Called this morning at the White House, but learned the
President had left the city. The porter said he made no mention whither he was
going, nor when he would return. I have no doubt he is on a visit to McClellan
and the army. None of his Cabinet can have been aware of this journey.
Relieved Davis and appointed D. D. Porter to the Western
Flotilla, which is hereafter to be recognized as a squadron. Porter is but a
Commander. He has, however, stirring and positive qualities, is fertile in
resources, has great energy, excessive and sometimes not over-scrupulous
ambition, is impressed with and boastful of his own powers, given to
exaggeration in relation to himself, — a Porter infirmity, — is not generous to
older and superior living officers, whom he is too ready to traduce, but is
kind and patronizing to favorites who are juniors, and generally to official
inferiors. Is given to cliquism but is brave and daring like all his family. He
has not the conscientious and high moral qualities of Foote to organize the
flotilla, and is not considered by some of our best naval men a fortunate
officer; has not in his profession, though he may have personally, what the
sailors admire, “luck.” It is a question, with his mixture of good and bad
traits, how he will succeed. His selection will be unsatisfactory to many, but
his field of operation is peculiar, and a young and active officer is required
for the duty to which he is assigned; it will be an incentive to juniors. If he
does well I shall get no credit; if he fails I shall be blamed. No thanks in
any event will be mine. Davis, whom he succeeds, is more of a scholar than
sailor, has gentlemanly instincts and scholarly acquirements, is an intelligent
but not an energetic, driving, fighting officer, such as is wanted for rough
work on the Mississippi; is kind and affable, but has not the vim, dash, —
recklessness perhaps is the better word, — of Porter.
Dahlgren, whose ambition is great, will, I suppose, be hurt
that Porter, who is his junior, should be designated for the Mississippi
command; and the President will sympathize with D., whom he regards with favor,
while he has not great admiration or respect for Porter. Dahlgren has asked to
be assigned to the special duty of capturing Charleston, but Du Pont has had
that object in view for more than a year and made it his study. I cannot,
though I appreciate Dahlgren, supersede the Admiral in this work.
The Emancipation Proclamation has, in its immediate effects,
been less exciting than I had apprehended. It has caused but little jubilation
on one hand, nor much angry outbreak on the other. The speculations as to the
sentiments and opinions of the Cabinet in regard to this measure are
ridiculously wild and strange. When it was first brought forward some six or
eight weeks ago, all present assented to it. It was pretty fully discussed at
two successive Cabinet-meetings, and the President consulted freely, I presume,
with the members individually. He did with me. Mr. Bates desired that
deportation, by force if necessary, should go with emancipation. Born and
educated among the negroes, having always lived with slaves, he dreaded any
step which should be taken to bring about social equality between the two
races. The effect, he said, would be to degrade the whites without elevating
the blacks. Demoralization, vice, and misery would follow. Mr. Blair, at the
second discussion, said that, while he was an emancipationist from principle, he
had doubts of the expediency of such a movement as was contemplated. Stanton,
after expressing himself earnestly in favor of the step proposed, said it was
so important a measure that he hoped every member would give his opinion,
whatever it might be, on the subject; two had not spoken, —alluding to Chase
and myself.
I then spoke briefly of the strong exercise of power
involved in the question, and the denial of Executive authority to do this act,
but the Rebels themselves had invoked war on the subject of slavery, had
appealed to arms, and they must abide the consequences. It was an extreme
exercise of war powers, and under the circumstances and in view of the
condition of the country and the magnitude of the contest I was willing to
resort to extreme measures and avail ourselves of military necessity, always
harsh and questionable. The blow would fall heavy and severe on those loyal men
in the Slave States who clung to the Union and had most of their property in
slaves, but they must abide the results of a conflict which we all deplored,
and unless they could persuade their fellow citizens to embrace the
alternative presented, it was their hard fortune to suffer with those who
brought on the War. The slaves were now an element of strength to the Rebels, —
were laborers, producers, and army attendants; were considered as property by
the Rebels, and, if property, were subject to confiscation; if not
property, but persons residing in the insurrectionary region, we should
invite them as well as the whites to unite with us in putting down the
Rebellion. I had made known my views to the President and could say here I gave
my approval of the Proclamation. Mr. Chase said it was going a step farther
than he had proposed, but he was glad of it and went into a very full argument
on the subject. I do not attempt to report it or any portion of it, nor that of
others, farther than to define the position of each when this important
question was before us. Something more than a Proclamation will be necessary,
for this step will band the South together, make opponents of some who now are
friends and unite the Border States firmly with the Cotton States in resistance
to the Government.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864,
p. 157-60
