. . . We have no
indications yet of what is likely to be done with the Texas Boundary Bill. The
subject presents some points of real difficulty. Different views will be taken
of the same facts, according to the party medium through which they are seen.
We are in trying times; but I never felt my mind clearer and stronger to do the
right, and defy consequences.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 316
Since the children
of Mammon have opened their batteries upon me, Downer writes me frequently, and
says the wisest things about political and personal affairs. He is so much
ahead of the age, that He seems not few will appreciate him. He seems not to
have any power to lead or create a party; but he has more wisdom than
four-fifths of those who constitute parties. He proves all the good things I
have ever thought of him.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 316
MY DEAR SIR,—The
only question on which the sincere friends of freedom here have any doubt is
the Texas Boundary Bill. Most of us, I think, will go against this as it now
is; but suppose it could be amended so as to conform its northern line to that
of the Compromise Bill, and suppose also we could strike out the provision
which secures the right to Texas to bring forth four slave States, what would
then be your opinion about suffering it to pass, or helping to pass it? This
boundary properly settled, I think we could count upon all the rest as free
territory.
I see the
"New-Bedford Standard," a Democratic Free-soil paper, comes out for
the boundary as it is. So does the "Nantucket Inquirer." So, I am
told, does the "Ploughman," a neutral paper. Doubtless the Whig
papers will generally come out for it.
There is to be a
competition between the old Hunkers of both parties for Southern support. On
this Texan boundary question, I prophesy they will carry the country with them.
On the Territorial questions, country or no country, I will never go with them.
Either no Territorial governments, or governments with the Wilmot Proviso in
them.
Please give me, as
soon as you can, your opinion on the boundary matter, and I shall prepare
myself for doing what, under all the circumstances, seems to be best for the
cause.
Your last letter was
very gratifying. You seem to me to take the most just, practical, as well as
theoretical view of things.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 317
I stay at home this
morning to write to you. I long to be at home; but the time of our departure
cannot be seen by any political astronomer. There is a probability that we
shall come to some of the exciting questions this week. We are as ready now to
meet them as we ever shall be. The great influence of Mr. Webster is brought
with full force to bear against all security for freedom in the Territories.
His name, his reputation for talent, and, above all, his power of patronage and
influence in the Government, tell with prodigious force upon all measures. His
going into the cabinet may be the salvation of Mr. Fillmore's administration;
but it is even more likely that it will be fatal to the cause of freedom. See
what comes of intellect without morality!
We had another
furious storm last night. It reminded me of the last, the one in which Sumner's
brother and Margaret Fuller were lost; and, when I hear the winds howl and
sweep so at night, my mind always goes out to watch along the seashore, and
then I cannot but see what the next papers relate of disaster and death. I
always had a special horror for a shipwreck. It seems to me the most terrible
form of death that is not ignominious. If, however, — and I often have a vivid
intellectual perception of this, regarded death as we should, it would cease to
be the dreadful spectre that it now is. How much of this, in all after-life,
must depend upon education!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 316-7
WASHINGTON, Aug. 25, 1850.
I must say, my dear Downer, for the friendliness of
your letters turns the esteem and regard which I have always had for you into
affection.
Your view of the
difficulty of my case corresponds exactly with mine. The sentiment of the old
catch, "I cares for nobody, and nobody cares for me," is perfectly
true when applied to parties. No party has felt that I was in full communion
with it. The "communication," as the magnetizers say, has not been
established. They may have believed, what always was and always will be true,
that, while ready to do any thing for their principles, I would not sell myself
to their partisan schemes. Hence, in a crisis like this, they feel that I am
not the man for them.
From all that I
learn, I am led to suppose, that, while every thing is done against me that can
be done in the lower part of the county, there is a state of entire quiescence
in the upper. From those parts of the district which are in Plymouth and
Middlesex Counties, I hear almost nothing. I have letters from different parts
of the State which are as complimentary as my most partial friends could
desire. They speak of the universal disaffection there is towards Webster, and
of the sympathy there is for me. But these are away from commercial and
manufacturing localities. In such resorts, and among men engaged in business,
who are susceptible on the Mammon side of their nature, I suppose Webster is
all powerful. Never was a greater influence exerted than his friends are
exerting now, here as well as at home; and I think that the Territories have as
good a chance to come in without the proviso as California has to be admitted
as a free State.
It is impossible for
the friends of freedom at home to take any but the most general positions now.
