Monday, December 28, 2009

Brevet Brigadier-General T. H. Benton

COLONEL, TWENTY-NINTH INFANTRY.

Thomas Hart Benton, Jr., is a nephew of the celebrated American statesman and author, whose name, at his uncle's own request, he bears. He is a native of Tennessee, and was born in Williamson county of that State, on the 5th day of September, 1816. His father, Samuel Benton, was quite a noted man. In 1817, the year after his son Thomas' birth, he left Tennessee for Missouri; and settled in St. Louis. In 1822, he returned to Tennessee, and settled in Shelby county, near the present city of Memphis, which was then a mere village. In 1835, he left the States, and emigrated to Texas, which was at that time an independent Republic. During his residence there, he served one term in the Texan Congress. He died in 1846. Young Benton accompanied his father in all his migrations.

Colonel Benton's education is academic, and was acquired at the Huntington Academy, Tennessee. His collegiate course was brief: he passed only a portion of the year 1835 at Marion College, Missouri. In 1839, he came to Iowa, and located in Dubuque, where he lived till 1854. During his residence in Dubuque, he was first teacher, and then merchant. In 1846, he went to the State Senate from the Dubuque District, and served in Iowa's first General Assembly. He was elected, in 1848, State Superintendent of Public Instruction, and, at the close of his three-years' term, was re-elected for a like term. The nomination for the same position was again tendered him; but he declined it, and the same year removed to Council Bluffs, his present home.

It would seem that Iowa had but one scholar; for, in 1858, Colonel Benton was elected Secretary of the Board of Education, under the new State Constitution. This office he held for the two subsequent terms, and was its incumbent at the time of entering the service. On the 10th of August, 1862, he was commissioned colonel of the 29th Iowa Infantry; and, on the 1st of the following December, mustered into the United States service. For gallant conduct in the different campaigns in which he joined in Arkansas, Colonel Benton, in the spring of 1865, was made brevet brigadier-general.

The history of the 29th is nearly the same as are those of the 33d and 36th Iowa regiments. In the latter part of December, when the enemy were threatening Columbus and other points on the Mississippi, Colonel Benton was ordered with his regiment from Benton Barracks to Columbus. No attack was made, and in a few days he sailed down the river to Helena, Arkansas. In January, 1863, he accompanied General Gorman on the White River Expedition—one in which the troops were subjected to great fatigue and exposures, but which, it is said, was fruitless, on account of the non-co-operation of the fleet. After his return from this expedition, he remained at Helena till the latter part of February, when he joined the Yazoo Pass Expedition, under General Ross. In the early part of April, General Ross, under orders from General Grant, returned with his command to Helena, where Colonel Benton remained with his regiment during the following Summer, and took part in the brilliant engagement of the 4th of July. This was a contest for the great gala day of the nation, and will ever have a prominent place in the history of our civil war. The following extract I take from Colonel Benton's official report:

"My men were under a severe fire for more than five hours, and it affords me the greatest pleasure to speak of both officers and men in terms of the highest commendation, for their coolness and courage during the entire action. I saw no flinching or wavering during the day. It is proper to add that several of my officers and men, who were excused from duty in consequence of physical disability, left their quarters and joined their respective companies, when the signal gun was fired.

"I would not do justice to an accomplished officer, should I fail to acknowledge the efficient services of Lieutenant-Colonel R. F. Patterson, during the action; and the special obligations I am under for the thorough instruction previously given by him to both officers and men, in the responsible duties and obligations of the soldier."

The loss of the 29th Iowa at Helena was seven killed and twenty-four wounded. Two of the latter were hurt mortally, and died soon after.

Early in August, 1863, the 29th Iowa joined the Arkansas or Little Rock Expedition, under General Steele, and was present at the capture of Little Rock. On the Little Rock march, Colonel Benton was in command of a brigade, composed of the 29th and 33d Iowa and the 28th Wisconsin regiments.

After passing the fall of 1863 and the following Winter, at Little Rock, the 29th Iowa, under its colonel, joined General Steele on the Camden march, and on this campaign saw its hardest service, and made the most interesting portion of its history. The object of the campaign has been already given. Had it been successful, it would have relieved the entire State of Arkansas from Confederate rule. In the expedition, the 29th Iowa marched two hundred and fifty miles, and lost in action one hundred and forty-two officers and men.

General Steele left Little Rock on this celebrated march on the 23d of March, 1864. General Banks in his course up the Red River was already approaching Natchitoches. The destination of both armies was Shreveport. Passing through Benton, Rockport, and Arkadelphia on the Washita River, and thence south-west across the Little Missouri, Steele arrived on the 10th of the following April, at Prairie de Anne — one of the prettiest little spots in wild Arkansas, or the whole "Sunny South." At Prairie de Anne, as already stated, he learned the probable fate of his expedition. There he learned of Banks' defeat; and, with Banks defeated and driven back, he, with his small army, could not hope for success, against the combined rebel forces. General Steele then pushed for Camden, which he reached on the 15th instant.

In this expedition, the enemy was first met on the tenth day's march, and near Terra Noir Creek, some four miles south of where General Steele had camped the night before. On the morning of the 2d of April, the day in question, Colonel Benton, with his regiment and two pieces of artillery, was assigned the perilous position of rear-guard to the supply- and transportation-train, consisting of about four hundred and fifty wagons. The day before the enemy's scouts had been frequently seen; and it was known that the rebel General Shelby, with ten thousand cavalry, was in the neighborhood. Steele's main force, and a large portion of the train had already crossed the creek, when Shelby first made his appearance. Colonel Benton, having himself disposed his forces, was barely in time to anticipate the dash of the gallant rascal, who, believing the entire train at his mercy, came on with the greatest celerity. Finding himself foiled, Shelby, after a spirited little contest, retired, and Colonel Benton, resuming the march, hurried up to the train. But after crossing the creek, he was again attacked by the enemy's skirmishers, who, from this point to three miles south of the creek, continued to harass his rear. Having now reached a commanding ridge, Colonel Benton halted his command in line of battle, and engaged the enemy for over an hour, and until he was reinforced by the 50th Indiana, brought back by General S. A. Rice.

The history of that entire day's march is but a repetition of the above, with the exception that the forces engaged on both sides were being constantly reinforced. Late in the afternoon and near where General Steele had left the Washington road, Shelby was joined by Cabell, and Colonel Benton by the 9th Wisconsin Infantry. Here another engagement followed, when the enemy, being again repulsed, retired for the night. On the morning of the 4th of April, the battle of Elkin's Ford, on the Little Missouri River, was fought. Colonel Benton, although under fire with his regiment, was not engaged. The march through Prairie de Anne was attended by a series of skirmishes and engagements; though none of them were bitterly contested. Jenkin's Ferry on the Saline River was the great battle of the campaign, and there Colonel Benton and his regiment most distinguished themselves.

Steele occupied Camden from the evening of the 15th to the night of the 26th of April, and then left on the return to Little Rock. During all this time, the enemy had been devising plans for his capture. Before he left they had sufficient forces to attack and defeat him at Camden, but this they did not do; for their object was the capture of his army; and so confident were they of the success of their plans that, a rebel officer offered to wager large sums of money that General Steele would not see Little Rock, except as a prisoner of war. Had the rebel General Maxey, with his five thousand men, been purposely less vigilant in watching Steele at Camden, their schemes might have ripened into success; for Steele might have maintained himself by foraging several days longer, but this Maxey would not allow: he would pounce on every foraging party sent out, thus compelling Steele to rely on his supply-trains from Pine Bluff. When the last train sent back was captured with its escort, he, of course, could do nothing but retire. The last Federal troops left Camden just before mid-night of the 26th of April, taking the road via Princeton and Jenkin's Ferry.

On the evening of the 28th of April, the retreating army encamped at Princeton, sixteen miles south of the ferry. The march was resumed early on the following morning, and proceeded unmolested till some ten miles out from camp, when, in the midst of a most terrific thunder-storm, the rear-guard was opened on by the enemy's artillery. Price and Kirby Smith had come up by forced marches, having crossed the Washita some twenty-five miles below Camden; and from this point, till Steele's advance reached the ferry, they continued to harass his rear. A pontoon-bridge had to be constructed, which, with the swollen waters of the river and the black darkness of the night, was well-nigh impracticable. There were also other difficulties to overcome, but these will be mentioned elsewhere.

With all these obstacles to overcome, only the artillery and Carr's Division of Cavalry were able to reach the north bank of the Saline before day-light broke. It would have been impossible, had there been more time, to cross the train; for the wagons were all sunk to their axles in miry quick-sands. The whole bottom was a vast mud-bed, and nearly the entire train and stores had to be burned. How the artillery was crossed I can not understand. In the meantime the enemy had made their dispositions, and were advancing to the attack. Carr was at once dispatched with his cavalry to Little Rock, while the infantry halted to fight the battle of Saline River. I should state that a portion of the infantry was sent over the river to guard the artillery. Only about five thousand were left on the south bank.

The battle opened at day-light and on the part of the enemy with artillery. His force was not less than ten thousand — two rebels to one Federal, and the Federals had no artillery. Further particulars of this engagement will be found in the sketch of the late gallant General Rice, who was in command of our forces, and who received a wound, from the effects of which he died not long after.

The 29th Iowa held the right of the line of battle, and half-knee deep in mud and water fought with the most determined bravery from the beginning to the end of the engagement. The gallant charge, which captured the enemy's artillery (the only artillery on the ground) was made by this regiment in connection with the 2d Kansas (colored). One hundred and eight in killed and wounded was the list of casualties of this noble regiment. The colonel escaped uninjured, though his horse was shot dead under him.

Returning to Little Rock with the balance of the forces, the 29th Iowa went into camp where it remained for nearly a year. In February, 1865, it was ordered to New Orleans, where it was attached to the forces of General Canby. Its last services were, in aiding to reduce the strong forts that defended Mobile. The particular part that it acted, I have been unable to learn.

