Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: Tuesday, November 10, 1863

Hear that there was fighting yesterday all day at Callihans, six miles west of Covington; that the Home Guard and cadets were being pushed on as fast as they could move, in order to assist, and expected to arrive at 4 o'clock, P. M. So my husband and Bro. W. may have been in a battle — may be wounded — may be prisoners — may be killed — all is uncertainty. These torturing rumors are very hard to bear.

Exceedingly cold today. A Flag of Truce note from Julia to W. — Father is sick, to add to my anxieties. Had a letter in reply to mine to Judge Ould about William Cocke. Mine was sent on to Washington City, and is returned endorsed, “No record of W. F. Cocke.” So that settles the question; he perished in the assault upon Gettysburg. I have to communicate this to his mother. What awful times we live in!

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 170-1

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: November 6, 1863

A lovely day, and in contrast to the feelings of the whole population. Last night I became uneasy at Mr. P.'s not coming home from the Institute till near ten o'clock, so I went out to meet him, taking Johnny along. After waiting a half hour on the street, he came at last, but with the alarming tidings that a courier had come in from the West, asking that the cadets and the Home Guard should be forthwith sent to the assistance of Col. Jackson¹ and Imboden; that 7000 of the enemy were between Jackson and the Warm Springs. So we were up before day this morning; I with a heavy heart. The cadets have gone, and the Home Guard from the various parts of the country. Mr. P. gone too; I feel very desolate. Bro. Eben² stopped to dinner; on his way his horse fell with him and hurt him considerably, but he will try to go on. The whole town is in commotion; no men left in it; even those over sixty-five have gone. I can't help hoping they may not have to stay any time or fight a battle.

_______________

¹ This was Colonel William L. Jackson, a cousin of Stonewall Jackson, and a former lieutenant-governor of Virginia. His men nicknamed him " Mudwall" Jackson, a play upon the sobriquet of his more famous kinsman. — E. P. A.

2 The Rev. Eben D. Junkin, then pastor of New Providence church, about sixteen miles from Lexington.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 168-9

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Birchard A. Hayes, October 29, 1861

Camp Tompkins, Virginia, October 29, 1861.

Tuesday morning after breakfast.

My Dear Boy: — If I am not interrupted I mean to write you a long birthday letter. You will be eight years old on the 4th of November — next Monday, and perhaps this letter will get to Cincinnati in time for your mother or grandmother to read it to you on that day.

If I were with you on your birthday I would tell you a great many stories about the war. Some of them would make you almost cry and some would make you laugh. I often think how Ruddy and Webby and you will gather around me to listen to my stories, and how often I shall have to tell them, and how they will grow bigger and bigger, as I get older and as the boys grow up, until if I should live to be an old man they will become really romantic and interesting. But it is always hard work for me to write, and I can't tell on paper such good stories as I could give you, if we were sitting down together by the fire.

I will tell you why we call our camp Camp Tompkins. It is named after a very wealthy gentleman named Colonel Tompkins, who owns the farm on which our tents are pitched. He was educated to be a soldier of the United States at West Point, where boys and young men are trained to be officers at the expense of the Government. He was a good student and when he grew up he was a good man. He married a young lady, who lived in Richmond and who owned a great many slaves and a great deal of land in Virginia. He stayed in the army as an officer a number of years, but getting tired of army life, he resigned his office several years ago, and came here and built an elegant house and cleared and improved several hundred acres of land. The site of his house is a lovely one. It is about a hundred yards from my tent on an elevation that commands a view of Gauley Bridge, two and a half miles distant — the place where New River and Gauley River unite to form the Kanawha River. Your mother can show you the spot on the map. There are high hills or mountains on both sides of both rivers, and before they unite they are very rapid and run roaring and dashing along in a very romantic way. When the camp is still at night, as I lie in bed, I can hear the noise like another Niagara Falls.