Within the coming
month, there will be developments which will have decisive influences upon
parties and individuals. No conventions should be held till after the
adjournment of Congress. We shall then see what foe we have to meet, and what
weapons we have to fight with.
On the Texas
Boundary Bill I may have an opportunity to say something, though not much at
length. Texas has been allowed to slide or steal into possession of a great
extent of territory to which she has no right,—all, or almost all, between the
Nueces and the Rio Grande, from the Gulf up to New Mexico. The New-Mexicans, by
fixing the boundary in their constitution at 32° on the east side of the Rio
Grande, have cut their friends off from all attempt to give them any thing
below. My impression is, that if the Texan Boundary Bill were amended so as to
adopt the compromise line, -that is, starting from twenty miles above El Paso,
and going north-east to the south-west corner of the Indian Territory,—and if
the provision were stricken out which gives Texas a right to an additional
slave State, it would be best to vote for it. Please to tell me what you think
of this, as soon as convenient.
I do not know
exactly on whom to rely in these times. . . . I will send you one or two
letters, that you may see what people say to me. . . . Please return these
letters to me. I receive any amount of this kind, —paper abuse, much more than
the amount of the news
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 317-9
WASHINGTON, Aug. 28, 1850.
MY DEAR DOWNER, I
received yours of the 26th to-day. We are at last at the hand-to-hand
encounter. The Texas Boundary Bill is up. The Omnibus is to be reconstructed,
or there will be an attempt to do it, and then the Devil is to be harnessed in
to take it through by daylight. I tremble for the fate of freedom. I fear our
only hope will repose at last on the Territories themselves. A motion is now
pending to amend the Boundary Bill by adding substantially the New-Mexico and
Utah Territorial Bills to it. Then another motion will be made to add
California to that. This is the bait. It is hoped that the friends of freedom
will not venture to vote against adding California, so that this amendment will
be easily effected. But then, California being on the amendment, it is hoped
that this will carry over a sufficient Northern force to sustain the whole;
that is, there are men who will not dare to vote for New Mexico and Utah
without the proviso, who will venture to face their constituents, if, at the
same time, they can say they have secured freedom to California. But while
there is life there is hope.
The inference which
you draw from the entire silence of every one of my acquaintances in the city
is inevitable. However painful, it forces itself irresistibly upon my mind, I have not a friend among them. While I
seemed prosperous, and had the leading men of the public on my side, they
professed friendship; but now, when I am away, and when a most extraordinary
conjuncture of circumstances has exposed me to the raking fire of all the sons
of Mammon and all the sycophants of power, I see that they are as heedless of
me, my character, my interests, my feelings, as though I were one of the slaves
whom they are willing should be created. It is saddening, disheartening. I feel
it for myself some: I feel it for human nature more. But will I ask them to
come to my rescue, and fulfil the promise which years of intimacy and of
professions have made? No: I will perish before I will beg. And as for this war
in favor of liberty, and against its contemners, high or low, I will pray God
for life and strength to carry it on while I live, and for the spirit that will
bequeath it to my children when I die.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 319-20
ΑUG. 28.
The moneyed interest
of the South protects slavery; and the moneyed interest at the North,
especially in Massachusetts, or wherever cotton is manufactured, sympathizes
with that at the South. One wants slaves to produce the cotton: the other wants
many slaves to make cotton cheap. Hence they go together as far as they dare;
and our friend ——— said to somebody, he "didn't care a damn if there was
another slave State,"—so much has the love of money gangrened his generous
soul!
At last the cominus, or hand-to-hand fight, has
come. The Texas Boundary Bill is before us. A very good spirit seems to exist
this morning; that is, there is a great deal of joking and laughing going on
all over the house. Perhaps, however, it is on the principle that persons are prolific
of bon-mots when about to be hung.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 320
AUG. 29.
The first question
about the Boundary Bill was, "Shall it be rejected?" This was decided
in the negative by a very large vote; all its friends as it stands in its
present shape, and all who thought it could be put by amendments into an
acceptable shape, voting in the negative. Every one voted in the negative,
except those who were determined to go against the bill at all events. Then
came an amendment to attach the New-Mexico and Utah Bills. This is now pending.
Should it prevail, then another amendment will be offered to attach the
California Bill to it; and this will reconstruct the Omnibus.
An attempt will be
made to manage the case, as by parliamentary tactics, to prevent us from taking
a direct vote on the Wilmot Proviso, and thus save some of the Northern
doughfaces from the odium which a direct adverse vote on that question would
inflict. The Speaker, being in favor of the bills, will recognize the right men
at the right time, so as to help forward the measure. I have the greatest fears
that all is lost.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 320-1
JULY 23, 1850.
