Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, March 28, 1847*

Fort Hill, 28th March 1847

MY DEAR SIR, I see by the contents of your letter, that you have misunderstood me on a point, where I had supposed my meaning was very obvious. By private relations, I had no allusion to our personal relations, either of confidence, or friendship. It would, indeed, be absurd to make either of them a cause of delicacy in giving a preference to you. I alluded to our family connections through the tie of marriage.

Nor do you seem to understand, what I intended by the expression of my position to the party, who support me. It is not that of a leader aspiring to the presidency, but that of an individual, who, in the discharge of his publick trust, looks only to his duty and only expects their support from their concurrence in opinion with him. Occupying that position towards them, as associates and equals, and not as partisans, or followers, I assume no right to dictate, nor do I admit the right on their part to dictate to me. It is the relation of independence on both sides; and I feel it to be a matter of delicacy, to respect it especially when they stand in the relation of contributors to the support of a cause, which I would advocate without reference to their support, or opposition.

Having explained my meaning, I deem it proper to repeat, that I neither doubt your friendship, or capacity. On the contrary, I place a high estimate on both. I know of no one, who in my opinion, would conduct a paper with more ability, or greater fidelity. I go further. As you lost an honorable and profitable position by your adherence to the cause, I would rejoice to see you again in the same position and in the conduct of a paper of the same name. The triumph would be that of truth and justice; and as far as I can contribute to it, consistently with a due sense of propriety, and the success of the cause, I will do so. Further I cannot go. I cheerfully yield my own claims to such consideration, and no friend can ask me to go further. I ask no sacrifice of any friend, which I would not cheerfully make myself. Indeed, I would much rather make the sacrifice, than ask a friend to make it.

But when the funds are raised, it will, then, be the time to consult as to the editorship of the paper. Whether they will be or not, I fear is doubtful, from the reason I alluded to in my letter. I have not yet heard from my Charleston friends with whom I conversed on the subject. A word as to myself. You seem to think, that I permit other persons to prejudice me against you, and that I have not given you the support I ought. As to the first, you greatly mistake. When I know a man, no one can influence my opinion, and what is more, very few undertake to do so. I take care to check it at once, when attempted, as I know to what unfounded conclusions, the jealousy of the mutual friends of a prominent individual will lead them. In addition, I am of that temper that I would rather be betrayed, than to suspect on light grounds. Besides, I feel, that I may be deserted, but cannot be betrayed: having, as I always have, had truth for my only guide; and no motive for concealment. I entertain not a thought, which I am not willing should be known to the world; and have not ever written a letter, which I am not willing it should be published. It is hard to betray one, who can with truth say as much.

As to my want of giving you due support, I know not when I have had the power of doing so, and abstain[ed] from doing it, when it could be done with propriety. Indeed I might ask when have I ever had the power to wield any portion of the patronage of the Government, since the termination of Mr Monroe's administration! During the short period, I was in Mr Tyler's administration, he engrossed the whole; and I came in under circumstances, which did not permit me to take a stand against it.

The only instance you allude to, is that of 1840, when by uniting with the Whigs, I might have made you in connection with Gales and Seaton the printers, against Blair and Rives.¹ I now think as I did then, that standing opposed to the Whigs on all the great questions of the day, as I did, that I could not without loss of character and confounding my position, do other than I did; and had hoped that such would be your own conclusion, when you came coolly to reflect. I deeply regretted to be placed in the position, but thinking as I did, and still think, had you been my brother, I would have acted as I did. I acted on my own conception, uninfluenced by any others. As highly, as I value friendship, and as much disposed, as I am, to support my friends, I cannot yield my conception of what is right, or wrong to either, while I would cheerfully make any personal sacrifice for the purpose. Had I withheld my support on the occasion, from any motive on my part of personal ambition or advancement, I would have been inexcusable; but that I suppose, you can hardly think, although I [am] forced to infer, that as long as you have known me, you have never fully realized how subordinate I hold such considerations, when they come into conflict with what I believe to be right. Even in early manhood, when I felt their impulse far stronger, than I now do, they could never over rule my sense of right. I regret, that one, who ought to know me, as well as you ought, should under estimate my character, as I am forced [to] think you do, on such a point.

Let me add in conclusion, that while I think, there is a great opening for a truly independent and able paper at Washington (never greater in my opinion) and that no one is more able to conduct such an one than yourself, I would be very sorry to see you undertake editing a paper there, unless on calculations founded on the prospect of its ultimate profit. But if you can see your way looking to it, clearly, and can find the means to start one, even a weekly sheet at first, on your own independent hook, avowing your object to be, to restore the principles of the party, which brought Gen' Jackson into power, but which were defeated by the introduction of the spoils principle and the party machinery of the Albany Junto, and the treason of Mr Ritchie and others like him, and assuming the old name of the Telegraph, you would preoccupy the ground, and rally the whole South and a large potion [sic]of the old party everywhere to your support. The prospectus you prepared, would be the proper basis, modified to suit the suggestions made. Place it on the high ground of an independent press, holding principle paramount and never subordinate. In my opinion, it would stir up the South, and hasten its efforts to raise funds to establish on a firm foundation, a press at Washington.

