Showing posts with label Horace Mann. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Horace Mann. Show all posts

Monday, October 23, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann, July 12, 1850

July 12. To-day the city is dressed in mourning. No one as yet seems to know what will be the policy of the new President, whether it will be for freedom or for slavery, or whether he will not profess to adopt such a middle course as that slavery will be sure to get the advantage in the end. I look upon the movement in New Mexico that of inserting the prohibition of slavery in their new constitution as even more valuable than I did before. They will be far less likely to recede from this ground, having once adopted it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 307-8

Congressman Horace Mann, July 20, 1850

WASHINGTON, July 20, 1850.

I suppose the Cabinet work is done, and that Mr. Webster is to be Secretary of State. This is to be regretted for a thousand reasons; but there are some aspects of the case in which it may argue well for a settlement of the hostile questions which now agitate the country. Mr. Webster will be very acceptable to the South for the very reason that he has made himself offensive to the North. I only hope it will eventuate for the good of the country.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 308

Congressman Horace Mann, July 21, 1850

July 21. Four of the seven members who compose the cabinet are from the slaveholding States: so, if we consider Mr. Webster a proslavery man, they have five out of seven. But one thing is very observable, though four are from the slaveholding States, yet one is from Missouri, one from Kentucky, one from Maryland, and one from North Carolina. All these are just south of Mason and Dixon's line; and they are from the States that hold slavery in its more mitigated forms, and not one of them is an intense proslavery State. The men selected are, I suppose, moderate men, comparatively, on this subject. Therefore, though the South have no confidence in Mr. Webster as an honest man, yet his late change of position on this subject renders him less offensive to the extreme men, and more acceptable to the moderate men.

If Mr. Fillmore has taken this course to conciliate the South in the first instance, and, with his Cabinet, eventually to subserve Northern feeling on this subject of slavery, then the whole may eventuate well; but if it is a concession to the South, on the surface, to be followed by an adoption of their views as to slavery ultimately, then it deserves all reprobation. For myself, I shall not give my confidence to this Administration, on this point, until it earns it. When it does earn it, then, as a matter of justice, I shall no longer withhold it; though, in the honesty of one of the members composing it, I have not, and probably never shall have, the slightest confidence. I therefore await developments. It has proved, so far, a godsend to Mr. Webster; for I do not believe he could have withstood the opposition against him in Massachusetts. Now, instead of being defeated, he escapes from the conflict. Still I can have no confidence in his ultimate success; for no one can safely prophesy success of a dishonest man.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 308-9

Thursday, September 21, 2023

Theodore Parker to Congressman Horace Mann, Saturday Night, March 11, 1850

BOSTON, March 11, 1850.        
Saturday Night.
HON. HORACE MANN.

DEAR SIR,—God bless you for your noble speech which I have just read in the Boston Daily Journal. Send me a copy to keep as a monument of the age when the Websters did as they have done, and oblige

Yours truly,
THEODORE PARKER.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 295

Congressman Horace Mann, March 13, 1850

MARCH 13, 1850.

The hallucination that seizes the South on the subject of slavery, is, indeed, enough to excite our compassion; but an excuse of their conduct to themselves on this ground, would, perhaps, enrage them more than any thing else. I would be willing to offer them any pecuniary indemnity which they might desire. Indeed, I had thought of bringing forward some such idea in my speech; but I feared they would only scout it.

I do not think Mr. Webster can be honest in the views expressed in his speech. I would struggle against a belief in his treachery to the last minute; but this speech is in flagrant violation of all that he has ever said before.

You are in an error in supposing that the exclusion of slavery from the Territories will affect the growth of cotton or rice unfavorably. Slaves are in great demand now for the cotton and rice fields. No production of the Territories would come in competition with their great staples. It is a fear of losing the balance of power, as they call it; and no doubt, in some cases, a fear that this is only a beginning of a war upon slavery in the States themselves. On this latter point, they will not be pacified by any declarations made by the North. Then, again, on this subject they are not a reasoning people.

To recur to Mr. Webster again. He has said some things it was quite unnecessary to say, and some things not true. Look at his interpretation of the admission of Texas! The act was, as he has quoted in his speech, that four new States—no more might be formed from Texas: those south of 36° 30′ might be slave States, and those north must be free States. Now, he says we are bound to admit four slave States. But we are bound to admit only four in the whole. Why, then, admit all these four as slave States, and then others, that is, if we get the consent of Texas, as free States? No: we are to admit but four in the whole; and, as one or two of these are to be free, there must not be four slave. He therefore not only proposes to execute that ungodly bargain, but to give one or two slave States to the South as a gratuity.