Yesterday Mr. Clay
made his closing speech on the Compromise Bill. He spoke three hours and ten
minutes, and seemed to retain his vigor and mental activity to the last. It is
certainly very remarkable. He is now in his seventy-fourth year. For more than
two months, he has sat in his seat every day, listening to the attacks made
upon his favorite measures, occasionally replying when he thought it expedient,
sometimes by a speech of half an hour, and always alive and on the alert; and
now, at the end of this long and intense vigilance, he makes a speech of more
than three hours, full of energy and skill, and comes out of it alive. He is
certainly an extraordinary man, prepared by nature to do great and good things,
but has not fulfilled his destiny in regard to the latter.
Every day of my life
impresses the conviction upon me more and more, how important is the early
direction given to the sentiments as well as to the intellect. There is now
power enough among the educated men of the country to save it, if that power
were rightly directed.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 309
JULY 27, 1850.
One of our
colleagues, Mr. Daniel P. King of Danvers, is dead. . . . What a series of
startling events befall us! and yet how little they are heeded! As we sail
along, the cry is raised, “A man overboard!" There is a momentary arrest;
but soon the ship is on its way again as if nothing had happened. There is no
place so good to die in as at the post of duty. When Smith O'Brien was on his
trial for treason in Ireland, and while he was sitting in the dock, which is
the criminal box, he was asked for his autograph; upon which he wrote,
"Whether on the gallows high,
Or in the battle's van,
The fittest place for man to die
Is where he dies for man."
A noble sentiment,
beautifully expressed!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 309
JULY 29, 1850.
We have just heard
that Mr. Winthrop has been appointed senator to fill the place made vacant by
Mr. Webster. Under the circumstances, the duty of appointing devolved upon Gov.
Briggs. I am so certain, that I can almost say I know this appointment has been
very disagreeable to Gov. Briggs, and that he has been forced into it by the
Webster influence. The promotion, and therefore indorsement, of Mr. Webster by
President Fillmore, has given the proslavery party a prodigious advantage in
this contest. If the South, and their proslavery friends at the North, do not
carry this measure, it will be almost like a miracle. But there is a goodly
number of us who will stand firm. For my part, I would rather have the feeling
of free thought and free speech within me than to have the highest office which
the nation can bestow.
The Compromise Bill
is coming to a crisis, and the contest becomes intense. Two tie-votes were
taken yesterday in the Senate on important amendments, which shows how nearly
parties are divided.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 310
WASHINGTON, July 31,
1850.
MY DEAR DOWNER,—You
could not have given me any proof of your friendship so acceptable as in
writing to me with the frankness you have done. I am astonished at the idea
that my notes were unjustifiably severe in the apprehension of any reasonable
man. It is, as it seems to me, nothing but truth that gives them an edge. In
what might be called harshness or bitterness, or, to use a still harder word,
vindictiveness, my references to Webster, compared with his contemptuous and
supercilious manner to me, were as honey to vitriol.
However, if I have
gone beyond the point, in attacking Mr. Webster, at which the sympathy of the
public is on my side, then I have made a mistake; but I do not feel that I have
done a wrong. It cannot, however, be expected that my friends will attack him
as his do me, or that mine will defend me as his do him. Besides, and this, I
think, accounts for the most of it, since my notes were written, he has not
only escaped the doom which awaited him as a Massachusetts senator, but has
passed into a place of great power and influence. All are now looking at him as
a man having almost the nation's patronage at his disposal, and as interested
to carry out measures which will pay in gold. But I have no such prerogative,
and therefore must suffer. This is my explanation of the matter. Could it have
been possible that our fortunes could have been changed, I believe the result
would have been changed also.
You speak of my not
having written to you. It is too true. But I have been so worn down with what
seemed indispensable to be done, that I have not found time, and could not, as
I sometimes do, make it. . . . I wish would write me often. Tell me in frankness
every thing that will be of service to me, and all in which I feel interested,
whether I reply or not. Your letters are always so welcome to me, that, if you
could know how glad I am to receive them, it would be some compensation to you
for writing them.
I have not time to
go into political speculations. The Compromise Bill will probably pass the Senate
to-day, or almost certainly to-morrow. . . .
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 310-1
AUG. 5, 1850.