You ask me if I read the Union. I do not take it and rarely see it. I expect him to do his best in the way of abuse. He sees, that my overthrow is necessary to save the hunkers.

_______________

* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard. For General Green's reply of April 6, see Part II, post.

1 See the letters of January 17, 18, 1840, supra,

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 722-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, December 13, 1865

The Radicals have been busy. They are feeling their way now. The President has been deceived, I think, in some persons in whom he has confided, and the patronage of the government, without his being aware of it, has been turned against the Administration.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 396

Joseph J. Lewis to Abraham Lincoln, January 9, 1861

West Chester Pa: Jany: 9. 1861

Dear Sir

Nothing short of considerations of imperative duty could induce me to trouble you with a letter at this time knowing as I do the anxieties which must necessarily be crowding upon you.

Let me beg you to reconsider your offer to Simon Cameron of a seat in your cabinet. I have known him for twenty years. He is not qualified for the position by talent or information. He is a mere politician and of the lowest sort. He has not a single idea of statesman. But that is not the most formidable objection. What his reputation for integrity is you can learn from the protest of the 28 members of the Pennsylvania legislature which accompanies this. Since 1854 when that protest was signed his reputation has not improved. It has been openly charged that he bought his present position by money. I do not verify the charge for I have no personal knowledge on the subject; but I trust it is enough for you to know that his character is subject to the most serious suspicions of the want of political integrity. I have some knowledge of the efforts that were made by him to obtain the nomination at Chicago, and you I think cannot be entirely ignorant of some of them. In my opinion they were such as no honourable man would stoop to. But they do not make a drop in the bucket in comparison with what is gravely alleged against him in a long political career, in which he was never elected to the people to any thing and has succeeded in making himself most odious to the most worthy and high minded of every political party to which he has become attached.

I voted for him on the first ballot at Chicago but that vote involves me in no inconsistency. His supporters earnestly desired a large complimentary vote for their chief, and in order to obtain that vote promised that after the first ballot they would cast their votes as a majority of the delegation would determine. Having ascertained how that majority would be, and that if the proposition was not acceded to, a large proportion of the Cameron men would vote for Seward I consented to cast a complimentary vote for Cameron on the distinct understanding that it should not be used as a lever to put him into the cabinet. It was said there that he would not accept a cabinet office, and the declaration was but a repetition of what he had said at Harrisburg, openly, and often, during the session of the state convention. It was under these circumstances I voted, and induced others to vote for Cameron, on the first ballot. But for this movement we should have nominated a candidate at Chicago whom the country wd not have sustained. For the Cameron men would certainly have executed their threats.

Mr Cameron is not popular in Penna. He has no strength with the people. He could not be elected on the state ticket to any office. Had he been nominated for the presidency he could not have received the vote of his own state. There are men and a good many of them that clamor for him, but divest him of his factious influence as a suposed dispenser of political favour, and there are not two them that would not deny all association with him and repel the imputation of it as disparaging and disreputable.

I beg leave to assure you that I feel no concern as to Mr Cameron's adverse influence in the distribution of the federal patronage. My sole object in writing is to warn you of the danger to your administration in making the proposed appointment.

with the highest respect

very truly yours

Joseph J Lewis.

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Major-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, September 4, 1862

Camp Near Washington,

September 4, 1862.

My dear sister:

I received your two last letters yesterday. Just as I had finished my last letter to you we received orders to march to the relief of Pope. We made a forward march, one which for its length and rapidity has not been equalled in this war; in thirty-six hours we made fifty miles, and after a rest of a few hours twenty-five miles more. The army are now around Washington, occupying nearly the same positions they did last winter. The enemy have out-generalled us. Their hearts are in the cause; our men are perfectly indifferent, think of nothing but marauding and plundering, and the officers are worse than the men. The few officers that are disposed to do their duty, from a sense of doing it, are so outnumbered by the vicious that they can do but little. You cannot imagine how perfectly shameless people who are decent when at home become out here. Governors of States, instead of filling up the old regiments, some of which are reduced to two hundred and two hundred and fifty men, organize new regiments for the patronage it gives, and make the most shameless appointments. I am in despair of our seeing a termination of the war till some great change is made. On our part it has been a war of politicians; on theirs it has been one conducted by a despot and carried out by able Generals. I look upon a division as certain; the only question is where the line is to run. No one would have dared to think of this a few weeks since, but it is in the mouths of many now; it is lamentable to look on, but it may come to it. I cannot see when I can come home. I hope some time this winter. I have worked hard and incessantly in bringing up my division, and it is now equal to any in the service, I hope.

