Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, February 10, 1866

Was last night at a loud-heralded and large party given by Marquis Montholon, the French Minister. Am inclined to believe there was something political as well as social in the demonstration. No similar party has been given by the French Minister for five years.

The Naval Appropriation Bill has been before the House this week, when demagogues of small pattern exhibited their eminent incapacity and unfitness for legislation. It is a misfortune that such persons as Washburne and Ingersoll of Illinois and others are intrusted with important duties. Important and essential appropriations for the navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola were stricken out, because they are in the South; in Boston because it is a wealthy community. Without knowledge, general or specific, the petty demagogues manifest their regard for the public interest and their economical views, by making no appropriations, or as few as possible for the Navy, regardless of what is essential. "We have now Navy enough to thrash England and France," said one of these small Representatives in his ignorance; therefore [they] vote no more money for navy yards, especially none in the Southern States.

Sumner made me his usual weekly visit this P.M. He is as earnest and confident as ever, probably not without reason. Says they are solidifying in Congress and will set aside the President's policy. I inquired if he really thought Massachusetts could govern Georgia better than Georgia could govern herself, for that was the kernel of the question: Can the people govern themselves? He could not otherwise than say Massachusetts could do better for them than they had done for themselves. When I said every State and people must form its own laws and government; that the whole social, industrial, political, and civil structure was to be reconstructed in the Slave States; that the elements there must work out their own condition, and that Massachusetts could not do this for them, he did not controvert farther than to say we can instruct them and ought to do it, that he had letters showing a dreadful state of things South, that the colored people were suffering beyond anything they had ever endured in the days of slavery. I told him I had little doubt of it; I had expected this as the first result of emancipation. Both whites and blacks in the Slave States were to pass through a terrible ordeal, and it was a most grievous and melancholy thing to me to witness the spirit manifested towards the whites of the South who were thus afflicted. Left to themselves, they have great suffering and hardship, without having their troubles increased by any oppressive acts from abroad.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 430-1

Rev. John Eaton Jr. to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 23, 1863

[Washington, July 23, 1863]

I have had one interview with the Secy of War & two with the President. Every one in the Gove't & many out of it appear to be thinking strongly towards this subject but as yet it seems likely to be accomplished only by pieces, &, in the Secy's office there would appear to be lack of well defined system in what has already been undertaken. The Secy understands that he has an officer to attend to such subjects but the office does not understand that his instructions embrace them:—simply the organisation of colored troops:—yet all matters connected with these organisations in you Dept. are now determined by Ajt. Genl. Thomas—refered to him as they arrive. His health though better is such that he is kept away at lighter duty. It would have gratified me could I have placed before Mr. Stanton a more general & comprehensive view of the facts in the Dept in regard to these people. He asked me who appointed me to the charge of these people as if he did [not] know anything had been done for them save through the Commissioners. He is evidently well disposed towards you. Bothe interviews with the Prest. were full of interest—the last very lengthy. He spoke with great freedom of his difficulties, so much so as to charge me with silence & perhaps as I send this by the customary mail, I had better omit the details. He remarked that it gratified him to know the observation of so many facts in your Dept. had suggested plans which agreed in the main with the outline ideas in his own mind. He is pleased that you have made them so useful to the army, and that your management of them meets present exigencies without attempting to determine impossibilities. He has heard that Mr. Dana has said that you had remarked that you could not have taken Vicksburg had it not been for the proclamation; but as he was not assured that Mr. Dana had said it he doubted somewhat whether you made so strong a statement. The order that you prepared to issue I am confident will give satisfaction here. I think the President would prefer these people should be called freed-men or freed people though he is not so particular as Mr. Chase who said to me he would not read a doccument that had the term contraband in it. It appears several prominent gentlemen have been directed to gather matter upon the whole subject of the management of these people & the Prest. has directed me to go to N. York & see two of them Hon. Messrs. Owen & McKay. Mr. Lincoln with every body of loyal sentiments is taking great satisfaction in the issue of your operations. He was full of it, repeated your last despatches, laughed over your capture of cattle, read his letter to you. He had a map of your operations on a tripod in his room. Those who made such effort to interfere with you, now are ashamed to aver it. Mr. Washburne's course in support of you is greatly commended. Genl. Sherman is being strongly vindicated. At Cincin. I met the two Societies that have been furnishing us supplies; at Columbus among others Ex Gov. Dennison, Gov. Todd, Ajt Genl. Hill, Judge Swayne—every where I am unable to say enough. I hope my visit will not only result in good at W. but in various ways in other directions—I enclose some of the many straws which indicate how the wind blows. Hoping your health is good & that your efforts will be crowned with every success.