Colonel Benton received his commission as brevet brigadier-general, while stationed with his command at Mobile Point, Alabama, and just before the forces marched from that place, against Spanish Fort. The rank is only complimentary: in justice, his commission should have made him a full brigadier.

General Benton is six feet in hight, and has a well-formed person. He has dark brown hair, a light complexion, and mild, blue eyes. He lacks the dignity and majesty that characterized his late distinguished uncle. Like his uncle, however, he has large self-esteem, and full confidence in his ability. If he wants any thing, he asks for it directly, and not through another; and, if he has done any thing, he does not affect modesty and refuse to let it be known.

In religion, General Benton is a Methodist, and in politics, an ardent Republican. He was formerly a Democrat, but left that party in 1860.

His military record is not a glaring one: indeed, there have been few brilliant ones made in the department where he has chiefly served. But no officer in the army has a more honorable record than he. Great confidence has always been placed in him by his superior officers. After General Steele had lost a great portion of his train near Camden, his chief hope of relief was in the safe escort of a provision-train of one hundred and ninety wagons, forty miles out on the Pine Bluff road, and in charge of a few convalescents, under Colonel Mackey, of the 33d Iowa. The responsible and dangerous duty of bringing this train through in safety was assigned to Colonel Benton, with a force consisting of only two regiments of infantry, four pieces of artillery, and a small squadron of cavalry.

SOURCE: Addison A. Stuart, Iowa Colonels and Regiments, p. 445-52

First Session – 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, April 22. – HOUSE – On motion of Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont, it was resolved that the President should be requested to strike from the rolls, the name of any army officer has been known to be habitually intoxicated by the use of spirituous liquors, while in the service.

Mr. MORRILL stated that he had been assured that the commanding General who failed to reinforce the two Vermont companies who suffered severely at Yorktown, was drunk and had fallen off his horse into the mud.

Mr. Morrill was asked for, but declined to give the name of the General.

An unsuccessful effort was made to lay the fifteen or sixteen confiscation bills on the table, but the motion to do so was lost , by yeas 39, nays 60.

Mr. BINGHAM’S substitute, providing for the capture and condemnation of the enemy’s property, and to indemnify the United States for expenses incurred in the suppression of the rebellion was agreed to, 62 against 48, and the House adjourned.


SENATE – Mr. DAVIS spoke two and a half hours against the bill without concluding, when there was an Executive session, and then Senate adjourned.

The select committee to whom was referred the question of the loyalty of Senator Starke [sic], of Oregon, reported, to-day, that he is disloyal to the Government of the United States, having found that for many months prior to November he was an ardent advocate of the rebellion, and after the formation of the Rebel constitution, openly declared his admiration for it, and warmly avowed his sympathy with the rebel cause.

It subsequently appeared that the committee found that Senator Starke is disloyal to the government of the United States.

A caucus of the Republicans in Congress is called for to-morrow night.


WASHINGTON, April 23 – SENATE – Mr. TRUMBULL presented a petition from W. C. Jewett for a defensive stand still policy at Yorktown to secure a reserve force of 250,000 men.

Mr. TRUMBULL from the Judiciary Committee reported a resolution in relation to the pay of the first Senators and Representatives from the State of Minnesota, which was passed.

Mr. HALE offered a resolution that the Military Committee inquire if any General in the army before Yorktown had exhibited himself drunk in the face of the enemy, and if any measures had been taken for the trial and punishment of such officer.

Mr. SUMNER suggested the subject be referred to the Committee on the Conduct of the War.

Mr. HALE referred to the statement of Mr. Morrill in the House yesterday, and stated that he thought it high time some notice should be taken of these things. If officers thus leave brave men to be slaughtered like beasts, no punishment is too great for them.

Mr. FOSTER said the Senate had not taken high ground enough. The Senate should never have confirmed men known to be intemperate. It becomes us to weed our garden first and correct our laxity and he was pained to say criminality in this respect.

Mr. FOOTE said that the General referred to has not been confirmed.

Mr. HALE said that the Senate had not taken high ground enough, but if officers were so drunk that they could not sit on their horses he tho’t some notice ought to be taken of it. The resolution was adopted.

Mr. DAVIS introduced a bill prescribing an additional oath for Grand and Petit Jurors in the United States Court.

The bill recognizing the independence of Hayti [sic] and Liberia, and the appointment of a diplomatic representation was taken up.

Mr. SUMNER said thus far our Government friendly to new Governments, had turned aside from these nations. He thought that it was time to put an end to this, an anamoly [sic] in history.

Mr. SUMNER continued his speech in favor of the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, and concluded by saying, by recognizing these two nations we only tardily follow the example of the principal nations of the world.

The bill was then postponed until to-morrow and the confiscation bill was then taken up.

Mr. DAVIS resumed his remarks in opposition to the bill. He said that he had already detained the Senate at some length on this question, but he considered that in the importance of its effect the bill had no parallel. He contended that Congress had no right to pass such a bill under the war power.


HOUSE – The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bill which was pending when the adjournment took place yesterday and upon which the main question had been ordered – the bill was tabled by a vote of 54 against 48.

The next bill taken up was to facilitate the suppression of the rebellion and prevent the recurrence of the same. It authorizes the President to direct our Generals to declare the slaves of rebels free, and pledges the faith of the United States to make full and fair compensation to loyal men who have actively supported the Union, for any losses they may sustain by virtue of this bill.

Mr. OLIN understood that the committee on Judiciary had agreed substantially that none of the confiscation bills referred to them ought to pass.

Mr. THOMAS of Mass., remarked that the committee recommended that none of the confiscation bills pass.

Mr. OLIN said that the disposition of the House and the country was that there should be some legislation on the subject; as the Judiciary committee could not agree on the matter, he proposed that a select committee of seven be appointed to take the subject into consideration, such a committee being [untrammeled] the House might anticipate a proper measure of legislation.

Mr. DUNN was glad to hear Mr. Olin’s suggestion. The subject of confiscating Rebel property, was one of the most difficult questions before congress, and the decision of which was involved the restoration of the Government to is former state of prosperity. He congratulated the House and country, that this morning, there had been laid upon the table, a bill which if it had been passed would have disgraced the civilization of this age. (Exclamations on the Democratic side of “good,” “good;” “that’s so.”) It was a bill which, at one fell swoop, would have impoverished the people generally – from old age down to innocent childhood.


WASHINGTON, April 23. – HOUSE – Mr. COLFAX advocated the appointment of a Select Committee.

Mr. DUNN was opposed to a sweeping confiscation bill. He wanted a distinction made against leaders.

Mr. BINGHAM maintained the propriety of a law to punish all who willfully rebel by depriving them of their property.

Mr. LEHMAN was opposed to confiscation bills. He looked on the march of our armies as the proper mode of suppressing the rebellion and re-establishing the Constitution.

Mr. HICKMAN claimed that the Constitution gave the President ample power without Congressional action.

Mr. Crittenden was against all confiscation measures which would tend to exasperate the war and postpone the time of putting down the rebellion.

After further debate, without action the House adjourned.


SENATE. – Mr. SHERMAN offered an amendment specifying persons to whom confiscation should apply, including those who may hereafter hold office under the rebels.


WASHINGTON, April 24. – HOUSE. – Mr. VALANDIGHAM offered a resolution requesting the President to transmit to the House, if not compatible with the public interest, copies of the correspondence between the French and Unites States Governments, as may have been received within the last two months, relative to the present troubles in America. Referred to the committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ALDRICH from the committee on Indian Affairs, reported a bill authorizing a treaty to be made with the Indians of Utah, with a view to purchasing lands.

Also a bill authorizing a treaty with the Nevajoe [sic] Indians, of New Mexico, defining their limits and extinguishing their titles to lands outside of the United States. Referred to the committee of the Whole.

The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bills from yesterday.

Mr. LOVEJOY, said that while this government is engaged in a serious war to put down the rebellion, it was seen this unnatural and parricidal insurrection has sympathizers and advocates on this floor. Those who defend slavery are the defenders of the rebellion, for slavery and rebellion are synonymous. They are unchangeable terms. Wherever slavery is there is rebellion. It is the corner stone, pillar and support. He took the position that either slavery or the Republic must perish. He would tell the gentleman from Kentucky, (Crittenden,) and all other advocates and defenders of the system, and those who cry themselves hoarse, in attempting to throw the protection of the Constitution around it, that it is the desire of the Republic that it should cease to exist. – There is no city of refuge for it. Like an infernal assassin, it has its knife drawn, and is endeavoring to strike it at the heart of the Republic. We are bound to strike the monster, and gentlemen need not cry the Constitution for its defence [sic]. It shall be said, “be slain in the name of my country and my God.”

He denied that slavery has any quarter or recognition in the Constitution. He argued that it was their right duty to destroy slavery because slavery is destroying or will destroy the Republic. He was in favor of the restoration of the Union with the right to stand on the American soil anywhere and proclaim his sentiments. He wanted to stand anywhere on American soil without the enforcement of a despotism to make him hold his tongue. He wanted to speak in South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana, without the fear of lynching or a coat of tar and feathers. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) asked what would four millions of slaves do turned loose. This term was used as if the slaves were wild beasts. Now he (Mr. Lovejoy) had this to say: At present he let them alone to take care of themselves, which they were abundantly able to do. The slaveholders had better turn their attention to another point, namely: What will they do when they cease to live on the unrequieted sweat and toil of slaves? He denied that he and his friends want to make this an antislavery war, but the only way to put down the rebellion and restore the Union was to destroy slavery.

Mr. ROSCOE CONKILING expressed himself in favor of the confiscation bill, to amplify the punishment of treason. He wanted to punish the ring leaders of the rebellion, and have reimbursement of the expenses incurred in suppression the rebellion. The subject was referred to a select of seven.