In this pleasant place Colonel Tompkins lived a happy life. He had a daughter and three sons. He had a teacher for his daughter and another for his boys. His house was furnished in good taste; he had books, pictures, boats, horses, guns, and dogs. His daughter was about sixteen, his oldest boy was fourteen, the next twelve, and the youngest about nine. They lived here in a most agreeable way until the Rebels in South Carolina attacked Major Anderson in Fort Sumter. Colonel Tompkins wished to stand by the Union, but his wife and many relatives in eastern Virginia were Secessionists. He owned a great deal of property which he feared the Rebels would take away from him if he did not become a Secessionist. While he was doubting what to do and hoping that he could live along without taking either side, Governor Wise with an army came here on his way to attack steamboats and towns on the Ohio River. Governor Wise urged Colonel Tompkins to join the Rebels; told him as he was an educated military man he would give him the command of a regiment in the Rebel army. Colonel Tompkins finally yielded and became a colonel in Wise's army. He made Wise agree that his regiment should be raised among his neighbors and that they should not be called on to leave their homes for any distant service, but remain as a sort of home guards. This was all very well for a while. Colonel Tompkins stayed at home and would drill his men once or twice a week. But when Governor Wise got down to the Ohio River and began to drive away Union men, and to threaten to attack Ohio, General Cox was sent with Ohio soldiers after Governor Wise.

Governor Wise was not a good general or did not have good soldiers, or perhaps they knew they were fighting in a bad cause. At any rate, the Rebel army was driven by General Cox from one place to another until they got back to Gauley Bridge near where Colonel Tompkins lived. He had to call out his regiment of home guards and join Wise. General Cox soon drove them away from Gauley Bridge and followed them up this road until he reached Colonel Tompkins' farm. The colonel then was forced to leave his home, and has never dared to come back to it since. Our soldiers have held the country all around his house.

His wife and children remained at home until since I came here. They were protected by our army and no injury done to them. But Mrs. Tompkins got very tired of living with soldiers all around, and her husband off in the Rebel army. Finally a week or two ago General Rosecrans told her she might go to eastern Virginia, and sent her in her carriage with an escort of ten dragoons and a flag of truce over to the Rebel army about thirty miles from here, and I suppose she is now with her husband.

I suppose you would like to know about a flag of truce. It is a white flag carried to let the enemy's army know that you are coming, not to fight, but to hold a peaceful meeting with them. One man rides ahead of the rest about fifty yards, carrying a white flag — any white handkerchief will do. When the pickets, sentinels, or scouts of the other army see it, they know what it means. They call out to the man who carries the flag of truce and he tells them what his party is coming for. The picket tells him to halt, while he sends back to his camp to know what to do. An officer and a party of men are sent to meet the party with the flag of truce, and they talk with each other and transact their business as if they were friends, and when they are done they return to their own armies. No good soldier ever shoots a man with a flag of truce. They are always very polite to each other when parties meet with such a flag.

Well, Mrs. Tompkins and our men travelled till they came to the enemy. The Rebels were very polite to our men. Our men stayed all night at a picket station in the woods along with a party of Rebels who came out to meet them. They talked to each other about the war, and were very friendly. Our men cooked their suppers as usual. One funny fellow said to a Rebel soldier, “Do you get any such good coffee as this over there?” The Rebel said, “Well, to tell the truth, the officers are the only ones who see much coffee, and it's mighty scarce with them.” Our man held up a big army cracker. “Do you have any like this?” and the Rebel said, “Well no, we do live pretty hard,” — and so they joked with each other a great deal.

Colonel Tompkins' boys and the servants and tutor are still in the house. The boys come over every day to bring the general milk and pies and so on. I expect we shall send them off one of these days and take the house for a hospital or something of the kind.

And so you see Colonel Tompkins didn't gain anything by joining the Rebels. If he had done what he thought was right, everybody would have respected him. Now the Rebels suspect him, and accuse him of treachery if anything occurs in his regiment which they don't like. Perhaps he would have lost property, perhaps he would have lost his life if he had stood by the Union, but he would have done right and all good people would have honored him.

And now, my son, as you are getting to be a large boy, I want you to resolve always to do what you know is right. No matter what you will lose by it, no matter what danger there is, always do right.

