the candle, or carriage, in this instance. In Confederate money it sounds so much worse than it is. I did not dream of asking him to go with me after that lively overture. “I did intend to go with you,” he said, “but you do not ask me.” “And I have been asking you for twenty years to go with me, in vain. Think of that!” I said, tragically. We could not wait for him to dress, so I sent the twenty-five-dollar-an-hour carriage back for him. We were behind time, as it was. When he came, the beautiful Hetty Cary and her friend, Captain Tucker, were with him. Major von Borcke and Preston Hampton were at the Cary's, in the drawing-room when we called for Constance, who was dressing. I challenge the world to produce finer specimens of humanity than these three: the Prussian von Borcke, Preston Hampton, and Hetty Cary.

We spoke to the Prussian about the vote of thanks passed by Congress yesterday — “thanks of the country to Major von Borcke.” The poor man was as modest as a girl — in spite of his huge proportions. “That is a compliment, indeed!” said Hetty. “Yes. I saw it. And the happiest, the proudest day of my life as I read it. It was at the hotel breakfast-table. I try to hide my face with the newspaper, I feel it grow so red. But my friend he has his newspaper, too, and he sees the same thing. So he looks my way — he says, pointing to me — ‘Why does he grow so red? He has got something there!’ and he laughs. Then I try to read aloud the so kind compliments of the Congress — but — he — you — I can not —“ He puts his hand to his throat. His broken English and the difficulty of his enunciation with that wound in his windpipe makes it all very touching — and very hard to understand.

The Semmes charade party was a perfect success. The play was charming. Sweet little Mrs. Lawson Clay had a seat for me banked up among women. The female part of the congregation, strictly segregated from the male, were placed all together in rows. They formed a gay parterre, edged by the men in their black coats and gray uniforms. Toward the back part of the room, the mass of black and gray was solid. Captain Tucker bewailed his fate. He was stranded out there with those forlorn men, but could see us laughing, and fancied what we were saying was worth a thousand charades. He preferred talking to a clever woman to any known way of passing a pleasant hour. “So do I,” somebody said.

On a sofa of state in front of all sat the President and Mrs. Davis. Little Maggie Davis was one of the child actresses. Her parents had a right to be proud of her; with her flashing black eyes, she was a marked figure on the stage. She is a handsome creature, and she acted her part admirably. The shrine was beautiful beyond words. The Semmes and Ives families are Roman Catholics, and understand getting up that sort of thing. First came the “Palmers Gray,” then Mrs. Ives, a solitary figure, the loveliest of penitent women. The Eastern pilgrims were delightfully costumed; we could not understand how so much Christian piety could come clothed in such odalisque robes. Mrs. Ould, as a queen, was as handsome and regal as heart could wish for. She was accompanied by a very satisfactory king, whose name, if I ever knew, I have forgotten. There was a resplendent knight of St. John, and then an American Indian. After their orisons they all knelt and laid something on the altar as a votive gift.

Burton Harrison, the President's handsome young secretary, was gotten up as a big brave in a dress presented to Mr. Davis by Indians for some kindness he showed them years ago. It was a complete warrior's outfit, scant as that is. The feathers stuck in the back of Mr. Harrison's head had a charmingly comic effect. He had to shave himself as clean as a baby or he could not act the beardless chief, Spotted Tail, Billy Bowlegs, Big Thunder, or whatever his character was. So he folded up his loved and lost mustache, the Christianized red Indian, and laid it on the altar, the most sacred treasure of his life, the witness of his most heroic sacrifice, on the shrine.

Senator Hill, of Georgia, took me in to supper, where were ices, chicken salad, oysters, and champagne. The President came in alone, I suppose, for while we were talking after supper and your humble servant was standing between Mrs. Randolph and Mrs. Stanard, he approached, offered me his arm and we walked off, oblivious of Mr. Senator Hill. Remember this, ladies, and forgive me for recording it, but Mrs. Stanard and Mrs. Randolph are the handsomest women in Richmond; I am no older than they are, or younger, either, sad to say. Now, the President walked with me slowly up and down that long room, and our conversation was of the saddest. Nobody knows so well as he the difficulties which beset this hard-driven Confederacy, he has a voice which is perfectly modulated, a comfort in this loud and rough soldier world. I think there is a melancholy cadence in his voice at times, of which he is unconscious when he talks of things as they are now.