With love to all,

Yours affectionately,

J. S.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 79-81

Abraham Lincoln to William H. Seward, December 8, 1860

Private & Confidential

Springfield Ill. Dec. 8^th, 1860

My dear Sir:

In addition to the accompanying, and more formal note, inviting you to take charge of the State Department, I deem it proper to address you this. Rumors have got into the newspapers to the effect that the Department, named above, would be tendered you, as a compliment, and with the expectation that you would decline it. I beg you to be assured that I have said nothing to justify these rumors. On the contrary, it has been my purpose, from the day of the nomination at Chicago, to assign you, by your leave, this place in the administration. I have delayed so long to communicate that purpose, in deference to what appeared to me to be a proper caution in the case. Nothing has been developed to change my view in the premises; and I now offer you the place, in the hope that you will accept it, and with the belief that your position in the public eye, your integrity, ability, learning, and great experience, all combine to render it an appointment pre-eminently fit to be made.

One word more. In regard to the patronage, sought with so much eagerness and jealousy, I have prescribed for myself the maxim, “Justice to all”; and I earnestly beseech your co-operation in keeping the maxim good.

Your friend, and obedient servant

A. LINCOLN

Hon. William H. Seward

Washington D.C.

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 24, 1861

Congress passed, in secret session, a resolution to remove the seat of government to Richmond; but I learn it has been vetoed by the President. There is a strong feeling against going thither among some of the secessionists in the Cotton States. Those who do not think there will be a great deal of fighting, have apprehensions that the border States, so tardy in the secession movement, will strive to monopolize the best positions and patronage of the new government. Indeed, if it were quite certain that there is to be no war for existence — as if a nation could be free without itself striking the blow for freedom — I think there would be a party — among the politicians, not the people — opposed to confederating with the border slave States.

Some of his fellow-members tell many jokes on Mr. Hunter. They say every time he passes the marble-yards going up to the capitol, and surveys the tomb-stones, he groans in agony, and predicts that he will get sick and die here. If this be true, I predict that he will get the seat of government moved to Richmond, a more congenial climate. He has a way of moving large bodies, which has rarely failed him; and some of his friends at the hotels, already begin to hint that he is the proper man to be the first President of the permanent government. I think he will be President some day. He would be a safe one. But this whisper at the hotel has produced no little commotion. Some propose making him Secretary of War, as a sure means of killing him off. I know a better way than that, but I wouldn't suggest it for the world. I like him very much.

To-day the Secretary placed in my hands for examination and report, a very long document, written by a deposed or resigned Roman priest. He urged a plan to avert the horrors of war. He had been to see Lincoln, Gov. Letcher, etc., and finally obtained an interview on “important business” with President Davis. The President, not having leisure even to listen to his exordium, requested him to make his communication briefly in writing. And this was it — about twenty pages of foolscap. It consisted chiefly of evidences of the exceeding wickedness of war, and suggestions that if both belligerents would only forbear to take up arms, the peace might be preserved, and God would mediate between them. Of course I could only indorse on the back “demented.” But the old man hung round the department for a week afterward, and then departed, I know not whither. I forget his name, but his paper is in the archives of the government. I have always differed with the preachers in politics and war, except the Southern preachers who are now in arms against the invader. I think war is one of the providences of God, and certainly no book chronicles so much fighting as the Bible. It may be to the human race what pruning is to vegetation, a necessary process for the general benefit.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 41-2

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, August 19, 1861

August 19, '61.

I say these things looking squarely at what is possible, looking at what we shall be willing to do, not what we ought to do. There is very little moral mixture in the "anti-slavery" feeling of this country. A great deal is abstract philanthropy; part is hatred of slave-holders; a great part is jealousy for white labor; very little is a consciousness of wrong done, and the wish to right it. How we hate those whom we have injured. I, too, “tremble when I reflect that God is just.”

If the people think the government worth saving they will save it. If they do not, it is not worth saving. And when it is gone, he will be a foolish fellow who sees in its fall the end of the popular experiment. All that can truly be seen in it will be the fact that principles will wrestle for the absolute control of the system. That is my consolation in any fatal disaster. Meanwhile I hope that the spirit of liberty is strong enough in our system to conquer.

I am elected a delegate to our State Convention on the 11th September. There was a strong effort to defeat me, but it was vain. In the reorganization of the County Committee, the opposition triumphed, though I and my friends were unquestionably strongest. But none of us moved a finger, and the enemy had been busy for a fortnight. We were displaced in the Committee by a conspiracy based upon personal jealousy of me as the “one-man power” in the distribution of political patronage in the county. I am not sorry at the result, for the post of chairman was very irksome, but I am sorry for the method, for it is an illustration of the way in which we are governed.

Don't think I am lugubrious about the country, for I am really very cheerful. The “old cause” is safe, however in our day it may be checked and grieved. The heart of New England is true. So I believe, is the heart of its child, the West. We go out alone to fight Old England's battle, and she scoffs and sneers. “The Lord is very tedious,” said the old nurse, “but he is very sure.”

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 149-51

Capt. Theodore McMurtrie to Corydone E. Fuller, December 10, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Provost Marshal General’s Office,

WASHINGTON, D. C., Dec. 10, 1864

Corydon E. Fuller, Esq., Rochester, Indiana:

Sir: — Your application for a clerkship, forwarded by Hon. Schuyler Colfax, has been favorably considered.

You will report to this office at your earliest convenience. Salary $1,200 per annum!

I am, sir,

Very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

Theo. Mcmurtrie,

Captain Vet. Res. Corps.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 369