So his offer to take the proceeds of the public lands to deport free blacks is of the greatest service to slavery. It is just what the South wants, to get rid of its free blacks. It would enhance the value and the security of the slave property so called. Had he proposed to give the proceeds of the lands to deport manumitted slaves, that would encourage manumission, and be of real service to humanity. Indeed, the more I think of the speech, the worse I think of it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 295-6

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, March 21, 1850

WASHINGTON, March 21, 1850.
SAMUEL DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR, I am glad to hear from you. I did not know but you would give me over to "hardness of heart and to a reprobate mind" after my votes for Speaker. But I am as well satisfied as I can be of any thing that it was the best course. If we must have one of two men for Speaker, you do nothing towards deterring me from supporting one of them, on the ground that he is a bad man, so long as I can prove the other to be a worse one. I have found that those who hold to the doctrine, that they will not take the least of two evils, forget that, by adding their own course to the number of evils, they make three of them, and then generally take the worst two of the three. I prefer the least one of two to the worst two of three. . . .

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 296

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, March 1850

MARCH, 1850.
To S. DOWNER.

MY DEAR FRIEND,—Mr. Webster astonished almost all Northern men here. We are recovering from the shock; but it was a severe one. It was as unexpected as it was astounding. It may seem egotistic in me; but I wish I had not spoken till after he did. I should have liked to ask him how he knows that God has Wilmot provisoed New Mexico. Has he had any new revelation since the North-west Territory needed provisoing, since Wisconsin needed it, since Oregon needed it? Indiana came near being a slave State, proviso and all; and would have been so, if Congress had not rejected her petition, John Randolph, of Virginia, making the report. Has God Wilmot-provisoed the whole belt of country from the eastern side of Delaware to the western side of Missouri, any more than he has New Mexico? and, if so, why has not his proviso taken effect? Is there not a vast region of those States that lies far north of the greater part of New Mexico? Has Mr. Webster any geological eyes by which he has discovered that there are no mines in New Mexico which could be profitably worked by slaves? If predial slavery cannot exist there, cannot menial? Does not slavery depend more on conscience than on climate? If individuals do not desire to carry slavery into New Mexico for personal profit, may not communities and States desire it for political aggrandizement?

As to fugitive slaves, I need say nothing. While Massachusetts citizens are imprisoned in Southern ports, I think fugitive slaves will be gentlemen at large in Massachusetts.

But the offer to give eighty millions received and a hundred and eighty millions expected to be received from the public lands to transport free negroes to Africa, and thereby to give increased value to slaves and increased security to slave property, is atrocious.

Now, would to God that you Free-soilers were not a separate organization! With what power such men as S. C. Phillips, G. Palfrey, William Jackson, and Sumner, could act upon the Whigs, if they were not alienated from them! For Heaven's sake, heal this breach, instead of widening it, and bring the whole force of the North to bear in favor of freedom!

With best love for your wife and your babes and yourself, I am very truly and sincerely yours,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 297-8

Congressman Horace Mann, April 1 1850

WASHINGTON, April 1, 1850.

Mr. Calhoun died this morning. . . . The opinion is that the South will be relieved. He has carried his doctrines of disunion so far, that his political opponents have made capital out of his extravagances. He had done all the political thinking for South Carolina for twenty years. That State has known but one will, and that was his. It is the most oligarchical State in this Union, perhaps in the world. The spirit of its people has rendered it so. I regret his death politically: I think it will tend to canonize him, and give a sort of sanctity to his enormities. Men will attack his seditious and treasonable doctrines with less earnestness than if he were alive; for it always looks, or can be made to look, like cowardice to assail a dead man. His private life has been, I believe, unimpeachable; but his public course has been one of the greatest disasters that has ever befallen the country. His errors have all originated in his disappointed aspirations for the Presidency. Oh, if we could only look a few years into the future, or, throwing ourselves forward a few years into the future, look back, what different motives of action would be suggested to our minds !

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 298

Congressman Horace Mann, April 2 1850

APRIL 2.

Mr. Calhoun's funeral, which took place to-day, was attended in the Senate Chamber at twelve o'clock. I did not wish to connect the thoughts I have with death with the thoughts which I have with him; and therefore I did not attempt to be present. What a test of true greatness is death! How it converts to vanity and nothingness all which is not intrinsically worthy! How it magnifies and eternizes whatever is good! The preacher who could carry men for an hour to the other side of the grave, whenever they have a prospect of worldly appetite or ambition or aggrandizement in view, and make them look back upon the objects of their desire from that point, would indeed be a minister of God.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 298-9

Congressman Horace Mann, April 6 1850

APRIL 6, 1850.

