Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, June 23, 1849

Fort Hill 23d June 1849

MY DEAR ANDREW, I read the account of your proceedings with reference to the Slave question with pleasure. Both tone and substance are good. The time is rapidly approaching when we shall have to take our stand, and we must begin to prepare for it. You see that Benton has openly deserted and that he pours out his venom against me.¹ I am averse to touching him, and, if his aim had been against me exclusively, I would not notice him. But such is not the fact. He strikes at the South and its cause through me; and I have concluded to repel his attack against myself, to the extent that it is necessary to repel it against the South. His whole speech is a mass of false statements, illogical conclusions and contradictions. I expect to appear in the Messenger, in the number succeeding the next. Neither he, or his cause will gain anything by the attack. . . .

_______________

¹ Benton's bitter speech of May 26, 1849. Niles, LXXV, 390-396.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 768-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, July 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th July 1849

MY DEAR ANDREW, I sent you a Messenger, containing a copy of my communication in reference to Benton's Speech. I hope you have received it; and trust it will be extensively circulated in the South West. It will be published in all our papers.

It is high time the South should begin to prepare. I see no hope of bringing the North to a sense of justice, but by our united action, and for that purpose, a Convention of the South is indispensable. To that point our efforts should be directed. The first step towards it is to put an end to the old party divisions, which might be effected by an understanding between a few prominent leaders on both sides, and short and well written Articles through the leading presses of both parties, showing the folly and danger of continuing our party warfare when our existence is at Stake. The next step is an organization of all the Southern States as has been done in this State. The Convention ought to be held before the meeting of Congress, but that, I take it, is impracticable. It ought to be called before the Year ends, to meet next summer. The call ought to be addressed to the people of the South, who are desirous of saving the Union and themselves, if the former be possible; but who at the same time are prepared, should [the] alternative be forced on us, to resist rather than submit. Such a call could not fail to secure a large delegation from every Southern State, and what is important, a harmonious one, on the essential point. The call might be made by the members of the Legislatures of one or more Southern States, or by the members of Congress from the South, when they meet in Washington. The call itself would have a powerful effect on Congress. Could not Alabama be induced to make the call? Atlanta would be a good point for the meeting.

I am making good progress in the work I have on hand. I have finished the Discourse on the elementary principles of Govt. and have made considerable advance in the Discourse on our system of Govt. The work will hit the lines both here and in Europe; and, I think, cannot fail to make a deep impression. I hope to have it completed before I leave home; and intend to take it with me to put to press in New York, early next year. I would be glad to show it to you and have your opinion on it before I publish.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 769

 

Senator John C. Calhoun to Abraham W. Venable,* August 1849

Fort Hill August 1849

MY DEAR SIR, I have read your letter with much interest, and congratulate you and the great cause on your triumphant success. Under all circumstances, it is a great victory for both; and shows what can be done by honesty and boldness in a good cause. Had the other republican members from the state acted with you, the party would have achieved a decided victory in the state in the election. Even as it is, much has been done to restore it to power. Your position is now a commanding one. You are placed by your course and victory at the head of the party in the state. North Carolina has long stood in need of an able, bold and honest man to take the lead in bring[ing] the state into her true position. You can do it.

I am glad to learn your health is good. Mine is as good as I could expect, and I trust sufficiently so to take me through the next session. It will be an eventful one. We must force the issue on the North, so as to know where we are to stand. The sooner it is done, the better for all concerned. I wish to board on Capitol Hill and near the capitol, and would be glad to have you of the Mess, and hope your arrangements will be made accordingly. I am busily engaged on my work, and hope to have it ready for the press before the commencement of the session; so that I can take it with me to Washington. I hear from Missouri, that Benton's days are numbered. Atcheson¹ and Green say, that he has as good a chance to be made Pope, as to be elected Senator.

My kind regards to your Son.

_____________

* Original lent by Rev. S. T. Martin of Dublin, Va. Abraham W. Venable was member of Congress from North Carolina from 1847 to 1853.

¹ David R. Atchison, Senator from Missouri, 1843-1855. Benton was in fact defeated, after forty ballots.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 770

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green,* August 4, 1849

Fort Hill 4th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, You are right, as to the source, whence Benton draws his support. He has bribed the papers at the seat of Government by jobs at the publick expense; and the only way to put down the corruption is the one you indicate. An Independent Press at Washington has long been a desideratum, but it is difficult to establish, or to maintain such an one there, against the joint influence and power of the publick plunderers, who have got possession of the organs of publick opinion and the machinery of parties.

I am glad to learn that your contract promises so well and hope it will equal your most sanguine hopes. Should you succeed as well as you expect it will give you a commanding position.