The House went into committee of the Whole, and took up the bill making appropriations for bounties to widows, and the legal heirs of Volunteers.

Mr. ROLLINS, of Missouri, made a speech against the Rebellion, and complimented Mr. Lincoln for his efforts in behalf of the Union. He was opposed to any and all extreme measures and for prosecuting the war on the principle laid down at the extra session, that when the supremacy of the Constitution and Laws are established the war ought to cease.


SENATE.

A communication was received from the War Department, transmitting copies of contracts made by that Department, for 1861.

Mr. GRIMES presented 420 petitions from beer and malt liquor manufacturers, asking fro a reduction in the proposed tax on beer and malt liquors.

Mr. BROWNING presented similar petitions.

Mr. POWELL moved to take up the resolution offered by him concerning the arrest of civilians in Kentucky, &c.

Mr. SUMNER opposed taking the resolution as independent.

Mr. POWELL did not see why the Senator should make any opposition to the resolution. It simply asked how many citizens of the free States have been dragged from their homes without warrant of law and called on tyrants and usurpers to know where they are and what their names are.

They are free white men, if they had been negroes the Senator from Massachusetts would make no opposition to the resolution. He (Sumner) was extremely pained about the wrongs of the negro but white men had some rights, and he wanted the Secretary to tell us why and what for these men were thus unlawfully dragged to prison without any charge of crime being bro’t against them.

Mr. SUMNER said the Senator from Kentucky had made an inflammatory speech and had called a high officer of the Government a tyrant and usurper. In the event of the resolution being taken up, the whole question must be gone into. If the Secretary of War was a tyrant and usurper, there were men arrested who were traitors.

Mr. POWELL (in his seat). Who are they? Name them.

MR. POWELL said that some of the men who have been arrested are as loyal as the Senator from Massachusetts (Sumner). He defied the Senator to point out any law by which the Secretary of State can carry off citizens of Kentucky and imprison them in the forts of Massachusetts and New York.

The bill for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, being the special order was taken up.

Mr. DAVIS moved to substitute, authorizing the President to appoint a Consul to Liberia and a Consul to Hayti, with power to negotiate treaties. He was opposed to sending any ambassadors to those countries. If they send ministers here, and send a full blooded negro, he could demand to be received on equal terms with white men. He knew that a big negro fellow was admitted to the Court of France as Minister from Hayti, but he (Davis) wanted no such exhibition. He was sick and disgusted with the subject of slavery in the Senate.

Mr. SUMNER said the senate would bear him witness that he had said nothing about slavery on this bill, the Senator from Kentucky did that. The Senator from Kentucky might banish all fear of any social difficulty. He (Sumner) was sure that no representative from Hayti would ever force himself where he was not wanted. He said the Committee had come to the conclusion that we should be represented by diplomatic agents in those countries and this was in accordance with the precedents of this Government, and the example of other Nations.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 3

A man twenty-eight years old was married . . .

. . . to a woman sixty-tree years old, in Newburyport, the other day. The Herald says the mans was apparently well please with his new relation, and the woman was as “tickled as a child with a rattle.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1863, p. 4

Sunday, December 27, 2009

Salutary effects of American Travel

The Paris Moniteur of March 30, states that the Princess Clothilde Napoleon is in the fifth month of her pregnancy.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Surrender of Slaves by the Army

SPEECH OF SENATOR GRIMES.

On motion of Mr. Wilson of Massachusetts, the senate proceeded to consider the following resolution, submitted by him on the 3d of April:

“Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia be directed to consider and report whether any further legislation is necessary to prevent persons employed in the military service of the United States from aiding in the return or control over persons claimed as fugitive slaves, and to punish them therefore.”

Mr. GRIMES. I Propose to amend the resolution by adding to it:

“And to report what reorganization of the army in its Personnel or otherwise, may be necessary to promote the public welfare, and bring the rebellion to a speedy and triumphant end.”

It is, of course, to be expected that there will be great differences of opinion among the friends of the Government as to the manner in which the present war should be conducted. – Such differences are the natural results of our various domestic institutions, systems of education, modes of thought, degrees of civilization, and of individual opinions of necessities of our situation. But there are certain great fundamental principles upon which one would think, all ought to agree. We certainly ought to do nothing and suffer nothing to be done calculated in any degree to repel or paralyze the efforts of our friends at home, who are doing everything in their power to encourage and sustain the soldiers in the field. While inculcating the necessity of the strictest obedience to military duty, it should be constantly bourne in mind that ours are a citizen soldiery, soon to return to the bosom of civil society, and that the performance of no unsoldierly duty should be required of them that would be calculated to impair their [self-respect], diminish their regard for their officers, incite them to rebel against discipline, or taint their reputations at home. It must not be expected that the natural instincts of humanity will be stifled by military orders, and surely our soldiers should not be required to assist in the perpetration of acts against which ever enlightened sentiment of their hearts revolts. One would think that all men would agree in pronouncing that a cruel and despotic order which repels the Divine precept: “inasmuch as ye did it not to one of least of these ye did it not to me,” and arbitrarily forbids the soldier to bestow a crust of bread or a cup of water upon a wretched, famishing fugitive escaping from our own as well as his enemy. Yet, Mr. President, I grieve to say that there are those high in rank in the service of the United States who have sought to break down the spirit of manhood, which is the crowning glory of true soldiers, by requiring them to do acts outside of their profession which they abhor, and to smother all impulses to those deeds of charity which they have been taught to believe are the characteristics of Christian gentlemen.

It was known to the country at an early day after the commencement of the war, that some military commanders were abusing the great power intrusted to them, and were employing the Army to assist in the capture and rendition of fugitive slaves, not in aid of any judicial process, but in obedience to their own unbridled will. The effect of this assumption of unauthorized power was to incite the soldiery to disobedience, and to arouse the people in the necessity of proper legislative restraints. It was in compliance with the popular sentiment on this subject that Congress enacted the additional article of war, which was approved on the 13th of March last, and which declared that

“All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective command for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.”

It was intended by this article to prevent the military service from becoming odious to the people who support the war, and degrading to those who have volunteered to fight under our banners. It simply declares that the Army of the United States shall not be perverted from the legitimate use for which it was raised, while it interferes in no degree with the claim of any man to a person alleged to be a slave; it leaves questions of that character to be settled, and rights of that description to be enforced by others than the military authority. The intention of those who voted for that article was, not to abridge any man’s rights, but to leave every one to his legal remedies as though no war existed.

How is this new article of war enforced? It has been promulgated to the army it is true. It may not be openly and avowedly violated. Soldiers may not hereafter be required to actually perform the humiliating office of fastening manacles upon the limbs of persons said to be slaves, nor to escort them to the residence of their masters; but the experience of the last few days has taught us that, notwithstanding the new article of war, our military officers suffer their camps to be invaded by armed detachments of slave-hunters, without the support of any process of law, who there attempt to shoot, ruin and kill with impunity those whom they claim to be slaves, while our soldiers are required to stand indifferently by and witness the inhuman work. There seems to be a purpose in some quarters to do by indirection what cannot be done directly. The object being to serve the slave-holders, whether loyal or rebel, (and they are generally rebels,) there seems to be a disposition on the part of some officers to travel around a law which they dare not break through. Unable any longer to compel the soldiers to engage in the search, capture, and rendition of slaves, they now authorize slave-hunters, armed with pistols and military orders, to traverse their camps in search of their prey, and, by threat of military punishment, attempt to compel the soldiers to remain quiescent witnesses of the atrocities that may be committed. There is no controversy about the fact, that the evidence is overwhelming and is to be found on every hand. – Only last week, General Joseph Hooker, a native of Massachusetts, in command of a division of our army, issued an order, of which the following is a copy.


HEADQUARTERS, HOOKER’S DIVISION,
CAMP BAKER, LOWER POTOMAC,
March 26, 1862.

To Brigade and Regimental Commanders of this Division:

Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dummington, Speake, Dent, Adams, Price, Posey and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have negroes supposed to be with some of the regiments of this division; the Brigadier General Commanding directs that they be permitted to visit all camps of his command, in search of their property, and if found, that they be allowed to take possession of the same, without any interference whatever. Should any obstacle be thrown in their way by any officer or soldier in the division, they will be at once reported by the regimental commanders to these headquarters.

By command of Brigadier General Hooker.
JOSEPH DICKINSON, A. A. General.


It will be observed that this order authorizes nine persons, citizens of Maryland, to visit the camps of Hooker’s division, without any judicial or other process than this military order, and there search for slaves “without any interference whatever,” and “should any obstacle be thrown in their way, by any officer or soldier in the division,” they are threatened with instant report to headquarters and a consequent court-martial punishment. The appearance and conduct of this band of marauders produced precisely the result that might have been anticipated. In describing it, I use the language of the officer in command of one of the regimental camps which they visited and attempted to search:


HEADQUARTERS SECOND REGIMENT,
EXCELSIOR BRIGADE, CAMP HALL, March 27,

Lieutenant: In compliance with verbal directions from Brigadier General D. E. Sickles, to report as to the occurrence at this camp on the afternoon of the 26th instant, I beg leave to submit the following:

At about 3 30 o’clock, P. M., March 26, 1862, admission within our lines was demanded by a party of horsemen, (civilians,) numbering perhaps, fifteen. They presented the lieutenant commanding the guard with an order of entrance from Brigadier General Joseph Hooker, commanding division, (copy appended,) the order stating that nine men should be admitted. I ordered that the balance should remain without the lines; which was done. Upon the appearance of the others, there was visible dissatisfaction and considerable murmuring among the soldiers, to so great an extent that I almost feared for the safety of the slaveowners. At this time General Sickles opportunely arrived, and instructed me to order them outside the camp, which I did, amidst the loud cheers of our soldiers. It is proper to add, that before entering our lines, and within about seventy-five or one hundred yards of our camp, one of their number discharged two pistol shots at a negro, who was running past them, with an evident intention of taking his life. This justly enraged our men.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

JOHN TOLEN,
Major Commanding, Second Regiment, E. B.