We are rejoiced at
the defeat of the Omnibus Bill. It strengthens the chances of the Territories
for freedom. All delay in admitting California, that comes from slavery, will
intensify their hatred of it. However the questions may be decided in Congress,
the chances are increasing, that the Territories, by their own action, will
exclude it. This, too, is the best mode in which the work can be done; for
there are many at the South who would all but rebel, if not actually do so,
should Congress prohibit slavery, who would still allow it if the Territories
themselves prohibit it. Several of the Southern States have actually resolved
that they would resist if Congress should pass the proviso; but none have dared
to utter a threat if the inhabitants of the Territories legislate it into existence.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 311
AUG. 7, 1850.
The President's
message, yesterday, on the subject of the Texan boundary, gives general
satisfaction. The extreme Southern men, who are for the doctrine of States
Rights, or nullification, or secession, of course denounce it. But the
Constitution men from all parts of the country will, I think, uphold it. . . .
Mr. Webster's letter to Gov. Bell is deprecatory in its tone, — a letter
coaxing or fearful or timid. The prospect now is that there will be a
settlement of the most exciting and alarming topics before Congress, and that
the country will have peace out of the commotion in which it is now involved.
It may postpone the close of the session for a few days, or even weeks; but
this we must bear for the general good.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 311-2
Aug. 15. The House
is engaged in an earnest debate on the subject of the President's message about
Texas; the North generally defending and upholding it, while the South is
declaiming against it con furore. The
South is becoming, to appearance, more desperate; and the men talk treason as
they take their daily meals. We are to have warm times here before we leave.
Calling the yeas and nays, and practising all manner of delays, will be
resorted to, no doubt; and we shall have one or two night sessions. But it is
thought we are strong enough to divide, and work by relays; that is, one half
of us stay by for twelve hours, and the other half for the next twelve.
MY DEAR SIR,—Perhaps
you will think my prophesying is not from above, because I said the Compromise
Bill would pass on the very day that it didn't. But I was deceived, in common
with almost everybody else. At the time I wrote you, I had not seen the
"Morning Intelligencer" or "Union" of that day, but
observed afterwards that both of them anticipated its passage almost certainly.
It was a most extraordinary combination of circumstances that defeated it,
wholly unexpected by either friend or foe.
You have written me
a most excellent letter—your last—full of wisdom and truth. I suppose the issue
is made up in Boston, and that Websterism is to be triumphant. Of course,
“outer darkness must be the fate of all who do not bow down before the image
that he sets up. You speak of my defying it and assailing it. I feel just as
you speak; but is not the time now.
New events will
develop themselves before the adjournment of Congress; and we shall not know
where to plant ourselves until we see the results of present movements. If we
were to take any ground today, the chance is that some new event would change
the whole aspect of affairs, and render the application of the wisest counsels
ineffectual. When the session is over, we shall see what is before us, and what
is behind.
I shall not be
surprised even if California is not admitted this session, or, if admitted,
then admitted on such terms as would make us all prefer that it should remain
where it is. . . .
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 312-3
MY DEAR SIR,—Nothing
is more agreeable to me than your letters. I feel, on seeing them, that the
whole world has not abandoned me, which many other things that I see would
almost make me believe.
In yours of the 8th
inst., you suggest that I should present myself before the public again, and,
as I understand you, without delay. But, in the first place, have I any chance
to be heard in such a storm? I fear not. . . .
And again the new
leaves of the history of the country are turning over so fast, that comments
upon the text on one leaf are almost superseded by what the next suggests. It
is impossible to say what is to be the result of the session which must now be
drawing to a close. Suppose, which is not impossible, that California should
not be admitted: in that fact, there would be thunder enough to frighten
Jupiter. Suppose, if California should be admitted, Territorial Governments
should be formed without the proviso that single fact would put more weapons of
war into one's hands than Vulcan could forge in a twelvemonth. When the session
closes, however, things will have, at least for a time, more of a fixed
character.
Aug. 12. Since
writing the above, I have seen the "Dedham Gazette" of Saturday,
which has a very strong article against Webster and his body-guard, and
therefore indirectly in my favor. There is one peculiarity about that editor's
articles on this subject. He never approves my course or defends me, unless
when, by so doing, he can put the Whigs in the wrong. Such defence is almost as
bad as a direct condemnation; for when any Whig finds his own party placed in
the wrong, and me in the right, for no other reason than because I differ from
them, it prejudices him against me more than any thing else could. It turns
out, therefore, that my standing on independent ground, and not pledged to any
party, leaves me without any support whatever arising from partisan feeling,
and exposed to all the violence of opposition which can arise from that source.