With kind respects to Mrs Green and your family I remain

_______________

* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, August 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, Politically I have nothing good to write. The appearance is, that Taylor's administration will prove a failure. I fear he is in the hands of the Northern Whigs, exclusively. In the meane time, the alienation between North and South is daily progressing. Benton and Clay are both playing for the North. I enclose in pamphlet form my notice of his¹ assault on me. I would have sent it earlier, but only received it in that form, a few days since. It is, as far as I have heard regarded as triumphant. It is said, that he will not be able to sustain himself in Missouri. His colleague, Genl Atchison, says he has no chance to be reelected.

We are all anxious about the fate of Hungary, and the future condition of Europe. Write me in your next fully, what is your impression and the intelligent portion of Europe in reference to both. If Hungary should be able to maintain herself, the condition of Russia will become critical. What is to become of Germany and France?

_______________

¹ Benton's. See the letter of June 23, 1849.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771-2

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 28, 1864

Rained all night; warm.

A large stable burned down within sixty yards of our dwelling, last night, and not one of the family heard the uproar attending it.

Gen. Bragg telegraphs the President that the enemy failed to reduce Fort Fisher, and that the troops landed above the fort have re-embarked. But he says the enemy's designs are not yet developed; and he is such an unlucky general.

We found a caricature in the old black chest, of 1844, in which I am engaged in fight with the elder Blair. Calhoun, Buchanan, etc. are in the picture.

It is still believed that Gen. Lee is to be generalissimo, and most people rejoice at it. It is said the President and Gen. Jos. E. Johnston have become friends again.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 368

Congressman Horace Mann, April 2 1850

APRIL 2.

Mr. Calhoun's funeral, which took place to-day, was attended in the Senate Chamber at twelve o'clock. I did not wish to connect the thoughts I have with death with the thoughts which I have with him; and therefore I did not attempt to be present. What a test of true greatness is death! How it converts to vanity and nothingness all which is not intrinsically worthy! How it magnifies and eternizes whatever is good! The preacher who could carry men for an hour to the other side of the grave, whenever they have a prospect of worldly appetite or ambition or aggrandizement in view, and make them look back upon the objects of their desire from that point, would indeed be a minister of God.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 298-9

Richard K. Crallé to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 28, 1851

RALEIGH, N. C., November 28th, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR: Detained here, for a few hours, waiting for the Stage to take me to Fayetteville on my route to Columbia and Charleston, I fulfill a purpose which I designed to have done before I left home.

The first volume of Mr. Calhoun's Works is now published, containing his views on Government, and the Constitution. It is so inconvenient for me to attend to the publication of the remaining volumes, in South Carolina, that I propose, if it can be done on fair terms, to change the place to Richmond. Nash and Woodhouse are anxious to establish an extensive Publishing House in this City, and I [am] desirous to get their works to commence with. Now putting aside the question of real or individual interest, I am quite sure they would undertake the publication of the remaining volumes, as well as a large edition of the present, if they could have some assurance that they would not sustain an actual loss. To provide against this they propose to go on to Washington to consult with some of Mr. Calhoun's old friends in regard to the probabilities of a subscription on the part of Congress.

Now on this point, I wish to speak to you in all frankness. I am confident that the work now published must, if not generally, exercise a powerful [influence] on public opinion throughout the Union. It cannot be otherwise. A few, and these prominent Whigs, to whom I have loaned the single volume I have, have openly and publicly declared that its views and arguments are unmeasurable. A similar declaration was made to me by a leading Whig in New York, who had the Proofs last Spring.

The work on the Constitution will do more, I verily believe, to build up the Republican Party, and preserve the Union, than any, and all other causes combined. All that is necessary to effect a great and radical change in public sentiment in regard to State Rights is, to give this Work a wide circulation. Congress, or even the Senate (of which he was so long a member) might do this. But you know the inflexible opposition which Mr. Calhoun ever entertained to this miserable traffic on the part of the Government, in the papers of dead politicians one of his last injunctions to me was, never to have his Papers put up at auction in the Capitol; and his family have since strictly enjoined on me not to violate his wishes. I mean not to do this, but there is a difference, a wide difference between offering the manuscript to Congress on sale, and a subscription on the part of that body to a work or works published by myself or by any one else. In the latter case Congress does not become the owner or publisher, but simply the purchaser of so many copies, to be used as it may deem proper. So important do I regard the circulation of this Book, that I would willingly tread thus far on the injunctions of the Author, should such an arrangement amount to this. It does not strike me, however, in this light. The Library Committee will, of course order one or more copies. The use will be for the public. The principle involved in the two cases is the same. At least, it so appears to me. True, the family of Mr. Calhoun will be benefitted in proportion to the number of copies sold. This is incidental and applies to the author or proprietor of every book. I can not, and ought not to be indifferent to this, tho' they seem to be; for they were perfectly willing to present the manuscripts gratuitously to the State of South Carolina, if it would see them faithfully and properly printed and published. This I would not consent that they should do. They are not more than scantily independent; and I was unwilling to see the literary labours as well as the public services of their Father pass to the Country, without some compensation. In what I now write I have consulted with none of them, but act upon my own responsibility. It seems to me that Congress ought to subscribe for a large number of Copies, and through the members to distribute them amongst the people. Will you give me your opinions on the subject at your earliest leisure. You can consult with other friends; and let me hear from you, if possible, on my return to Richmond, say Tuesday the 9th of next month. It will be important for me to have them at that time, as it might facilitate my arrangements with Nash and Woodhouse. I write in haste as the stage is at the door.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 128-30