Lieut. J. L. Palmer, Jr., A. D. C. and A. A. A. G.


Mr. President, are such scenes as were witnessed in this camp calculated to promote discipline and to inspire respect for the officers in command, or affection for the Government that tolerates them? Doubtless, such officers will find methods to gratify their tastes in this direction, but I trust that they will not long be permitted to torment better men than themselves, who happen to be their inferiors in rank. Is it unreasonable to ask the Government to see to it that the spirit of the law of Congress shall not be evaded by indirection; and that examples of passion and violence and murder shall not be exhibited in our camps with the connivance or under the authority of our military officers?

The Senator from Ohio made to us, a few days ago, a most extraordinary statement of the condition of affairs at the capital of his own State. In one of the military camps in the city of Columbus, are several hundred rebel prisoners of war. Some of them are attended by colored servants, claimed as slaves. These servants have been transported at Government expense, fed, clothed, and doctored by the Government; and while the rebel officers are allowed the freedom of the city upon parole, the servants are strictly guarded and confined in camp by our own soldiers. The free State of Ohio is virtually converted by the order or by the assent of a military commander, and against the wishes of the people, into a slave State; and that order is enforced by men in our employment and under our pay. And this state of things does not exist in Columbus alone. Much indignation was felt and expressed in the state of Illinois, where the same practice was allowed to prevail among the prisoners captured at Fort Donelson. The greater part, if not all, of these prisoners, who had slaves attending them at the camp near Chicago, were transferred soon after arriving there, the Government paying the cost of transporting both whites and blacks. Whether this transfer was prompted by a knowledge of the popular indignation that had been excited, and a fear lest the tenure by which the prisoners held them as slaves was hourly becoming more and more insecure, I will not undertake to say.

How long, think you, will this method of dealing with the rebels be endured by the freemen of this country? Are our brothers and sons to be confined within the walls of the tobacco warehouses and jails of Richmond and Charleston, obliged to perform the most menial offices, subsisted upon the most stinted diet, their lives endangered if they attempt to obtain a breath of fresh air, or a beam of God’s sunlight at a window, while the rebels captured by those very men are permitted to go at large upon parole, to be pampered with luxuries, to be attended by slaves, and the slaves guarded from escape by our own soldiers? Well might the General Assembly of the State of Ohio ask, in the language of a Committee of their Senate:

“Why were these slaves taken at all? They were not, and had not been in arms against the Government – their presence at Fort Donelson was not even voluntary. Why are they retained in prison? They have done no wrong – they deserve no punishment. Is it to punish rebel officers with servants? And was it for this they were transported at the expense of the Government and are now subsisted at her cost? Is our constitutional provision thus to be made a nulity, and slavery practically established in Ohio? And this under the protection and at the expense of the Federal Government.”

Mr. McDougall. Will the Senator allow me to ask a question of the Senator from Ohio?

M. Grimes. Yes, Sir.

Mr. McDougall. Was it stated that the slaves of Tennessee were kept as prisoners of war in Ohio? I did not understand you so to state it.

Mr. Sherman. Slaves were captured at Fort Donelson, brought to Ohio, and put in the same prison with their masters, and kept there.

Mr. McDougall. And held as prisoners?

Mr. Sherman. Held there and rendered menial service to those officers.

Mr. McDougall. I understood you to state that they waited on their masters; but I did not understand you to state that they were held by the Government of the United States.

Mr. Sherman. They were held by the Government of the United States, and draw rations now, and are supported by the Government of the United States. I will state for the benefit of my friend that I have here a letter from the chairman of the committee of the Senate who made the report.

Mr. Grimes. The Senator will permit me to go on, and it can be read afterwards.

Mr. Sherman. Certainly.

Mr. Grimes. In the month of February last, an officer of the third regiment of Iowa infantry, stationed at a small town in Missouri, succeeded in capturing several rebel bridge-burners, and some recruiting officers belonging to Price’s army. The information that led to their capture was furnished by two or three remarkably shrewd and intelligent slaves, claimed by a Lieut. Col. in the rebel army. Shortly afterward the master dispatched an agent, with instructions to seize the slaves and convey them within the rebel lines, whereupon the Iowa officer himself seized them and reported the circumstances to headquarters. The slaves soon understanding the full import of Gen. Halleck’s celebrated order No. 3, two of them attempted an escape. This was regarded as an unpardonable sin. The Iowa officer was immediately placed under arrest, and a detachment of the Missouri State militia – men in the pay of this Government and under the Command of Gen. Halleck – were sent in pursuit of the fugitives. The hunt was successful. The slaves were captured and returned to their traitor master, but not until one of then had been shot by order of the soldier in command of the pursuing party.

Mr. President, how long shall we permit such conduct as this to go unrebuked? Does any one suppose that the people will quietly submit to the imposition of taxes to support a State militia in the field that is to be employed in the capture of slaves for the benefit of officers of the rebel army? Is it supposed that the Senators from Iowa will silently, patiently permit the gallant officers from that State to be outraged in the manner I have described?

It is quite time, Mr. President, that some definite policy should be established for the treatment of escaped slaves; and I am of the opinion that congress has been grossly derelict in permitting the evil to go so long unregulated and unchecked. We have almost as many diverse systems of dealing with this class of persons as we have military departments. In one military district fugitive slaves have been pursued, flogged, and returned to their masters by our army; in another they have been simply pursued and returned without flogging; in another they have been pursued and shot in the attempt to return them; in another they have been termed “contraband,” and received within our lines in the mixed character of persons and property. In the absence of any authoritative declaration of Congress, none of these modes may be held to be in conflict with law other than the law of common sense and common decency.

It is obvious that the article of war which I have quoted does not meet the case presented by Major General Halleck in his order No. 3 – That celebrated manifesto declares in substance that all persons from the enemy’s country shall be excluded from our lines. That plain purpose of the order is to prohibit fugitive slaves from escaping from the rebellious districts, and thereby securing their freedom. It was doubtless competent for Gen. Halleck to issue such an order, and it is equally competent for Congress, which has made and continues to make articles of war for the government of the Army and Navy, to countermand it. And, sir, it ought to be countermanded. I will not pause to discuss the humanitarian features of the question. – Public policy, no less than popular feeling, demands that order No. 3 be forever erased. – There never was a war waged in the history of the world where the means of acquiring information of the enemy’s position and numbers from people in his own midst was more ample than here, and there never was one where the commanding officers have suffered more from lack of such information. Order No. 3 proposes to incorporate the fatuity and blindness which remained unwritten in other military departments into a historical record and a public advertisement. It proposes to warn all persons against bringing information of the enemy’s movements to our camps under penalty of being turned back to receive such punishment as the enemy may choose to inflict for betraying them, or for running away and betraying combined. No organization of secret service can meet all the requirements of an army operation in an enemy’s country, unless aided by some portion of the inhabitants of the country. – What folly, then, to wall out and repel the very inhabitants who might bring us the information we most need, and who have everywhere shown an eagerness to do so!

It is the undoubted right and duty of every nation, when engaged in a righteous war – and no other than a righteous war is justifiable at all – to avail itself of every legitimate means known to civilized warfare to overcome its enemies. What will be thought by posterity of this nation, if, in the present emergency, we not only fail to employ the evidence which Providence seems to have placed at our disposal, but actually seek every opportunity to exasperate and drive from our support those who are anxious to serve us? Were the Russian nobles now engaged in a rebellion against their Government, would we not regard their emperor as guilty of the greatest folly if he not only declined to enlist the serfs of his empire to aid in suppressing the insurrection, but repelled them from his service and allowed his generals to return them to his rebellions nobles, to be used by them in overthrowing his authority? And can any one tell me the difference between the case I have put and our own?

The whole history of the world does not exhibit a nation guilty of such extreme fatuity as has marked the conduct of our Government in its treatment of the colored population since the present war began. It seems to be impossible to convince ourselves that war, with all of its attendant responsibilities and calamities, really exists, and that future generations will not hold those guiltless who refuse to use any of the means which God has placed in their hands to bring it to a speedy and successful termination. History will pronounce those men criminals who, in this crisis of the nation’s fate, consult the prejudices of caste or color, and regard the interests of property of paramount importance to the unity of the nation.

It is useless to attempt to blink out of sight the great issues before us; issues that must be settled, and settled by us. It were wiser and more manly to meet them squarely and at once. We are in the midst of the greatest revolution that ever occurred in ancient or modern times. Such armies as are now marshaled in hostile array on this continent, in point of numbers, equipment, and expense, have been hitherto unknown in the annals of mankind. We are imposing burdens in the form of taxes that will be felt by unborn generations. We are suffering much now; we expect and are willing to suffer more. And Why: Because we desire to preserve the integrity of our nation; because we believe that Heaven designed us to be one people with one destiny; the freest and happiest on earth. It was to preserve that unity of our national existence that our sons and brothers have gone forth to do battle. For this it was that the gallant men of Iowa have freely, triumphantly, laid down their lives at Wilson’s Creek, Blue Mills, Belmont, Fort Donelson, Pea Ridge, and Pittsburg. And shall we, after these great sacrifices of life and treasure, hesitate about employing any of the instrumentalities in aid of the country that are known to civilized warfare? Shall we not be recreant to our high trust if we doubt or delay in this particular?