I hope you will go to school and study hard, and take exercise too, so as to grow and be strong, and if there is a war you can be a soldier and fight for your country as Washington did. Be kind to your brothers and to Grandmother, and above all to your mother. You don't know how your mother loves you, and you must show that you love her by always being a kind, truthful, brave boy; and I shall always be so proud of you.

Give my love to all the boys, and to Mother and Grandmother.

Affectionately, your father,

R. B. Hayes.

Birchaed A. Hayes,

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 128-32

Wilder Dwight: July 19, 1861

Headquarters Second Regiment M. V., Harper's Ferry,

Friday Morning, July 19, 1861.

A soldier's life is always gay! Here we are! Yesterday morning, just as I had finished my letter to you from Charlestown, from our camp, an order came from General Patterson for our brigade to prepare itself with two days' rations in haversacks, to march without baggage. This made us lively under the hot sun. The Colonel and I went and reported to General Patterson, whose head-quarters were in the house of Senator Hunter, the traitor, who had fled to Richmond. There we saw the General and Major Porter. It was evident that no vigorous move was to be attempted, and that this column awaited the news from Manassas. We returned to camp. I had just got to sleep, to make up for the fatigues of the day before (our march from Bunker Hill to Charlestown, Colonel Abercrombie says, was as hard a one as he ever knew), when the Colonel came to my tent and said, “No sleep for you; I've got orders.” A new order had come, directing our regiment to get ready for detached service. No indication had come of our destination, but we were to report to General Patterson as soon as ready. At three, we got under way with all our train. We were sent to Harper's Ferry. After a march of three hours we reached Harper's Ferry. The people received us with perfect enthusiasm, cheering and shouting after our flag. We are sent here to hold Harper's Ferry. Our headquarters are in the house of the Superintendent of the Arsenal. We succeed in its occupation to Johnston, the rebel. There are a good many of the secession horsemen home-guard, who are a terror to the country, and whom we are to quell. We shall establish our pickets in various directions, and hold the place, unless, indeed, we get orders to go elsewhere, which we are prepared to expect at any time. So, after all our expectation, there is no battle yet. The rumor is that Johnston is withdrawing from Winchester, and does not mean to fight. We know nothing here except by rumor. The country here is magnificent; the scenery glorious. Our camp is on the high ground, and faces the gorge through which the Potomac flows. The service on which our regiment is detached, though not a dangerous, is a very responsible and honorable one. The climate here is delightful, and I hope that all our men and officers will entirely recover from the fatigues of their sudden and recent duty. It is an odd life, and full of variety. Just now we seem to be about to see a little comfort. Our post here is due to the reputation the regiment has already acquired for discipline and promptness. It stirs one's blood to see the reign of terror under which these people have been living. Men come in and claim protection. Wives come and ask that their husbands may be assured of safety in returning to their homes. The most villanous system of oppression has been practised here in Virginia. The house in which we are now quartered is a fine house, and has a view which you would like, I think.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 52-4

Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant to Jesse Root Grant, August 27, 1861

Jefferson City. Mo.,

August 27th, 1861.

Dear Father:

Your letter requesting me to appoint Mr. Foley on my staff was only received last Friday night, of course too late to give Mr. Foley the appointment even if I could do so. I remember to have been introduced to Mr. Foley Sr. several years ago, and if the son is anything like the impression I then formed of the father, the appointment would be one that I could well congratulate myself upon. I have filled all the places on my staff and, I flatter myself, with deserving men: Mr. J. A. Rawlins of Galena is to be my Adjutant General, Mr. Lagow of the regiment I was formerly colonel of, and Mr. Hillyer of St. Louis, aides. They are all able men, from five to ten years younger than myself, without military experience but very capable of learning. I only have one of them with me yet, and having nothing but raw troops, and but little assistance, it keeps me busy from the time I get up in the morning until from 12 to 2 o'clock at night, or morning.

I subscribed for the Daily Democrat, a staunch Union paper, for you so that you might hear from me often.

There is a good deal of alarm felt by the citizens of an early attack upon this place, and if anything of the kind should take place we are ill prepared. All the troops are very raw, and about one half of them Missouri Home Guards without discipline. No artillery and but little cavalry here.