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Sunday Morning, April 7, 1850

Baltimore, Sunday morning, April 7, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I came from Washington yesterday morning, to pass the day here, and dine with the Historical Society of Maryland. I shall return to-morrow morning. The "letter" was published in The Republic of Friday, and The Intelligencer of yesterday. It really produced much surprise. It was supposed before the letter came, that I might perhaps weather the storm in Massachusetts, but it was still expected that there would be a storm, and a violent one. The short article in The Courier was very well written; and this and the letter itself will go through the whole country, and be read everywhere. The demand for "speeches" still continues; and I suppose that by the 1st day of May, two hundred thousand will have been distributed from Washington.

There is a strong majority in both Houses for bringing in California, and it could be done in ten days, if it were not for the notion, which is entertained by some, of uniting several measures in one bill. In the end it will be done; and bills for the government of the territories will pass the Senate without the proviso.

I propose to go to Boston when the committee leaves Washington with Mr. Calhoun's remains; as it is not likely any important questions will be taken in the Senate during their absence. I shall have but a very few days to pass in Massachusetts, and they must be mainly spent at Marshfield.

Your friend, always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 364-5

Mr. A. W. Venables to Senator Daniel Webster, June 7, 1850

Washington, June 7, 1850.

DEAR SIR,—I promised to give you the remarks which were made in relation to yourself by our lamented friend Mr. Calhoun. As they were in a social conversation in his room, I would not have repeated them, but for the fact that there had been placed before the public a statement which, although materially true, does not convey what I had frequently supposed him to mean whilst referring to yourself and other individuals, with whom he had been associated in public life. In more than one conversation, he was induced by questions proposed by those present, to speak of the statesmen who had mingled in those scenes which are so remarkable in the history of the country. When your name was mentioned, he remarked that "Mr. Webster has as high a standard of truth as any statesman with whom I have met in debate. Convince him, and he cannot reply; he is silenced; he cannot look truth in the face and oppose it by argument. I think that it can be readily perceived by his manner when he felt the unanswerable force of a reply."

He often spoke of you in my presence, and always kindly and most respectfully. It was due to the memory of our friend as well as to yourself, that this communication should be made.

Yours, very respectfully,

A. W. VENABLES.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 371-2

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Maria Calhoun Clemson, October 14, 1849

Fort Hill 14th Oct 1849

MY DEAR ANNA, You and M^r Clemson must regard me as a very negligent correspondent this season, but you must attribute it, not to indifference, nor indolence, but to being overtaxed in the way of writing. My correspondence is necessarily heavy. It occupies one day and sometimes two a week; but what mainly occupies me, is the work I have on hand. I have written between three and four hundred pages of fools cap in the execution of that, since my return from Washington; and have, I think, to write about 40 or 50 more before I conclude the work. I will then have to review, to correct and finish off, which will require some time; but I hope to be able to have it all ready for the press by midsummer.

It will consist of three parts; a discourse on the elementary principles of government; a discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States, and a collection of my speeches and other productions on constitutional subjects. It will make two moderate size Octavo volumes. I think the work is called for by the times, and that it will make an impression. I have stated my opinions on all points, just as I entertain them, without enquiring, or regarding, whether they will be popular, or not. Truth is my object, and to that I closely adhere. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 772

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, October 22, 1849

Fort Hill 22d Oct 1849

MY DEAR ANDREW, . . . I have been making good progress in the work I have on hand. I shall finish it, I expect, except revising, correcting and copying before I leave home. John who has just returned from the North says it is looked to with great interest there. His health is much improved, and so I understand William's is, for he went directly to Columbia without returning home, so that I have not seen him.