This war will go on until rebellion is subdued. Upon this point there need be no controversy. Rely upon it the north-western States will submit to no temporizing or compromising policy. They are too much in earnest; they have suffered to much already; they know too well what they would be compelled to suffer in the future to allow treason to go unpunished. It is because they desire to prevent the recurrence of the rebellion that they demand that it shall now be thoroughly crushed out. Among things necessary to be done to fully accomplish this purpose, we must conquer and hold all of the forts and strong positions on the south Atlantic and Gulf coasts. How shall they be garrisoned when captured? This is a question we shall soon be compelled to answer; and I am prepared for its solution. I answer it unhesitatingly that we should garrison them, in whole or in part, by soldiers of African descent; that instead of returning slaves to their rebel masters to fight against us, we should employ them in our own military service.

I know very well that this proposition encounters at once all the prejudices that have been engendered by differences of race, education and social position; but let us look at it a moment soberly and practically. It is assumed as admitted by all that the southern forts must be captured and strongly garrisoned for some years to come. They are situated in a warm and enervating [climate], and the particular location of nearly all of them renders them more than unusually unhealthy, even for that section of the country. In addition to the forts already established, we shall be compelled to build new ones. The rebels rely upon the diseases of their climate to decimate our northern army in the summer and autumnal months; and their confidence is well placed. Our troops will wither before the fevers of the Gulf coast as vegetation does before the blast of the [sirocco]. Now, we have in our midst thousands of hardy, athletic, colored men, fitted by nature to endure the heat and miasma of the tropics, and some of them accustomed to it, who are panting to be employed in the capacity of soldiers. Many of them having been in a state of bondage, have been abandoned by their masters, and are now thrown upon us for support. Some of them were forced by our enemies into their military service, and have deserted from it. They implore our protection, and we must give it if we would not become a “scorn and derision” among the nations of the earth. They have shown on divers occasions, both on sea and land, that they belong to a warlike race. They are obedient and teachable. They can be subsisted much cheaper than white soldiers, can perform more labor and are subject to fewer diseases in a warm climate.

Now, with these facts before us, shall we refuse to employ them? What substantial reason can be given for not doing so? Is it because they have not the proper capacity for command? Then give them white officers, as is done by the British Government to the same race, by the French Government to the Arabs, and by the Russian Government to the Tartars and other semi-barbarous soldiers within that empire. Is it because they do not possess the average courage of soldiers? In addition to the testimony in disproof of this, furnished a few days ago by the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Wilson,) I refer you to your vessels of war, where you have hundreds of these men employed, and none more valiant. Is it because they are not obedient to command? The whole history of the race shows the contrary, for if there is any one thing for which they are remarkable more than another, it is their confiding submission to the will of their superiors. Is it said that we have white soldiers enough for all of our purposes? True we have a large army, composed of men of unsurpassed valor and patriotism, who if we require it, will sacrifice their lives for their country, whether by the sword or by disease; but I would, if I could, recall a portion of them to their homes and to the industrial pursuits of life. Am I told that the enrollment of colored soldiers will be regarded by the army as humiliating to them? Mr. President, those public men fail to comprehend the character of American soldiers who suppose that they are fighting for mere military glory, or that in this critical hour they are controlled by ignoble prejudice against color or race. They are citizens as well as soldiers. They want the rebellion speedily crushed and the supreme authority of the law established leaving social and political questions to be settled afterwards. They feel that the desertion of every colored soldier, artificer or laborer from the rebellious States withdraws aid and support from the rebellion, and bring it so much nearer to an end. They cannot understand, nor can I, that refined casuistry that justifies us in converting the enemy’s horse or ox to our use, and in turning their inanimate engines of destruction against themselves, but denies us the right to turn their slaves, their animate hostile engines in human form, to the same purpose. – They cannot imagine why it is that some gentleman are so willing that men of the African race should labor for them, and so unwilling that they should fight for them.

What a wonderful difference of action and sentiment there is on this subject between the officers of the Army and Navy. While officers of the Army have disgraced themselves, annoyed and incensed their subordinates, dishonored the country, and injured the public service by the promulgation of their ridiculous orders about slaves, no officer in the Navy, thank God has ever descended to follow their example. – Their noble, manly, generous hearts would revolt at the idea of having imposed upon them the humiliating duty of capturing and returning fugitive slaves. They serve their country not slaveowners. They think that duty to the country requires them to avail themselves of the service of these people instead of driving them back to their masters, or suffering them to starve; and they act upon this conviction. – At the taking of Hatteras, one of the large guns of the Minnesota was wholly manned and worked by persons called “contrabands,” and no gun on the ship was better served. These people are, it is well known, remarkable for the proficiency they soon acquire as cannoneers – On the same ship as a boat’s crew, every one of whom, including the coxswain, is a colored man and there are none more skillful, or render more satisfactory service to the officers of the vessel. The whole country knows the service rendered by them to Commodore Dupont and to the vessels under his command. They have acted as pilots, and in the most important positions, and I have the authority of the two superior officers of that fleet for saying that they have never been deceived or mislead by any one of them. I am convinced that our expedition to the south Atlantic coast would not have [been] so successful as it has been but for the slaves found there, and who were employed by our naval officers. There are more or less of them on all our vessels of war. – They are efficient men, and their presence produces no discord among the crews.

Mr. President, I whish to be distinctly understood. I advocate no indiscriminate arming of the colored race, although I frankly confess that I would do so were it necessary to put down the rebellion. I do not favor this proposition merely because of its anti-slavery tendency. I approve it because it will result in a saving of human life and in bringing the rebellion to a speedier termination. It is my business to aid in bringing this war to a close by conquering an unconditional peace in the least expensive and speediest manner possible. Acting upon this idea of my duty, and believing that humanity and the best interests of the country require the enrollment of a few colored regiments for garrisoning the southern forts I shall vote, whenever an opportunity shall be afforded me, for converting a portion of the colored refugees into soldiers, instead of forcing them back into servitude to their rebel masters and their rebel government. We may hesitate to do this. Our hesitation will cost us the valuable lives of many of our own race who are near and dear to us. Our hesitation to use the means which Providence seems to have placed in our hands for crushing the rebellion may carry desolation to many a loyal hearthstone. But we must adopt this policy sooner or later, and in my opinion, the sooner the better. The rebels have this day thousands of slaves throwing up intrenchments and redoubts at Yorktown, and thousands of them performing military duty elsewhere; and yet we hesitate and doubt the propriety of employing the same race of people to defend ourselves and our institutions against them. Mr. President how long shall we hesitate?

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p 4

Saturday, December 26, 2009

Skirmish

NEW YORK, April 22. – Advices per the Marion, from Port Royal the 19th, states, that a surveying party of 200 of the 8th Michigan, landing at Wilmington, were surprised by about 800 rebels who poured on then an effective fire, killing and wounding several. The Federals returned the fire and went gallantly into the fight. The rebels after a short stand retreated in order. An Adjutant of the 8th Michigan was killed with 12 or 13 others, and 25 or 30 wounded; the rebel loss unknown.

Ft. Pulaski is so much injured as to be unfit for a work of defense.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Washington News

WASHINGTON, April 21. – A message reached the Senate to-day from the President, touching the arrest of ex-Secretary Cameron at the insistence of Pierce Butler. The President avows Butler’s arrest to be his act done under his authority and avers that it was justified by State necessity.

The nomination of Col. Tuttle of the 2nd Iowa as a Brigadier General has been determined upon.

Gen. Rosecrans is in command of a corps, and he will soon be heard from.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Floods in Canada

MONTREAL, April 21. – There are heavy freshets prevailing throughout Lower Canada. Many villages are flooded, and there has been great destruction of property.

The locks and dams near Ottawa are in danger.

The Western trains have been interrupted for the last three days. The road is washing out near [Cornwall], but is expected to get right to-day.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

A Riot – Loss of Life

ST. LOUIS, April 21. – A riot occurred at East St. Louis Saturday night, in which three men were injured. In consequence of the high water in the river the inhabitants stopped up the culvert on the O. & M. Railroad to prevent the town being submerged. The Road Master fearing the track would be washed away, proceeded with the track hands to remove obstructions – They were met by a crowd, who ordered them off. The matter was referred to the Provost Marshal, who sent over a guard of 60 men to quell the disturbance and protect the Railroad men. They found 75 or 100 men assembled to prevent the obstructions being removed. The crowd was ordered away, but refused to go, and as the guard advanced, several shots were fired at them, but no one was injured. The guard then charged bayonets on the crowd, and three men were injured seriously.

Yesterday Col. Parsons and M. N. Brown, Provost on the Road, went on to examine into the matter, and decided the obstructions ought to remain, as their removal involved the destruction of a vast amount of property.

It is doubtful whether the embankment of the Road will prevent the town being submerged, as the road is nearly overflowed in several places.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Report of a Reliable Gentleman from Memphis

ST. LOUIS, April 22 – From a gentleman who left Memphis a few days after the battle of Pittsburg, we learn that the rebels, putting both days of the battle together, still claim a victory. Their claims rest on the supposition that there were more killed, wounded and taken prisoners on the Federal side, than on their own.

Our informant says that Prentiss made a speech to his troops in Memphis, in which he endeavored to modify their complaints in relation to their treatment, food, &c. He told them that they would soon be exchanged, and rallied them generally to keep good spirits. Prentiss was in [excellent] temper. He owned up to a defeat on Sunday, but said that the rebels were badly whipped on Monday. The prisoners were being sent to Richmond.

Our informant was in Huntsville when Mitchell reached there with his division. The seizure of the place was a complete surprise, and the occupation of the railroad between Decatur and Stevenson, was regarded as the hardest blow the Rebels had yet received.

The rebels were preparing to make a desperate stand at Corinth, and fresh troops were constantly arriving at Memphis.

When he left, business at Memphis was almost entirely suspended, and the people generally believed that there were on the eve of events which will speedily decide the war.