I do not anticipate an attack here myself, certainly not until we have attacked the enemy first. A defeat might induce the rebels to follow up their success to this point, but that we expect to prevent. My means of information are certainly as good as those of any one else, and I cannot learn that there is an organized body of men North of the Osage River, or any such body moving. There are numerous encampments throughout all the counties bordering on the Missouri River, but the object seems to be to gather supplies, forces, transportation and so forth, for a fall and winter campaign.

The country west of here will be left in a starving condition for next winter. Families are being driven away in great numbers for their Union sentiments, leaving behind farms, crops, stock and all. A sad state of affairs must exist under the most favorable circumstances that can take place. There will be no money in the country, and the entire crop will be carried off together with all stock of any value.

I am interrupted so often while writing that my letters must necessarily be very meagre and disconnected.

I hope you will let Mary go to Galena when Mother returns home. She has never paid us a visit and I would like to have her make a long one. I think it doubtful whether I will go home at all.

ULYSSES.

SOURCE: Jesse Grant Cramer, Editor, Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to His Father and His Youngest Sister, 1857-78, p. 50-2

Strike among Miners

PHILADELPHIA, May 7.

The strike among the miners near Pottsville is becoming serious.  The employers not complying with the demands made, the miners stopped the pumps, causing serious damage to property from flooding of the mines.  Those of the Forest Improvement Co. are rapidly filling with water.

Several companies of home guards heave here this P. M. to prevent further damage.  The Reserve Greys of this city leave soon for the scene of difficulties at Pottsville.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 8, 1862, p. 1

Troops Advancing On Springfield From Rolla And Sedalia

ST. LOUIS, Jan. 29, 1862. – The mail agent by the Pacific Road represents that Col. Jeff. C. Davis’ (Federal) brigade is en route to Woodson 3,000 strong.

On Saturday the mail stage between Independence and Kansas City was stopped by a gang of secessionists.  Eight passengers were made prisoners, and the mail robbed and burned.  On Sunday the same thing was repeated, although at Kansas City and Independence, only tem miles apart, there are one thousand troops stationed.

The telegraph to Chicago was down all last night.

Levies to satisfy assessments have been made on Alexander Kayser, Mrs. Trusten Polk, Mrs. Geer and Andrew Park, whose furniture and pianos were principally seized.  There was an indignation meeting at Mrs. Polk’s house after the seizure.

A large number of refugees from the south west have returned here from Illinois, in expectation of returning to Springfield with the army from Rolla.

Nearly all the officers of the old, or secession, Chamber of Commerce have taken the oath of allegiance.  They are afraid of losing northwestern consignments on the resumption of navigation.

From Rolla the Democrat has the following dated yesterday:

A man came in from Webster county last evening, and reports that Col. John R. Freeman was killed near Bowskin creek, thirty five miles south east from Springfield, some ten days since under the following circumstances.  Freeman with twenty five of his men, made an attack on five home guards, posted at a widow Ellison’s house.  Three of the home guards were captured, but Greeman was shot dead and one of his men was mortally wounded in the affray. – Two of the home guards captured were brothers by the name of Bragg, and the other was named Davis.  The man who brings this intelligence saw Freeman’s corpse after it was laid out.  Freeman was formerly a County Court Justice of Phelps county, and since the outbreak of the rebellion his name has been a terror to the Union inhabitants of Dent, Crawford and Webster counties.  The numerous attempts made to capture him have hitherto proved unsuccessful

Great hardship is experienced by Southwestern refugees, at Rolla, and instances of actual starvation are given.

Twenty two prisoners of war arrived at Boonville last night, who were captured in Boone and adjoining counties.