Mississippi has acted well on the slave question,¹ and I hope Alabama and every other Southern State will back her and send delegates to Nashville. It is all important that they should. Bad would be our condition, if the Convention should fail for want of backing; but bright our prospect should there be a full meeting. . . .

_______________

¹ By issuing an “Address to the Southern States,” calling for a popular convention at Nashville in June, 1850.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 772-3

Congressman Charles S. Morehead to Senator John J. Crittenden, March 31, 1850

[Continued from Congressman Charles S. Morehead to SenatorJohn J. Crittenden, March 30, 1850.]

March 31st. Not finishing my letter last night, I have to add this morning the news, which you will no doubt hear long before this reaches you, of Mr. Calhoun's death. He died this morning at eight o'clock. I do not yet clearly see what effect his death is to have on political events. He was firmly and, I suppose, honestly persuaded that the Union ought to be dissolved. I understand that he has prepared a paper showing that the only salvation of the South is by disunion. It is said to be a very strong and dangerous argument, placing the whole matter upon the ground that there can be no security for our property by any other possible or attainable means, and that the South has all the elements of unbounded prosperity without the Union; while with it it is fast assuming a mere provincial character, impoverishing itself to aggrandize the North. I do not, of course, know that this rumor is true, but I believe it is. This was the purport of a conversation he held with Mr. Toombs a few days ago. He told him he would not live this session out, and that he must leave to younger men the task of carrying out his views. A pamphlet has recently been published in Virginia calculated to do much mischief. It is an argument for disunion with an array of pretended facts, which, if true, or if not shown to be unfounded, I think would produce a very great effect. Mr. Clay told me that he thought it the most dangerous pamphlet he ever read.

Our Northern friends are blind, absolutely blind, to the real dangers by which we are surrounded. They don't want to believe that there is any danger, and in general they treat the whole matter as mere bravado and as scarcely worth notice. I concur this far with them, that it is utterly impossible formally to dissolve this Union, and it never will be dissolved by any convention or by any declaration of independence. The dissolution must precede these things if it ever does take place. The fear I entertain is of the establishment of mere sectional parties, and the commencement of a system of retaliatory local or State legislation. You may have seen that this has been already recommended by the governor of Virginia. If the slave question should not be settled, there is scarcely a Southern State that will not pass laws to prevent the sale of Northern products by retail in its limits. The decision of the Supreme Court, in the case of Brown vs. Maryland, declaring the unconstitutionality of taxing the imports of another State, contains some dictum of the right of a State to tax such imports after they have become incorporated with the property of the State. The whole proceeding would doubtless be a violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution. But what is it that men will not do when smarting under real or imaginary grievances? You may think that I am inclined to be gloomy, but I do most solemnly believe that disunion will ensue, and that more speedily than any man now has any idea of, if there should be a failure of an amicable settlement. You cannot be surprised, then, that my whole heart and soul are engaged in the effort to bring this about. I feel as you do about the Union, as I know that Kentucky does, and it must be preserved at the sacrifice of all past party ties. I am perfectly sure, from the most mature and calm consideration, that there is but one way of doing this. The North must give up its apparently determined purpose of making this general government assume an attitude of hostility to slavery. We cannot prevent individual agitation and fanaticism, but I think we have the undoubted right to ask that a common government shall not, in its action, become hostile to the property of a large portion of its own citizens.

Mr. Clay sent for old Mr. Ritchie, and had a long and confidential conversation with him upon this subject. The tone of the Union is evidently changed since that time. You may have noticed that he speaks much oftener in favor of union than he did. This is not generally known, and of course I do not wish it spoken of as coming from me. I have written you a long letter, which may occupy some of your dull moments at Frankfort. I wrote to your new Secretary of State some time ago, which he has never answered. I hope in the enjoyment of his new honors he has not forgotten his old friends.

I remain very truly and sincerely your friend,

C. S. MOREHEAD.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 363-4

Congressman Horace Mann, March 4, 1850

March 4.

To-day Mr. Calhoun's speech will be read in the Senate, he being unable to deliver it. Mr. Webster is expected to speak very soon. I do not believe he will compromise the great question. He will have too much regard for his historic character and for his consistency to do any such thing; at least, I hope so.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 293

Congressman Horace Mann, March 5, 1850

March 5.

Mr. Calhoun's speech was given yesterday. It does not give universal satisfaction, even at the South. This is good.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 293

Senator Daniel Webster to Daniel Fletcher Webster, March 28, 1850

Washington, March 31, 1850.        

Sunday, two o'clock.

MY DEAR SON,—Mr. Calhoun died this morning at seven o'clock. It is remarkable, that his body servant, who has waited upon him for thirty years, died also last night.