Rev. D. R. McInally, Editor of the St. Louis Christian Advocate, has been arrested and placed in military prison, and his paper suppressed, for published treasonable matter. This arrest causes no surprise, as in the course of McInally’s paper, for some time past, has been very obnoxious to the Government.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Abraham M. Heifner

Private, Co. I, 10th Iowa Infantry


Specials to the New York Papers

(Tribune’s Dispatch.)

WASHINGTON, April 21. – The Norfolk Day-Book of Saturday Contains the following:

Knoxville, April 18. – Capt. A Shely, commanding 300 artillery, intercepted 1,075 Lincolnites starting for Kentucky, yesterday, near Jackboro’. They fought for two or three hours and succeeded in killing about [75] and taking 500 prisoners. Our loss – none were killed and only about twenty-five wounded.

No less than 5,500 Lincolnites have left East Tennessee for Kentucky, since the Governor’s proclamation calling on the military.


Wilmington, April 18 – Private letters dated April 17th, says the enemy attacked Fort Macon last Saturday and had been fighting two days. Col. White sent out a part of his men on the beach and found three hundred Yankees. They killed fifteen of our men, when we retired into the fort. Col. White fired canister at the enemy, killing large numbers of them.

The enemy have erected a battery two miles from the fort, on the beach, and planted mortars and large size guns. Eleven large ships are outside.

The enemy have sent to Newbern for gunboats to operate in the Sound. The enemy are committing every imaginable outrage in Onslow and Cataract counties.

Fort Macon has not yet been taken.


Augusta, Ga., April 18 – The Savannah Morning News says that a skirmish took place at Whitesburg yesterday, between some companies of the 15th Georgia and a Michigan battery, in which the latter were repulsed.

An accident occurred on the Atlantic and West Point railroad, at Greenland, by which about 200 confederate soldiers were killed and six slightly wounded.

The Richmond Inquirer of Friday says the Rebel Court of Inquiry which has been deliberating for some time past, upon the advisability of releasing John M. Botts from imprisonment, adjourned Thursday. The result of their labors have not yet transpired.


Goldsboro, April 15. – On Monday last below Pollocksville, near Evanston, a skirmish took place between a detachment of the 2d North Carolina cavalry regiment and the enemy’s pickets.

Lieut. Cololnel Robinson, who commanded is probably a prisoner. Capt Turner was hurt by a fall from his horse. Five privates were severely injured and five wounded from gun shots.


(World’s Dispatch)

Information has been received that Gen. Joe Johnson has about three thousand rebel troops at Gordonsville, and is ready to fall back on North Anna River, preparatory to a general retreat on Richmond.


(Herald’s Dispatch)

We learn from the Petersburgh Express that a requisition has been mad upon the slave owners of Prince George and Surry counties for one-half the negroes between the ages of 16 and 50 years, to [report] to Wilmington, where the rebel General McGruder’s [sic] reserves are posted to work on the fortifications which are designed to protect Yorktown in the rear.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Friday, December 25, 2009

Colonel John Connell

SECOND COLONEL, TWENTY-EIGHTH INFANTRY.

John Connell is a Scotchman by birth. Scotland has two sons, who have been honored with colonel's commissions from Iowa — Geddes and Connell.

John Connell was born the 16th day of March, 1824, in Paisley, Scotland; and emigrated to the United States in the year 1831. He settled, with his parents, in Norwich, Connecticut, where he received a common school education, and where he continued to live till the year 1852, when he came West, and settled in Tama county, Iowa. He was one of the first settlers in that county, and assisted in its organization. His first residence was in the village of Buckingham; but, in 1855, he removed to Toledo. He was a farmer in Buckingham, and, in Toledo, a merchant and trader in lands. He was once in the Iowa Legislature. The Whigs of his county elected him in 1854; but, on reporting at Iowa City, he found the Whig Party dead, and joined hands with the Republicans. He came to Iowa poor, and has now a respectable property.

Mr. Connell was commissioned lieutenant-colonel of the 28th Iowa Infantry on the 16th day of September, 1862; and, on the 14th of the following March, was promoted to the full colonelcy of his regiment.

During the colonelcy of Mr. Connell, the most interesting portion of his regiment's record is to be found in the history of General Banks' march up the Red River, in the spring of 1864, and in the brilliant operations of General Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley, in the following Fall. But from the time General McClernand commenced his march across the peninsula west of Vicksburg, to New Carthage and Perkin's plantation, up to the date of the battle of Pleasant Hill, Louisiana, where he was wounded, Colonel Connell was in command of his regiment. He led it in the battles of Port Gibson, Champion's Hill, and against the rebel works at Vicksburg.

On the 1st of August, 1863, after returning from Jackson, (for the 28th Iowa joined General Sherman on that march) Colonel Connell left with his regiment on board transports, for Natchez, where he arrived on the 3d instant. The next day, he marched out to Second Bayou, seven miles from the city, and assisted in the construction of cotton fortifications. But there seemed to be no rest for the regiment; for, on the 12th instant, it was again ordered on board boats and dispatched to Carrollton, Louisiana. During the balance of the Summer, and through the following Fall, the regiment served in Louisiana; but a history of its movements during this time has been already given, and need not be repeated.

The 28th Iowa passed Christmas at Algiers, opposite New Orleans, and moved up to Madisonville, on the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain, early in February, 1864. There it remained till it joined General Banks in his Red River Campaign.

The command of General Banks in the Red River Expedition, consisting of detachments of the 13th and 19th Army Corps, was rendezvoused at Berwick Bay early in March, 1864. These troops were under the immediate command of General Franklin, General Banks being commander-in-chief. Only the 3d and 4th Divisions of the 13th Army Corps were present, the 3d being commanded by General Cameron, an Indiana man, and the 4th by General Ransom, later, the hero of Sabine Cross Roads. The 28th Iowa was attached to the 3d Division; and, with the 24th Iowa, the 47th Indiana and 56th Ohio regiments, constituted the Brigade. General Franklin left Berwick Bay for Alexandria, where a junction was to be formed with the command of General A. J. Smith of the 16th Army Corps, on the 13th of March, only two days before General Smith had occupied that place. His course lay nearly due north; and, for a long distance, was the same as that traveled by General Banks in gaining the rear of Port Hudson. Passing through New Iberia, Vermillionville, Opelousas and Washington, he reached Alexandria on Saturday evening, the 26th instant. In the march through the country to Alexandria, no opposition was met: only a few rebel cavalry vedettes were seen. General Banks, having in the meantime come up by boat from New Orleans, and every thing being in readiness for an advance, the 13th and 19th Corps broke camp and marched in the direction of Natchitoches. General Smith, moving with his command to the head of the rapids above Alexandria, proceeded up the river on transports.

The spirits of General Franklin's troops were buoyant, and the magnificent country through which they were passing made the march for them a mere pastime. It was holiday sport, but was soon to be changed for serious work. For a further account of this march, and of the part taken by the 28th Iowa in the battle of Sabine Cross Roads, I refer to the statement of Captain J. T. Simmons, chaplain of the regiment. His account differs in some respects from what I have been informed were the facts; but he was on the ground, and has doubtless told the truth.

"We reached Alexandria on Saturday, and stayed over Sunday. * * On Monday morning our division, taking the lead, moved forward and reached Natchitoches, a distance of eighty-five miles, in three days and a half. When within twenty-three miles of that place, we received intelligence that the enemy were pressing General Lee's cavalry, and a forced march was begun. Our regiment was in front, and we reached the place in six hours. * * On the 6th of April we again started, and on the 7th received orders to hurry up to the assistance of General Lee, and after a rapid march reached Pleasant Hill.

"Pausing a few moments, we were ordered to fall in, and were sent out one mile to support the cavalry, but after an hour's waiting returned again to camp. On the morning of the 8th, our division moved forward to support General Lee; and one brigade of the 4th Division soon engaged the enemy. Reaching Ten-Mile Creek, we halted in line of battle. At 2 P. M., we moved forward to Moss' Lane, am1 went into the action near Mansfield."

The country between Pleasant Hill and Mansfield, Louisiana, is hilly, and for the most part, covered with heavy timber: the road connecting these two places is narrow and difficult. More especially is this the case just east of where the enemy were first met. In this road and near the front was a portion of General Banks' train, including his head-quarter wagons. General Ransom led the advance on the morning of the 8th instant and was the first to engage the enemy. They were met in heavy force, when, after a desperate struggle the 4th Division was completely routed. Word came back that the division was all cut to pieces, and that the 3d Division which was at Ten-Mile Creek must hurry to the front. These troops accordingly started at double-quick, but hardly had the column got in motion before stragglers were met. A little further on, the wagon-train was encountered which completely blocked the narrow road, but in such an emergency this was no obstacle, for the troops swinging into the timber by the sides of the road hurried on. The scene of confusion was now reached. Here were met the shattered and bleeding battalions of the poor 4th Division, hurrying in rapid flight from the field. Terror stared from the faces of all: many were wounded and covered with blood, and all had the same alarming story: "We are all cut to pieces! We are all cut to pieces!!"

The 2d Brigade now came to where there was a clearing on the left of the road, and timber on the right, and here was formed the new line of battle. The position of the 28th Iowa was in the edge of the timber, with the clearing and a ravine in front. To its left were four companies of the 24th Iowa. This position was gallantly held till out-flanked, when, falling back, the 2d Brigade again formed line, some three-quarters of a mile to the rear; and this line was held till sun-down. In the meantime, the 19th Corps had come up, which, coming into line, checked the further advance of the enemy. That night a retreat was ordered; and, on the afternoon of the next day, was fought the battle of Pleasant Hill.

With no desire to disparage the conduct of other troops engaged at Sabine Cross Roads, I must, in justice, state that the 28th Iowa and the detachment of the 24th, which was present, were the last troops of their division to leave the second line. Nor, when they retired, did they do so in confusion, but fought along down the road from wagon to wagon, and held back the rebel centre, so as to enable the wagon-masters to save a portion of the train.