Public affairs are looking worse here,―more dangerous for the cause of liberty than ever. The defection of Mr. Webster is dreadful! The Whigs and Free-soilers in Massachusetts are so hostile to each other, that, though the great body of them think alike on the most important subjects, they cannot act together. They fly from each other with hard words, instead of laboring together for the cause of the country.

Since Mr. Webster's speech, the tide of things is changed. The South have taken courage, and are pressing their schemes with renewed energy. Their old skill can hardly be improved.

Being the last bid for the Presidency, this speech of Mr. Webster's was the heaviest; but the other aspirants for the same object do not wish to be outdone or outbid, and so they are taking a strong Southern ground. I fear the cause will be lost. God grant that I may be mistaken!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 299

Congressman Horace Mann to Theodore Parker, April 24 1850

WEST NEWTON, April 24, 1850.
REV. T. PARKER.

DEAR SIR, I have just returned from a visit of some days into the western part of New York, where I have seen our common friend, the Rev. Mr. May. He has written a letter to you, which I take pleasure in forwarding. I attended service in his church last Sunday morning, where he administered the communion, and spent at least half an hour in enforcing our duty to follow the example of Jesus Christ in our conduct rather than in our profession or creed. He pathetically lamented the apostasy of so many of the clergy at the present time, and their active agency on the side of wrong; and he said, what I and I doubt not many others were rejoiced to hear, that, while so many doctors of divinity were proving faithless to their highest trust, Theodore Parker, the man whom they denounced as an infidel, was more ably and conspicuously faithful to the cause of truth than any of their number. It produced a strong sensation, as home-truths always will. . . .

Yours very truly,
HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 300

Theodore Parker to Congressman Horace Mann, May 6, 1850

BOSTON, May 6, 1850.
HON. HORACE MANN.

MY DEAR SIR,—Perhaps I ought not to trouble so busy a man as you are to read so unimportant a matter as a letter from me; but I cannot reasonably forbear telling you how thankful I am to you for writing such a noble letter to your friends and constituents. God bless you for it! I intended once, soon after Mr. Webster made his speech, to have written a public letter to you, and reviewed the whole matter before the country; but I am glad I did not, for then I should, perhaps, have prevented you from doing better than any one has done hitherto. A hundred and seventy years ago, John Locke wrote: "Slavery is so vile and miserable an estate of man, and so directly opposite to the generous temper and courage of our nation, that it is hardly to be conceived that an Englishman, much less a gentleman, should plead for it."

Yet think of Mr. Webster and his eight hundred "retainers," as the "Advertiser " calls them!

Accept my heartiest thanks for your many services, and believe me your friend and servant,

THEO. PARKER.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 300-1

Congressman Horace Mann, May 18, 1850

WASHINGTON, May 18, 1850.

My letter is approved or disapproved a thousand times more for its bearing on party attachments than for its merits: so, though I do not accept as just all the criticisms made upon it, or the condemnations bestowed upon it, neither do I suffer myself to be elated by the extravagant praises which it receives in certain quarters. I hope there is nothing in it that I shall be sorry for or ashamed of hereafter that is the greatest thing, after all. It pleases all people with whom antislavery is the first object. This is because antislavery is my first object. As you shade off with less and less antislavery, or more and more proslavery, and into attachment to party as a paramount motive of action, it is liked less and less, or disliked more and more: so that it has a perfect test. I suppose Mr. Webster is in a very anxious state of mind. He has never known what it was to encounter general opposition before. I have most urgent letters from the North that I shall answer his Newburyport letter.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 301

Congressman Horace Mann, June 9, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 9, 1850.

Yesterday I read Prof. Stuart's pamphlet in defence of Mr. Webster. It is a most extraordinary production. He begins by proving biblically that slavery is a divine institution, permitted, recognized, regulated, by God himself; and therefore that it cannot be malum in se. The greater part of the work consists in maintaining this point both from the Old and New Testaments; but he spends a few pages at the close in showing that it is contrary to all the precepts and principles of the gospel, and is little better than all crimes concentrated in one. How it can be both of these things at the same time, we are not informed.

He says, with Mr. Webster, that we are bound to admit four slave States from Texas, although we were to admit but four in the whole; and one at least, if not two, of the four were to be free States. But he says it is to be by the consent of Texas; and Texas may give consent to only four slave States taken in succession. Now, the answer to this is so plain, that it is difficult to see why even an Old-Testament orthodox minister should not see it.

When a contract is executory, as the lawyers say (that is, to be executed in future), and it contains mutual stipulations in favor of each of the parties, then nothing can be more clear than that each of the successive steps for fulfilment must have reference to what is to be done afterwards. Neither party can claim that the contract shall be so fulfilled by the other party in any one particular as to render the fulfilment of the whole impossible. Each preceding act of execution must have reference to what, by its terms, is to be subsequently executed.