Several residents of St. Louis have been arrested lately for disloyal sentiments publicly expressed.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

The Fall of Lexington – Why Mulligan was not Re-enforced – Fremont Vindicated

We make the following extract from the speech of Hon. Schuyler Colfax, in defense of Gen. Fremont, delivered on Friday last.  It is but an extract, but sufficient to justify to the General with the honest and patriotic people.  The speech was made in reply to the attack of F. P. Blair:

I come now to the fall of Lexington.  I happened to be in St. Louis on the 14th of September, and found the whole city excited with the news that had just reached there, that Price was marching upon the gallant defender of the town of Lexington, and when my friend speaks about the Home Guard it appears to me that Colonel Mulligan didn’t bear very high testimony to their gallantry then.  But I saw Lieutenant Governor Hall and he told me that Price was marching toward Lexington with fifteen thousand men, and that Fremont ought to send out a column to intercept him.  I asked him how many men Fremont had, and he said he thought he had twenty thousand.  I thought if he had that number he certainly could send out some, and I went to General Fremont, full of zeal for the re-enforcement of Mulligan, and told him what Lieutenant Governor Hall had said, and that if he had twenty thousand men some ought to be sent out. – He said: “I will tell you, confidentially, what I would not have known in the streets of St. Louis for my life.  They have got the opinion that I have twenty thousand men here.  I will show you what I really have got.”  He rang his bell, and his secretary came and brought the muster roll for that day, and by that muster roll he had in St. Louis and within seven miles round about, less than eight thousand men, and only two of them full regiments.  It was a beggarly array of an army, and it was all needed to defend that city at that time.  But I asked him if he could not spare some of these?  Sir, the tears stood in his eyes, as he handed me two telegraphic dispatches he had that day received from Washington.  I will read them, that you may see how little was at his command to re-enforce Mulligan.  Mr. Colfax then read the dispatches, ordering him to send five thousand armed infantry to Washington, and continued: I have shown you that he had the men, but no guns; and when he bought guns, the necessity for which was imperious, he was denounced from one end of this country to the other because they were not Springfield rifles of the best quality.  You must send five thousand well armed infantry to Washington at once, and this draft on him was to be replaced by troops from Kansas, or wherever he could best gather them.  I asked him, “What can you do (and my heart sank within me as I asked the question) here with an inferior force, and your best forces sent away to Washington?”  Said he, “Washington must have my troops, though Missouri fall, and I fall myself.”  After I heard that I would have been a traitor to my convictions if I did not stand up to defend this man, who was willing to sacrifice himself to defend the imperiled capital of the country.

He telegraphed to Washington that he was preparing to obey the order received, and I doubt not it made his heart bleed, knowing the strait Mulligan was in.  Then he telegraphed to Gov. Morton and Gov. Denison for more troops and the answer he received was that they had received orders to send all their troops East.  So there his reliance failed.  My friend says that it cannot be shown that he moved any of his men until after Lexington had fallen.  Lexington fell on Friday, the 22d of September.  I well remember the day.  Here are dispatches to Gen. Pope on the 16th of September, and dispatches from Gen. Sturgis to Col. Davis, hurrying the men.  The wires were hot with orders hurrying the men to re-enforce Mulligan.  Pope telegraphed on the 17th of September that his troops would be there day after to-morrow, which would have been two days before Lexington surrendered, and Sturgis thought he should be there on Thursday.  Col. Mulligan told me himself that if Sturgis had appeared on the opposite side of the river he though Price would have retired.  Thus from three sources Fremont sent on troops to re-enforce Mulligan, but he failed to do it because the elements seemed to be against him, and not because he did not seek to do so in every possible way that he could send succor to him.  At this very time there were all the different posts in Missouri to be held; his three months’ men were rapidly retiring, and his best men sent to Washington, Price, with fifteen thousand me, marching to Lexington; McCullough threatening Rolla, Hardee threatening Ironton, and Polk and Pillow at Columbus; and all over the State where organized bands of rebels – about eighty thousand men – threatening him, and he with an inadequate force to meet them.  And while thus struggling, from every side were launched against him the poisoned arrows of hate and partisan enmity; and while Fremont was out hunting the enemies of his country, somebody was in St. Louis hunting up witnesses against him, and giving ex parte testimony taken there; and while he was facing the foe, endeavoring to secure victory, a synopsis of the testimony was sent upon the wires all over the country, so that the public mind should be poisoned against, and his overthrow might be easier.  I think, in the name of humanity – if there is no such word as justice – they should at least have sent him this evidence after he came back to his post; but to this very hour the committee have not sent him this testimony at all.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, April 10.