Colonel Connell was wounded in this engagement and lost his left arm, and the circumstances under which it happened are as follows: While he was falling back with his regiment they came to a battery, blocked up in the road, and stopping they tried to extricate it, but the enemy pressed them so closely that nearly all the men retired, leaving the colonel still at work. He did not observe his men when they left, but looking up the instant after saw them retiring and prepared to follow. Before starting he turned round and stooping looked through the brush to see how near the enemy had approached: that instant a shot struck him. As he stooped, his left hand was resting on his hip which threw his elbow up. The ball struck him above the elbow and passed down through the joint, fracturing it severely. He then tried to run but became so faint he was obliged to rest, when the enemy coming up captured him. He was retained a prisoner till the following June, when he was paroled and sent within our lines. He re-joined his regiment at Carrollton, Louisiana, and his reception is thus recorded: — " The colonel stepped from the cars, while an armless sleeve hanging from his left shoulder but too plainly suggested the past. He was introduced to the regiment by Major Meyer, and was received by the regiment with an expression of that unmistakable affection and enthusiasm with which soldiers always regard a true man."

The loss of the 28th Iowa at the battle of Sabine Cross Roads was about eighty in killed, wounded and missing. Among the wounded were Adjutant J. G. Strong and Lieutenants Weaver and Dorrance. Lieutenant Hughes, regimental quarter-master, was captured.

In the battle of Pleasant Hill, the 28th took little part, the 19th Corps, and the command of General Smith doing the chief fighting — I should say, the brigade of Colonel Shaw, of the 14th Iowa, doing the chief fighting; for such is the fact. The long and perilous retreat which followed the last named battle is replete with incidents which of themselves would make a large and interesting volume. General Banks' army reached Alexandria in the latter part of April, where it remained till the 13th of May following, and then continued the march to Simmsport and Morganzia Bend.

Subsequently to the Red River Campaign, the chief portion of the history of the 28th Iowa has been made in the valley of the Shenandoah, and in the Southern Atlantic States. It is the same as are those of the 22d and 24th Iowa, and will be found in connection with the histories of those regiments.

I should not close, however, without saying that the regiment sustained its good name in the Valley of the Shenandoah. There it met the enemy in the three memorable engagements of Winchester or Opequan, Fisher's Hill, and Cedar Creek. Each of these battle-fields drunk its blood, and each are dotted with its graves. I give below the official report of Lieutenant-Colonel B. W. Wilson, concerning the part taken by his regiment in the battle at Fisher's Hill; for a full account of this affair has not been previously given.

"Head-quarters Twenty-eighth Iowa, In The Field,
Near Harrisonburg, Va., September 27th, 1864.

"COLONEL — Sir: In compliance with your request, I submit the following report of the part taken by my command in the battle of Fisher's Hill, on the 22d day of September, 1864. On the morning of the 22d we moved forward toward the enemy a short distance, who were strongly intrenched at Fisher's Hill, a naturally strong position, a short distance above Strasburg. We got into position, and were ordered to intrench. We had scarcely commenced work, when I received orders to report with my regiment to General Grover for a special duty. On reporting, I was ordered to the front line; a commanding position, from which the enemy's sharp-shooters had just been driven. As a battery immediately preceded me, I supposed that I was there as its support, and soon had constructed a sort of intrenchment as protection against the enemy's sharp-shooters. Here I remained until about 4 P. M., when I received orders from General Grover to deploy as skirmishers on the right of the 22d Iowa, as far as practicable toward the intrenched position of the enemy. We advanced toward their works, to within about three hundred yards, pouring in volley after volley with great rapidity. The enemy seemed to waver, whereupon I ordered a charge. With a prolonged shout, we went after them, scaling their works and driving them in confusion before us, capturing a six-gun battery, a large quantity of ammunition, and a number of prisoners. After following them about a mile, I received orders to return for the knapsacks of my regiment, which had been left when the charge began. I have no fault to find with either officers or men. All deserve praise. Not one flinched, or fled, when it seemed we were charging right into the very jaws of death. My loss was exceedingly light, being only ten men wounded."

At the battle of Winchester the loss of the regiment was eighty-seven; at Fisher's Hill, ten, and at Cedar Creek more than ninety. Captains Palmer, Houseworth and Riemenschnieder were among the killed in these engagements; and among the wounded were Lieutenant-Colonel Wilson, Captain Carr, and Lieutenants Strong, Dean, Summers and Hanerly. The enlisted men who fell are equally deserving of mention, but want of space forbids me giving their names.

In appearance, Colonel Connell is intelligent and unassuming, and his countenance wears a frank and modest expression which makes one like him. He has a good form, sandy hair, and a florid complexion, and, I may add, just the sort of temperament to meet a rebel. Indeed, our red-headed men, throughout the war, have been the most successful soldiers.

Colonel Connell never commanded his regiment after he lost his arm in Louisiana. Since that time it has been commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel B. W. Wilson and Major John Meyer, both, I am told, fine officers.

SOURCE: Addison A. Stuart, Iowa Colonels and Regiments, p. 437-44

Thursday, December 24, 2009

Gov. Harvey Drowned

CAIRO, April 21. – Gov. Harvey, of Wisconsin, was drowned Saturday night, at one o’clock, while passing from one boat to another, at Savannah, on the Tennessee river. The body had not been found when the despatches left.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Horses Drowned

CHICAGO, Apr. 21. – The special to the Journal from Paducah says a barge containing two hundred and fifty Government horses, struck a snag between here and Cairo, on Sunday night, and sank with all on board.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Apalachicola Occupied - - Beauregard Calls loudly for Reinforcements.

A Yankee Trick.

NEW YORK, April 21. – The city of Apalachicola has been successfully occupied by our troops thus giving us another important point in Florida. The capture was effected by the gunboats Mercida [sic] and Sagamore, with little opposition, on the 3d inst. A few shells dispersed the rebels and the resident portion of the population were found in an almost starving condition. The blockade had effectually cut off supplies on the seaboard and their resources from inland were not sufficient to maintain the ordinary comforts of life. Under these circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the people should proclaim loyalty to the Union.

The Herald has the following letter. The latest information from the South is of the utmost importance. Beauregard’s army has been terribly diminished, and according to his own account he has now only 35,000 men. The following telegram has been intercepted by Gen. Mitchell and is a full confession of the hopelessness of the rebel cause in the west.


CORINTH, April 9.

To Gen. Sam’l Cooper, Richmond, Va.:

All present probabilities are that whenever the enemy attack this position he will do so with an overwhelming force of not less than 85,000 men. We can now muster only about 35,000 effective men. Van Dorn may possibly join us in a few days with about 15,000 more. Can we be reinforced from Pemberton’s army? If defeated here we loose the Mississippi Valley and probably our cause, whereas we could even afford to loose for a while Charleston and Savannah for the purpose of defeating Buell’s army, which would not only insure us the Valley of the Mississippi but our independence.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

Wednesday, December 23, 2009

Colonel William E. Miller

FIRST COLONEL, TWENTY-EIGHTH INFANTRY.

William E. Miller, the original colonel of the 28th Iowa Infantry, is a Pennsylvanian by birth, and was born in the year 1823. At the time of entering the service, he was a resident of Iowa City, and a practicing lawyer. He was at one time a district judge. Mr. Miller entered the service as colonel of the 28th Iowa Infantry, and was commissioned, as such, on the 10th of August, 1862. The date of his muster into the United States service was just two months later.

The 28th Iowa Infantry was enlisted in the counties of Benton, Tama, Jasper, Powesheik, Iowa and Johnson, and was rendezvoused at Iowa City. The history of this regiment and of the 24th Iowa Infantry are nearly identical. The 28th left its rendezvous for the front, on the 1st day of November, 1862, and, going to Helena, Arkansas, was there brigaded with the 24th Iowa; and from that time to the present these regiments have served in the same brigade. The first march of the 28th Iowa was that made to Oakland, Mississippi; after which it joined the White River Expedition, under Brigadier-General Gorman. General Gorman left Helena with his command for the mouth of White River about the 6th of January, 1863; and sailing up that stream until arriving near St. Charles, disembarked his command. St. Charles, a little village on the south bank of White River, and resting on its steep, high bluffs, was supposed to be held by the enemy in force; for strong works surrounding the place were visible. On sending forward skirmishers, however, it was found to be unoccupied and was entered without opposition. The next morning General Gorman moved up the river to Duvall's Bluff, preceded by the gun-boats. This place, too, the enemy were making haste to abandon. The greater part of the stores had already been sent west, over the Little Rock road, and the last train was in waiting to remove the siege-guns and small artillery. One large siege-gun was loaded, and another was raised on skids for the same purpose. But on the approach of the gun-boats, which opened vigorously upon the place, the enemy fled, having offered but slight resistance. Five or six pieces of artillery were captured, besides some two hundred and fifty stand of small arms. If the object of the White River Expedition was the capture of Duvall's Bluff and nothing more, I do not know it. I believe the object was the capture of Little Rock; for it will be remembered that Mc'Clernand's expedition up the Arkansas River to Arkansas Post was made at just about this time. After the capture of Arkansas Post, McClernand went no further, and Gorman, accordingly, turned back to Helena.

If on this expedition Colonel Miller and his regiment won little distinction, it was because no occasion offered. One thing is certain that, the hardships and exposures attending the movement were hardly ever equalled. The weather was cold; and it rained and snowed, by turns, almost incessantly. Scores contracted diseases on the White River Expedition, which totally disabled them for service.