So he says the Wilmot Proviso for a Territory is in vain, because the Territory, as soon as it is transformed into a State, can establish slavery. But the Wilmot Proviso over a Territory defends it against that class of population that would establish slavery when it becomes a State. It attracts to it that class of population which will exclude slavery; and therefore such proviso is decisive of the fate of the State.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 301-2

Sunday, September 17, 2023

Charles Sumner to Congressman Horace Mann, October 30, 1850

The enemy has done his work, by skill, determination, will, backbone.1 It is as I have feared. On your account and for your personal comfort, I regret this; but in this act I see the madness which precedes a fall. The Whigs will certainly be overthrown in the State. There is an earnest desire now that you should at once take the field. You can speak ten or twelve times before the election, and everywhere will rouse the people. In what you say be careful not to disturb the Democrats. They are desirous of an excuse for supporting you. Speak directly to the slavery question, and vindicate its importance, and the constitutionality of our opposition. The Free Soil committee here wish to see you, in order to arrange a series of meetings without delay.
_______________

1 Mann's loss of a renomination to Congress in the Whig convention of his district.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 219

Friday, September 15, 2023

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, May 19, 1850

Washington, May 19, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR, I am writing an answer to the Newburyport gentlemen, in which I shall state, fully and legally, the matter of the Fugitive Slave Bill. It will be visible in Boston in the course of this week, and I should be glad the newspapers would publish it, as many of them as choose.

We notice a good article on Mr. Mann and his letter, in the Courier of the 7th. Notice will be taken of Mr. Mann by gentlemen here of whom he speaks in his letter, but not by me. I may say one word of him, in my answer to the Newburyport letter.

I am glad you are going to Andover to see Mr. Stuart. Pray give him my warm regards. I am anxiously looking for his pamphlet.

Yours always truly,
DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 370

Tuesday, July 25, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann, February 6, 1850

FEB 6.

I really think, if we insist upon passing the Wilmot Proviso for the Territories, that the South—a part of them — will rebel. But would pass it, rebellion or not. I consider no evil so great as that of the extension of slavery.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 288

Congressman Horace Mann, February 7, 1850

FEB. 7.

Yesterday, Mr. Clay concluded his speech upon his Compromise resolutions. Its close was pathetic. There is hardly another slaveholder in all the South who would have perilled his popularity to such an extent. It will be defeated: but, if we from the North are still, it will be defeated by Southern votes and declamation; and it is better for the cause that they should defeat it than that we should.

You were right in saying that I would not have asked Mr. Winthrop about putting me on a committee; for I would not have answered such a question, had I been in his place, and had it been asked me.

Still, I think I should have held an important place on an antislavery committee; and, what is more, should have had a majority of colleagues who would act with me. Now every thing is in jeopardy.

I never said whom I would vote for, nor whom I would not. It would have been a bitter pill to be obliged to choose between the three candidates; but, if I had been so obliged, I should have voted for the least evil.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 288-9

Congressman Horace Mann, February 14, 1850

FEB. 14.

You ejaculate a prayer for my protection. I do not feel in any personal danger. I mean to tell them what I think, and in such a way that they shall understand me. But I am principled against doing it offensively.

If Mr. Clay had demanded immunity for slavery in the States and in the District only, he would have demanded nothing more than the South claims as absolute right; and so it would, in their eyes, have wanted the reciprocity of a compromise. Nobody but the abolitionists of the Garrison school pretends to interfere with slavery in the States; and non-interference with slavery in the District, now only fifty square miles, would have seemed to them paltry. I think, regarding the thing as a compromise, Mr. Clay has done pretty well. But I do not concede their right to carry slavery into the Territories at all; and therefore I will never yield to their claim to carry it there, come what will. I should prefer dissolution even, terrible as it would be, to slavery extension.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 289

Congressman Horace Mann to E. W. Clapp, February 6, 1850

WASHINGTON, Feb. 6, 1850.
E. W. CLAP, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR, . . . You must be entirely mistaken in your speculations. The Free-soil party, with the best principles to stand on that ever a political party had, well-nigh ruined themselves by   their injudicious conduct. But I am afraid the Whigs are behaving every whit as badly as they. Last Monday, a portion of the party gave the most insane votes that ever sane men gave. They voted down, or helped to vote down, not only the Wilmot Proviso, but the Declaration of Independence and the Ordinance of 1787. To be sure, they say they voted against these doctrines because they were brought forward by Root and Giddings for the mischievous purpose of embarrassment and party spite, and without any adequate cause. But I would not vote against such a measure if the Devil brought it forward. . . .

Yours very truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 289-90