SENATE. – The confiscation bill was taken up.

Mr. Willey offered an amendment, making an appropriation of five millions for the colonization of free negroes, made free by this bill, or otherwise.  He did not think it fair to throw upon the Border States a class of population which the Senators would not receive in their own States, thus making the former suffer, in addition to the evils of war, a new evil.

Mr. Hale said the senator seemed to think Virginia and Kentucky would some day have to tear from the free negroes the little rights they have, and re-enslave them.  He wanted to tell the Senators and the country that this was a job they could not do.  The idea of colonizing this race is utterly absurd.  The whole navy could not carry of their natural increase.  He understood that the Creator meant for the black man as well as the white to live on earth, but these negroes are to be made free by States themselves, of their own free will, after they had used them as long as they are wanted; and it is for these States to say they shall not have a resting place on earth, and that will be to enslave them.  Such a thing cannot be done.  It will only reach the rain of States which attempt it against the moral sentiment of the age.  He said that Barnwell, of S. C., when he was here as a Senator, admitted he could see no solution of this problem of races.

Mr. Willey said he was not opposed to the bill in any way, but simply wished to improve it.

Mr. Howe, by consent, introduced a bill to incorporate the North Pacific R. R.

Mr. Doolittle moved to go into executive session.

Mr. Trumbull hoped not.  He wanted to get a vote on the amendments to the bill, but if the Senate chose not to act he would do his duty.

Mr. Doolittle protested against the supposition that he wished to antagonize the bill in any way.  He made the motion at the suggestion of the chairman of the military committee.

The question was taken on going into executive session.

Yeas – Anthony, Browning, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Kennedy, King, Lane of Ind., Nesmith, Powell, Stark, Wilson of Mass., Wilson of Mo., and Wright – 22.

Nays – Chandler, Dixon, Hale, Lane of Kansas, Latham, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilmot, Willey – 13.

After executive session the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE. – The amendment to the bill for appropriation to the Stevens battery being under discussion, a spirited debated took place.  Mr. Lovejoy opposed the amendment.  Mr. Pike said that $500,000 had already been spent on the battery, and with the amount now proposed the total would be $1,288,000, and that the battery drew so much water as to be of no consequence in any Southern port; the Monitor had only cost $275,000, and four such vessels could be constructed for that the Stevens battery would cost.

Mr. Olin said the Monitor had not been a success so far as the contest with the Merrimac was concerned, for she did not run her down, the only way to destroy her.  This, he believed would be done by the Steven’s battery.  10 guns could be fired from it to 1 of the Monitor.  The amendment was adopted.

Mr. Stevens reported back from the committee of ways and means, the resolution that, the Senate concurring, Congress will adjourn sine die on the third Monday in May.  Agreed to.

The Pacific RR. bill was postponed till to-day week to afford members an opportunity to examine it.

The bill regulating [franking privilege] was up, and discussed, and its further consideration postponed till Tuesday.

The bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia was laid aside.

Mr. Washburne suggested that the House take up the bill for the relief of Gen. Grant, which was assented to, and the bill passed.  It re-imburses him $1,000 which amount, while serving as quartermaster in Mexico, was stolen from his trunk without neglect or default on his part.

Mr. Brown, of R. I., from the committee on elections, reported a resolution that Wm. Vandever has not been entitled to a seat in this house since he was mustered into service of the U. S. as Colonel of an Iowa regiment, since September last.  Ordered to be printed.

Mr. Stevens moved that debate on the bill for the abolishment of slavery in the District of Columbia, close in one hour after consideration of the same, to be resumed in committee of the whole.  Disagreed to – 57 against 54.

The bill came up in committee of the whole.

The General debate was closed by a vote of the House.

Mr. Cradlebaugh offered an amendment so as to make the bill apply to the emancipation of the white slaves of the Territories.  It should not be confined to persons of African blood.  Slavery in the District of Columbia was nothing to be compared with that which exists in some of the territories.

Mr. Lovejoy thought the amendment was not appropriate, as it proposed to strangle the bill now before them.  The amendment was rejected.