The 28th Iowa, as a regiment, met the enemy for the first time on the final Vicksburg Campaign. On this march it was attached to the corps of General McClernand, which led the van of General Grant's army. Previous to the 29th of March, 1863, the day on which General McClernand began his march through the country from Milliken's Bend to New Carthage, General Grant had tried five distinct plans to gain a footing on the hills in rear of Vicksburg. He had even permitted a sixth plan to be tried but this last one was at the suggestion of Admiral David D. Porter, who, with a portion of his Mississippi squadron, had discovered "a new route." This expedition has already been spoken of. It should be known in history as the Steele's-Bayou-Black-Bayou-Deer-Creek-Rolling-Fork-Sun-Flower-Yazoo-River Expedition: indeed, even this prodigiously significant name does not begin to suggest the obstacles that must have been overcome to make it successful. The soldiers of Steele's Division christened it "The Deer Creek raid."

The march across the neck of land, which is embraced in the great bend of the Mississippi, and which lies just opposite Vicksburg, was thirty-five miles in length, and was attended with great hardships; for the weather was cold and stormy, and the roads so muddy as to make the transportation of large army supplies over them almost impossible. And it must be remembered too, that, at that time, the plan of running the Vicksburg Batteries had not been proven feasible; for the Silver Wave, the Forest Queen, and the Henry Clay, under the escort of Porter's fleet, did not run their celebrated gauntlet, until the night of the 6th of April. But, as General Grant said, the only way to reduce Vicksburg was to approach it from the south side, and he accordingly played this bold hand. All other plans tried had proved impracticable.

On arriving near New Carthage, General McClernand found the levee of Bayou Vidal broken, and the country flooded. New Carthage was an island, and could only be reached in skins and flat-boats, such as could be found in the neighborhood ; and this proving too great a task, the march was continued to Perkin's plantation, twelve miles lower down the river. The country and the scenery at Perkin's plantation were magnificent; but the owner, Judge Perkins, a bitter rebel and Confederate State Senator, had burnt his splendid mansion to the ground, declaring that the foot of no Yankee soldier should ever cross its threshold. It was said that he burned it just after the fall of Island No. 10, declaring that, if the Union troops could capture that place, they could capture every thing; and this may have been so, for rank weeds were growing among the ruins, and the shrubbery, and winding and shaded avenues, had the appearance of having been long deserted. I mention these things because they formed a theme of great interest among the soldiers, as they dragged themselves along on the weary march.

In the meantime, Admiral Porter, having run the Vicksburg Batteries, arrived in the river opposite Perkins' plantation. Here a portion of McClernand's command having embarked moved down to Hard Times Landing, which lies a little above Grand Gulf, and on the opposite side of the river. The balance of the command moved round to the same point by land. The object now was to capture Grand Gulf, and move round to the rear of Vicksburg from that point. Admiral Porter declared the plan feasible, and at once set about the reduction of the rebel works; but they would not reduce: the position was impregnable; for, during more than five hours of most vigorous cannonading, not a gun of the enemy was silenced. This happened on the morning of the 29th of April, and on the afternoon of that same day the gunboat fleet and the transports prepared to run the Grand Gulf Batteries, while the troops took up their line of march to a point down the river, and opposite Bruinsburg, Mississippi. The fleet arrived in safety; and on the following morning the 13th Army Corps, as is well known, effected a landing on the east side of the Mississippi River.

That same afternoon, the 30th of April, General McClernand marched for Port Gibson; and that same night, at about eleven o'clock, encountered the enemy's pickets. He continued to push on, and two hours later arrived at Thompson's Hill, where, when the head of the column was resting in the road, it received a heavy volley of musketry. The enemy also opened with his artillery; and for a few moments all was confusion ; but it soon appeared that his only object was to check the advance, and quiet was restored. In this connection, it is but just that I should pay a merited compliment to the skill and bravery of Captain H. H. Griffiths, of the 1st Iowa Battery. When the firing commenced, he was far to the rear; but, being impressed with the notion that he was wanted at the front, he moved hastily forward through the opened ranks of the infantry, and reported to General Carr, whose division was in the van. "Did you send for me, general?" he said. "No"; and at that very instant a shell came screaming down the narrow, excavated road, and burst just to their right. "Tear down the fence," said Captain Griffiths to his men; and in less time than is required to tell it, he had run his guns over the embankment, unlimbered them, and was playing upon the enemy. Twice he silenced the enemy's batteries, and compelled them to change position. The fighting in the darkness now closed; and in the morning, General Carr sent his compliments to Captain Griffiths, whose guns had burst the first shell on the south side of Vicksburg.

The 28th Iowa, which was attached to the division of General Hovey, did not cross the Mississippi till evening, when, having drawn three days' rations, it started for the front. At one o'clock in the morning, and just after it had ascended the hills that lie some four miles back from the river, it heard the booming of artillery. The regiment pushed on through the darkness, and at sun-rise arrived at the foot of Thompson's Hill, where, having eaten a hasty breakfast, it prepared for battle. Its first position was on the crest of Thompson's Hill, where all but three companies lay under fire for an hour. In the meantime Companies B, G and K joined the 34th Indiana in charging a rebel battery, which, I may add, was captured, with nearly three hundred prisoners. But the enemy had now massed their forces heavily on our left, with the hope of forcing it and gaining our rear. The 28th Iowa was therefore ordered to this point, where it engaged the enemy till he fled from the field. While in this position, the regiment was opposed to the 2d and the 5th Missouri (rebel) Infantry. If was now nearly dark, and the 28th Iowa, which had been separated from its brigade the greater part of the day, was ordered by General Stevens to re-join it; and that night it encamped on the bloody battle-field of Thompson's Hill, or Port Gibson. The casualties of the regiment in this engagement were not great: only one man was; killed — Jacob Souervine—and sixteen wounded.

In the battle of Champion's Hill, the 28th Iowa distinguished itself, and suffered severely. The part taken by the regiment in this engagement is thus given by Chaplain J. T. Simmons:

"At 11 A. M. our command was ordered forward, and in a short time the whole line of our division had engaged the enemy. Moving steadily forward, we were thrown across a deep ravine, densely set with timber and underbrush, which rendered our advance difficult. On reaching the top of the hill we were fully under the fire of the enemy, yet continued to advance, driving him from his position. The work of death had now fairly begun, and our brave men falling in numbers from the ranks, dead or wounded, told too plainly the terrible earnestness of the engagement. Attendants began to gather the fallen, surgeons to dress their wounds, ambulances to convey them to the rear; and all the machinery of a dreadful conflict was in motion. The regiment with the whole division continued to press the enemy back over an open field for nearly one mile. During all this time the fighting had been most fearful. Here the enemy massed his forces in front of our single line of battle, already weakened by the loss of hundreds, and at the same time a move was made to turn our left flank. This compelled us to fall back, which was done in good order. Outnumbered, pressed, and overwhelmed, our men were still driven back, until we had lost a large portion of the ground that had been gained, when General Quimby sent to our relief a portion of his command, commanded by General Crocker, among which were the 10th, 17th and 5th Iowa. These troops charging through our shattered lines, came nobly to the rescue. Here a most terrible struggle ensued, when the enemy in turn gave way; and our men, now flushed with victory, rapidly pressed them back again over the ground already twice fought for. So hotly was he pressed, that the enemy could not avoid confusion; his lines wavered and broke, and his rout became complete, leaving his dead, wounded, and many prisoners, in our hands."

The 28th held the left of its division which extended to the Raymond road; and, in endeavoring to resist the flank movement of the enemy, was subjected to a most terrible enfilading fire of musketry. Four companies came out of the fight without a commissioned officer; and the total, in killed and wounded of the regiment, was an even one hundred. "Lieutenant John J. Legan, of Company A, and Captain Benjamin P. Kirby, of Company I, were killed; and Lieutenant John Buchanan received a severe wound of which he died." Twenty enlisted men were killed.

After the battle of Champion's Hill, the 28th Iowa followed the enemy as far east as Edward's Station, and there rested till the 20th instant. It was then ordered to the Big Black, where it remained till the 24th, and then re-joined its division in rear of Vicksburg.

At the time of entering the service, Colonel Miller was afflicted with a troublesome disease which the exposures and hardships of the field so aggravated as to compel him to resign his commission. He left his regiment just before it marched on the Vicksburg Campaign.

In personal appearance Colonel Miller is prepossessing. He is heavy set, with broad, square shoulders, and is about five feet, eight inches in hight. His hair and eyes are both dark, and the expression of his countenance is frank and manly. He has a heavy, firm voice, and possesses good taste as a military man. He was a good disciplinarian, and was regarded by his regiment as a good and brave soldier. Had he retained his health, he would doubtless have made a fine record.

It was with the greatest reluctance that Colonel Miller left the service: indeed, he delayed sending in his resignation, until many thought he could not live to reach his home; and, after arriving in Iowa City, but few of his neighbors expected him to recover.

SOURCE: Addison A. Stuart, Iowa Colonels and Regiments, p. 429-36

Report of the Senate Committee

WASHINGTON, April 18 – The Select Committee of the Senate, through Mr. Hale, made their report under the resolution adopted in July last, instructing them to inquire into the circumstances attending the surrender of the Navy Yard at Pensacola and the destruction of the property of the United States at the Norfolk Navy Yard and the amount at Harper’s Ferry and the abandonment of the same by the Federal forces, and also whether there was default on the part of our officers. The Committee relate at length the facts of the case. The amount of property at the Norfolk Navy Yard was valued at $9,760,000; the vessels were worth nearly $2,000,000. There were in the Yard at least 2,000 heavy guns, of which 300 were of the dahlgreen pattern. The committee making the report was composed of Senators Hale, Johnson of Tenn., and Grimes of Iowa.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4

The Flood in the Connecticut

SPRINGFIELD, MASS., April 21. – The freshet in the Connecticut river at this point is the greatest ever known. At 9 o’clock this evening the water had fallen 15 inches, and is still receding slowly. At Northampton the water is two feet higher than ever before, and at Hadley there is no land to be seen, the inhabitants go from house to house in boats.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 4