Mr. Calhoun was just about my own age, born in the same year. I found him a prominent member of the House of Representatives when I first took a seat in that body, in May, 1813, the year of your birth.

The Secretary of the Senate has come to signify Mr. Benton's wish that I should say something in the Senate to-morrow, which I shall try to do.

I have your letter of Friday, which Mr. Curtis likes very much. He is anxious to know, a great deal more than I am, how things move in your quarter.

The "speech" continues in demand. One hundred and twenty thousand have gone off. I am sending a handsome copy to each member of the legislature, and shall send the speech also pretty generally to the clergy of Massachusetts. But the great mass throughout the State ought to be supplied freely.

I am pretty well, though a little rheumatic.

Yours,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 363-4

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, about March 31, 1850

MY DEAR SIR,—Above you find the note which you suggested. I have just come from the Capitol, where Mr. Calhoun's death has been announced with more than usual circumstance. He leaves but three of us who were his associates in 1813, Mr. Clay, Mr. King, and Daniel Webster.

Three o'clock.—I have only time to get this off.

Yours,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 364

Senator John C. Calhoun to Senator Herschel V. Johnson,* November 1, 1849

Fort Hill 1st Nov. 1849.

MY DEAR SIR, The enclosed is a speech of Mr Meade¹ to his constituents, on the slavery question.

It is able and bold, and I send it as evidence of the increasing spirit of the old dominion on that vital question. Coming from the quarter it does it may contribute something to merge party feelings with you and rouse the spirit of your legislature.

I do trust your state will back the Mississippi movement. If they should and the other southern states should follow, I feel assured it would do more than anything else to bring the question to a speedy issue. It cannot be made too soon for us, but I have written you so fully on the subject that to add more would be little else than to repeat what I have already written.

With best regards to Mrs. J.

_______________

* Text derived from a copy furnished by Mr. Fred M. Steele, of Chicago, the owner of the original. Herschel V. Johnson, judge of the superior court of Georgia, was afterwards governor of that State, candidate for Vice-President on the Douglas ticket in 1860, and a Confederate senator.

¹ Richard Kidder Meade, of Virginia, Member of Congress, 1847-1853. Speech of R. K. Meade on Restricting Slavery in the Territories, August, 1849, pp. 13.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 773

Senator John C. Calhoun to Congressman Armistead Burt,* November 5, 1849

Fort Hill 5th Nov 1849

MY DEAR SIR, I am very desirous, on every account, to be in the same mess with Martha and yourself. I would prefer the Hill on three accounts; in consequence of a regard to my health, its contiguity to the Capitol; the bleakness of the walk up Capitol Hill in windy weather, and the liability of getting heated in walking up it with the heavy clothing necessary to guard against a Washington winter, and cooling off too suddenly on throwing off the overcoat, or cloak on reaching the Senate Chamber. In all other respects I would greatly prefer the location you suggest. I think, taking it altogether, it is the most protected and best in Washington.

If a satisfactory arrangement could be made on the Hill, and it should not put Martha to too much inconvenience, I would prefer it; but if not, I will join you in the location you suggest, or any other contiguous, rather than seperate from you and Martha.

My arrangement is to be in Charleston on the 25 or 26th and to take the Baltimore boat, which I understand will sail on the 28th, and hope to meet you there and go together. When we arrive at Washington, we can finally decide on our arrangement.

I concur in your suggestion, as to the caucus, with a modification; not to go into it with the free soilers; meaning all who will vote for the Wilmot proviso; that is, the whole, or nearly the whole of the Northern democrats. To take the ground you suggest, not to go in with those who refused to sign the address, would I fear tend too strongly to divide the South, and throw from us the Kentucky, Missouri and Tennessee delegations with two or three exceptions. All join their love to you and Martha.

_______________

* Original lent by Mr. J. Towne Robertson, Jr., of Abbeville.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 773-4

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, December 2, 1849

Washington 2 Dec^r 1849

MY DEAR AND^W, I had a very pleasant and safe journey on. The weather was fine throughout; but is now very bad. It snowed during the night, and is now sleeting, with a North Easter; so that I was lucky in taking time by the forelock. I am now quartered at Hills on Capital Hill for the Session. There is much confusion in the ranks of both parties and it is thought it will be difficult to elect a Speaker.¹ Winthrop and Cobb have been nominated by their respective parties; There is a Scism in the ranks both of the Democrats and the Whigs, as to the Speaker, of which will be difficult to heal. The session will be one of great excitement and confusion.

_______________

¹ See Winthrop's Memoir of Robert C. Winthrop, pp. 96-101. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was elected.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 774-5