Mr. Wright offered a proviso requiring the President to issue a proclamation for a special election, a majority of the legal voters being required to affirm and ratify the act.

Mr. Wright’s amendment was rejected.  Mr. Wadsworth unsuccessfully sought to amend the second section, arguing that Congress cannot discriminate between loyal and disloyal men in making compensation for slaves.

Mr. Biddle opposed the bill as inexpedient and inopportune.

Mr. Dunn expressed his astonishment that any member should wish to pass it through without affording an opportunity to offer amendments to a measure of such importance.

Mr. Harding moved to strike out the provision that the entire sum appraised and apportioned shall not exceed in the aggregate an amount equal to $300 for each person shown to have been so held by lawful claim.  He said there was a strange and unusual haste manifested for the passage of this bill.

Mr. Lovejoy expressed his desire to speak.

Mr. Harding replied when the gentleman gets sober on the question I will hear him with pleasure.

Mr. Lovejoy said he asked no courtesy for the gentleman.

Mr. Harding concluded, after which Mr. Lovejoy spoke of robbing slaves of their rights, and said every  one has been robbed.  He expended his five minutes in speaking of what he termed the “sublimity of infamy.”

Mr. Harding’s amendment was rejected.

Mr. Wyckliffe offered an amendment to strike out the clause against excluding witnesses on account of color, saying this was contrary to the law of the District.

Mr. Stevens said that was an outrageous law – a man of credit, whether black or white, ought to be a witness.

Mr. Wyckliffe’s amendment was rejected.

Mr. Dunn said it was the determination of some gentlemen to pass the bill, no matter how imperfect it was.  There was a higher tribunal than this – the American people – to which they were responsible.

WASHINGTON, April 11.

SENATE. – Mr. Sumner presented a petition for the employment in the suppression of the rebellion of all classes of persons without respect to condition or color.

Mr. Wilson, of Mass., introduced a bill amendatory to the fugitive slave act.

Mr. Howe offered a resolution that the military committee be instructed to inquire what troops have been or are being mustered into the service of the United States as home-guards, and who refuse to go beyond the limits of their own State.

Mr. Lane, of Indiana, said that the war department was already mustering out of service this class of troops.

Mr. Howe said he had heard this morning that some troops from Maryland refused to go beyond the mine of their State.

Mr. Grimes said he understood that some of this class of troops were being enlisted.

The resolution was adopted.

On motion of Mr. Sumner, the bill to remove all disabilities of color for carrying the mails was passed.  Yeas 24, nays 11.

The confiscation bill was taken up.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 12, 1862, p. 1

Strike among the Miners

PHILADELPHIA, May 7. – The strike among the miners at Pottsville is becoming serious, the employers not complying with their demands. The miners stopped the pumps, causing serious damage to property from the flooding of the mines. The mines of the finest improvement companies are rapidly filling up with water.

Several infantry companies of Home Guards leave here this afternoon to prevent further damage.

The Reserve Grays of this city leave soon for the scene of difficulties in Pottsville.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 10, 1862, p. 3

Unionism in the Mountains of North Carolina – “A Riot”

The Stars and Stripes are flying in the western counties of North Carolina. All through the mountain region the old flag can be seen, where brave men have collected together to defend it honor.

Soon after Newbern was captured an important engagement took place in the western part of the State between a large rebel force and the Union Home Guards, resulting in a complete rout of the former, who, it appears, lost all the guns belonging to one battery, all the camp equipage, wagons, and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the rebel force, with three companies of cavalry, which were entirely cut off, and obliged to surrender, or in other words, “were retained.” The Raleigh Standard called it a “most disgraceful riot,” which is truly a very polite term for a defeat. It appears that the Union men in the mountains had been hanging a notorious rebel character, one Col. Dodge, who had charge of the militia, and had resorted to a sweeping imprisonment; hence the difficulty.

The Union men are strongly in the ascendency through the western counties of this State, are all armed, and have a complete organization under competent leaders. The Standard says they have threatened to take Raleigh, and suggests the importance of fortifying the city in every direction, and a general fall back of their rebel forces in the State to that point. – Newbern cor. Of N. Y. Tribune.

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 2