My husband was so intensely charmed with Hetty Cary that he declined at the first call to accompany his wife home in the twenty-five-dollar-an-hour carriage. He ordered it to return. When it came, his wife (a good manager) packed the Carys and him in with herself, leaving the other two men who came with the party, when it was divided into “trips,” to make their way home in the cold. At our door, near daylight of that bitter cold morning, I had the pleasure to see my husband, like a man, stand and pay for that carriage! To-day he is pleased with himself, with me, and with all the world; says if there was no such word as “fascinating” you would have to invent one to describe Hetty Cary.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 272-5

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: October 3, 1862

University Of Virginia.—Arrived here yesterday, and met with a glowing reception from the friends of my youth, Professor and Mrs. Maupin. My sister, Mrs. C, and daughters, staying next door, at Professor Minor's. In less than five minutes we were all together — the first time for many anxious months. They are refugees, and can only hear from home when our army finds it convenient to clear “The Valley” of invaders. One of her sons, dear R., was ordered last winter, by General Jackson, to command a body of soldiers, whom he sent to break the dam in the Potomac, which at that point supplied the Ohio and Chesapeake Canal with water — (it also worked his mother's mill) — and the breaking of which, if effectually done, would prevent the Yankees from using the canal for transportation. This dangerous project was undertaken most cheerfully, and was most thoroughly effected. It was necessarily done in the night, to elude the vigilance of the Yankees on the Maryland shore. In the dead hour of the winter's night did some of the first gentlemen's sons in the South, who happened to belong to that portion of the army, work up to their waists in water, silently, quietly, until the work was finished; nor were they discovered until day dawned, and revealed them retiring; then shot and shell began to fall among them furiously. One of the brave band fell! Notwithstanding their danger, his companions could not leave him, but lifted him tenderly, and carried him to a place of safety, where he might at least have Christian burial by sympathizing friends. The large old mill, which had for many years sent its hundreds and thousands of barrels of flour to the Baltimore and Georgetown markets, still stood, though its wheels were hushed by the daring act of the night before. It had been used of late by the Yankees for their own purposes. The enemy seemed to have forgotten to destroy it, but the Union men could not allow their old friend and neighbour, though the widow of one whom they had once delighted to honour, to have such valuable property left to her; they immediately communicated to the Yankees that it belonged to the mother of the leader of the party who broke the dam. It was, of course, shelled and burned to the ground, except its old stone walls, which defied their fury; but if it helped the cause, the loss of the property did not weigh a feather with the family. This son has just been promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Second Regiment. His mother expressed her gratification, but added, that he had been so successful as captain of the company which he had raised, drilled, and led out from his own county, that she dreaded a change; besides, in that Second Regiment so many field-officers had fallen, that she had almost a superstitious dread of it. My dear R., his heart is so bound up in the cause, that self-preservation is the last thing that ever occurs to him. Oh! I trust that all evil may be averted from him.

It is sad to see these elegant University buildings, and that beautiful lawn, which I have always seen teeming with life and animation, now almost deserted. Two of the Professors are on the field; the Professors of Medicine and Surgery are surgeons in the neighbouring hospitals, and Dr. B. is Assistant Secretary of War. Others, unfitted by age and other circumstances for the service, are here pursuing their usual avocations with assiduity, but through many difficulties. The students are mere boys, not arrived at military age, or, in a few instances, wounded soldiers unfit for service. The hospitals at Charlottesville are very large, and said to be admirably managed. Every lady at this place, or in town, seems to be actively engaged in making the patients comfortable. The kitchens are presided over by ladies; each lady knows her own day to go to a particular kitchen to see that the food is properly prepared and served to the patients — I mean those who are confined to their beds or wards — the regular “matrons” do every thing else. This rich country supplies milk, butter, fruit, vegetables, fresh meat, etc.; and all kinds of delicacies are prepared by the ladies. Our friends, Dr. and Mrs. M., have sons in the field. The elder, though not of military age at the time, shouldered his musket at the first tap of the drum; he would not be restrained. When I saw him, with his slight figure and boyish look, in his uniform and soldier's trappings, my heart sank within me, as I remembered that ’twas but as yesterday that this child, with his picture beauty, was the pet of the household. Now he is quite a veteran; has fought on many a field; scorns the idea of danger; prides himself on being a good soldier; never unnecessarily asking for furloughs, and always being present at roll-call. The second son, but sixteen, as his father would not allow him to enlist, has gone as an independent in a cavalry company, merely, he said, for the “summer campaign.” Ah! in this “summer campaign,” scarcely equalled in the annals of history, what horrors might have come! But he has passed through safely, and his father has recalled him to his college duties. Their mother bears the separation from them, as women of the South invariably do, calmly and quietly, with a humble trust in God, and an unwavering confidence in the justice and righteousness of our cause.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 161-4