This is the political misfortune of my position; but conscience got me into the
scrape, and conscience must sustain me through it.
The “Norfolk-County
Journal" of Saturday contains a very pointed article on me. It says
nothing about the future; but I should not be surprised if it meant as much as
the "Courier" has expressed. . . . But this thing occupies my
thoughts too much, and I am afraid it does yours. . . .
MY DEAR SIR,—I have
yours of the 10th inst., in which you say, "I do not hear that any of your
friends are hearing from you." If you had heard of any such thing, you
would have heard of what does not exist. I have written to but one friend in my
district since the first clap of thunder that opened the storm: that was to my
friend Clap, of whom I spoke to you. To whom can I write, and what can I say? I
hope I am not entirely without friends, personal at least, if not political. .
. . But what can I write to them? They do not write to me; and my bump of
self-esteem is not large enough to enable me to thrust myself before them, and
intimate a desire of being defended by them. I should like very well, if not
too much trouble, to have you introduce yourself to E. W. Clap. I think, if I
have a zealous friend in the world, he is one. He lives out in the country, and
sees many of the Boston men who go out into the country to sleep. The noisy,
clamorous Whigs never had much political liking for me. I was not sufficiently
subservient to party discipline. . . .
It seems a great
pity now that I had not formally declined being a candidate before this outbreak.
Then I could have stood my ground, and bade them defiance before the people;
nor should I have any doubt, under such circumstances, what their decision
would be. But now there is so much in what you say about my declining looking
like fear, or, at any rate, being construed into fear, that, in the present
condition of things, I hate to do it. Still, if it has got to be done before a
nominating convention meets, perhaps it should be done before long. It will be
hardly safe for any convention to act before the close of the session of
Congress; for it will be impossible to tell how things are to be left at the
end of it.
. . . Your
friendship seems a thousand times more valuable now, in my need, than when, in
former days, I knew it to be worth so much.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 314-5
JUNE 17, 1850.
This is Bunker-Hill
day; but, though the cause of human liberty is intrusted to us now, there is
not much of the Bunker-Hill spirit here. Compared with our fathers, we have
become a most mercenary race. With many, human freedom is a light affair, when
placed in the scale against money; and Mars and Mammon are the greatest gods in
the Pantheon.
We are just now
taking a vote to give a portion of the public lands to the States, to be
appropriated to the support of institutions for the insane, the deaf and dumb,
blind, &c. Almost all the public lands have hitherto been given to the States
in which they are situated; and, generally, more for business and economical
purposes than for charitable ones. What a glorious fund it would be, if all the
public lands, or their proceeds, could be consecrated to education and to the
amelioration of human suffering! I had a dream of this sort once, but shall
never be able to realize it. . . . The preliminary vote has passed by more than
three to one!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 302-3
JUNE 18, 1850.
Yesterday Mr.
Webster made his last and special declaration. A motion was pending, that it
should be no objection to the admission of any State hereafter to be formed out
of the territory ceded by Mexico, that is, California, Utah, or New
Mexico,—that its constitution should recognize or provide for or establish
slavery. The present Congress, it is admitted on all hands, has no power to act
on that subject; but the movement was designed to give some moral power to the
claims of slavery hereafter, should such claims be made. Mr. Webster took a
retrospect of his whole course since the 7th
of March speech, his Newburyport letter, &c., and declared that he had
seen, heard, and reflected nothing which had not confirmed him in the soundness
of his opinion; and so, in the most solemn manner, he declared his purpose to
go for the bill. I think it will pass the Senate beyond all question. I fear it
will also pass the House. It is said that Mr. Clay put in the provision about
buying out the claims of Texas at some eight or ten or twelve millions of
dollars, for the very purpose of securing a sufficient number of votes to carry
it.
The Texan debt
consists of bonds or scrip, which, at the time the Compromise Bill was brought
in, was not worth more than four or five cents on the dollar: but the same
stock is said to be now worth fifty per cent; and, should the bill pass, the
stock will be worth a premium. Now, where so many persons are interested, will
they not influence members? May not members themselves be influenced by
becoming owners of this stock? It affords at least a chance for unrighteous
proceedings; and, should the bill pass, there are members who will not escape
imputation and suspicion.
A rumor has reached
us from New Mexico, that the people are taking steps there to call a convention
for the formation of a State Constitution. Should this prove authentic, as most
people here think it will, and should they put a proviso against slavery in
their constitution, would it not look like a godsend, like a special
providence, notwithstanding all we say about that class of events?
Oh, may it turn out
to be so!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 303-4