[John Eaton Jr.]

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 343-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, September 23, 1864

Montgomery Blair

No business of importance brought before the Cabinet to-day. Some newspaper rumors of peace, and of letters from Jeff Davis and others, all wholly groundless. Seward and Fessenden left early. Mr. Bates and myself came out of the Executive Mansion together and were holding a moment's conversation, when Blair joined us, remarking as he did so, “I suppose you are both aware that my head is decapitated, — that I am no longer a member of the Cabinet.” It was necessary he should repeat before I could comprehend what I heard. I inquired what it meant, and how long he had had the subject submitted or suggested to him. He said never until to-day; that he came in this morning from Silver Spring and found this letter from the President for him. He took the letter from his pocket and read the contents, — couched in friendly terms, — reminding him that he had frequently stated he was ready to leave the Cabinet when the President thought it best, etc., etc., and informing him the time had arrived. The remark that he was willing to leave I have heard both him and Mr. Bates make more than once. It seemed to me unnecessary, for when the President desires the retirement of any one of his advisers, he would undoubtedly carry his wishes into effect. There is no Cabinet officer who would be willing to remain against the wishes or purposes of the President, whether right or wrong.

I asked Blair what led to this step, for there must be a reason for it. He said he had no doubt he was a peace offering to Frémont and his friends. They wanted an offering, and he was the victim whose sacrifice would propitiate them. The resignation of Frémont and Cochrane was received yesterday, and the President, commenting on it, said F. had stated "the Administration was a failure, politically, militarily, and financially,” that this included the Secretaries of State, Treasury, War, and Postmaster-General, and he thought the Interior, but not the Navy or the Attorney-General. As Blair and myself walked away together toward the western gate, I told him the suggestion of pacifying the partisans of Frémont might have been brought into consideration, but it was not the moving cause; that the President would never have yielded to that, except under the pressing advisement, or deceptive appeals and representations of some one to whom he had given his confidence. “Oh,” said Blair, “there is no doubt Seward was accessory to this, instigated and stimulated by Weed.” This was the view that presented itself to my mind, the moment he informed me he was to leave, but on reflection I am not certain that Chase has not been more influential than Seward in this matter. In parting with Blair the President parts with a true friend, and he leaves no adviser so able, bold, sagacious. Honest, truthful, and sincere, he has been wise, discriminating, and correct. Governor Dennison, who is to succeed him, is, I think, a good man, and I know of no better one to have selected.

Blair has just left me. I was writing and just closing the preceding page as he called. He says he has written his resignation and sent it in or rather handed it to the President. The letter from the President which he received this morning was to him entirely unexpected. But, though a surprise, he thinks it right and will eventuate well. That Seward has advised it he does not doubt, though the President does not intimate it. But the President tells him that Washburne recommended it. Strange if the President is influenced by so untruthful, unreliable, and mean a man as Washburne. But Washburne thinks it will help the President among the Germans. The President thinks it is necessary to conciliate Weed (he might have said Chase also) who, with his friends, defeated Wadsworth for Governor two years ago. Such are Blair's conclusions and, I may add, my own. Yet I cannot but think there must be something ulterior, for it is unlike the President to dismiss an acknowledged and true friend, a public officer who has, he says, discharged his duties well and against whom there is no complaint. Why, then, is he dismissed or asked to resign, when there is no cause? My impression is that the President does not intend to part with Blair, and I shall be disappointed if he is not recalled, perhaps to some other position in the Cabinet, perhaps to act in an important capacity for the restoration of the Union. But this is all speculative.¹

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¹ At a subsequent period the President informed me that Mr. Chase had many friends who felt wounded that he should have left the Cabinet, and left alone. The Blairs had been his assailants, but they remained and were a part of the Administration. This Mr. C. and his friends thought invidious, and the public would consider it a condemnation of himself and an approval of the Blairs. If Montgomery Blair left the Cabinet, Chase and his friends would be satisfied, and this he (the President) thought would reconcile all parties, and rid the Administration of irritating bickerings. He considered both of them his friends, and thought it was well, as Chase had left, that Blair should go also. They were both in his confidence still, and he had great regard for each of them.

The relations of Stanton with Blair were such that it was difficult for the two to remain and preserve the unity and freedom necessary for good administration and social intercourse. It was not Seward's policy to advise the dismissal of Blair, but he would strenuously urge that Stanton, between whom and Blair there was hostility, should be retained. At this time the President was greatly embarrassed by contentions among his friends, by nominal Republicans, by intense radicals, and the strong front of the Democrats. — G. W.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 156-8