Captain Charles Wright Wills: September 27, 1863

September 27.

We sent our sick, nearly 100 in number, by wagon to the Big Black railroad depot, six miles, where they took the cars for Vicksburg. They will there await our arrival. I have now but 31 men in my company in camp. Ten months ago I marched 72 men from Bolivar, Tenn., to Lagrange. Not one has been lost by the bullet, and today a difference of 41 in the duty list. A rumor prevails to-day that Rosecrans has had a severe battle and has been defeated. It is impossible to learn or hear anything in this place until the date alone would make it uninteresting. Blair's division moved into Vicksburg from the depot to-day to embark. Osterhaus' division is already on its way up the river. In the evening, with Captains Bishop and Smith and Lieutenant Johnson, had a rather dull game of “California Seven Up.” All kinds of rumors today about the fight in northern Georgia. Have no hope of ever hearing the truth of the matter in camp. We are now 12 days behind in papers. The 3d brigade of our division and some cavalry started, with three days rations, on a scout across the river to-day. Suppose the object is to cover our move to Vicksburg, though I don't believe there are 100 armed Rebels this side of the Alabama line. The soldiers of our division have been having some high fun for the last two days. Orders are very strict against firing in camp, but the men found out they could get up some artificial firing by putting green can in the fire. The steam from the sap generating between the joints will make an explosion equal to a gun fired. And they got up some artillery firing by putting canteens half full of water, stopping them tightly and then putting them in the flames. They did this just to bore the officers who are held responsible by the general for all firing. To-night the general has ordered all the officers of the 40th Illinois to patrol the camp the whole night. This, of course, tickles the men hugely, and from their beds in their tents they have been talking over the duties of a sentry for the benefit of their officer's ears. The devilment that soldiers cannot contrive must be unearthly. To-day some of the 6th Iowa filled an oyster can half full of powder, set a slow train to it and planted it in the ground, they then set a cracker box over it and got a negro to dancing on the box A coal was then touched to the train and the "nigger" was blown full 20 feet. He landed, fortunately, without injury, but so badly scared that he was crazy for an hour. In the evening called on Captain Pinney of the 46th Ohio, and spent a very pleasant evening. He says that Vallandigham will poll about ten votes in their regiment; but that his disciples dare not open their mouths to advocate his cause. He says the loyal men would kill them sure if they dared to boast of their allegiance to a traitor.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 191-2

Jeremiah Goldsmith Anderson

Jeremiah Goldsmith Anderson was born April 17, 1833, in Indiana, and was therefore in his twenty-seventh year when killed at Harper's Ferry. He was the son of John Anderson, and was the grandson of slaveholders; his maternal grandfather, Colonel Jacob Westfall, of Tygert Valley, Virginia, was a soldier in the Revolutionary War; he went to school at Galesburg, Illinois, and Kossuth, Iowa; was a peddler, farmer, and employee of a saw-mill, before emigrating to Kansas in August, 1857, where he settled on the Little Osage, Bourbon County, a mile from Fort Bain. He was twice arrested by proslaveryites, and for ten weeks imprisoned at Fort Scott; he then became a lieutenant of Captain Montgomery, and was with him in the attack on Captain Anderson's troop of the First U. S. Cavalry. He also witnessed the murder on his own doorstep of a Mr. Denton by Border Ruffians. He was with John Brown on the slave raid into Missouri, and thereafter followed Brown's fortunes. Writing July 5, 1859, of his determination to continue to fight for freedom, he said: “Millions of fellow-beings require it of us; their cries for help go out to the universe daily and hourly. Whose duty is it to help them? Is it yours? Is it mine? It is every man's, but how few there are to help. But there are a few who dare to answer this call, and dare to answer it in a manner that will make this land of liberty and equality shake to the centre.”

SOURCE: Oswald Garrison Villard, John Brown, 1800-1859: A Biography Fifty Years After, p. 681

Jeremiah G. Anderson to His Brother in Iowa, Late September 1859

Our mining company will consist of between twenty-five and thirty well equipped with tools. You can tell Uncle Dan it will be impossible for me to visit him before next spring. If my life is spared, I will be tired of work by that time, and I shall visit my relatives and friends in Iowa, if I can get leave of absence. At present, I am bound by all that is honorable to continue in the course. We go in to win, at all hazards. So if you should hear of a failure, it will be after a desperate struggle, and loss of capital on both sides. But that is the last of our thoughts. Everything seems to work to our hands, and victory will surely perch upon our banner. The old man has had this operation in view for twenty years, and last winter was just a hint and trial of what could be done. This is not a large place,² but a precious one to Uncle Sam, as he has a great many tools here. I expect (when I start again travelling) to start at this place and go through the State of Virginia and on south, just as circumstances require; mining and prospecting, and carrying the ore with us. I suppose this is the last letter I shall write before there is something in the wind. Whether I shall have a chance of sending letters then I do not know, but when I have an opportunity, I shall improve it. But if you don't get any from me, don't take it for granted that I am gone up till you know it to be so. I consider my life about as safe in one place as another.

_______________

² Haper’s Ferry.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 545

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 1, 1864

Worked on the rolls. Read the papers and a little in Atlantic.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 2, 1864

Cold, disagreeable day. Letters from home and Fannie, 1st of Jan. Both happy and sad. Made a fool of myself talking to old Brown at Hdqrs. Wrote to Fannie.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 3, 1864

Hugh and I went to town in evening and heard the Swiss Bell Ringers. Good time. Zettler House.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 4, 1864

Went down to the stable with the boys to see the horses. Went to clothing store — vest and hat — measured for pants. Camp in time for dinner. Wrote some.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 5, 1864

Stayed in camp. Board of Survey. Read in “Tales and Sketches.”

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 6, 1864

In evening went to town to see about assignment. Went to Atheneum. “Hidden Hand,” Miss Sallie St. Clair played her part well — pretty actress.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: February 7, 1864

Made arrangements for 13 men. Went to camp again after making diligent inquiries, and partial agreement.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 107

Diary of William Howard Russell: June 24, 1861

Just at dawn, I woke up and got out on the platform of the carriage, which is the favorite resort of smokers and their antithetics, those who love pure fresh air, notwithstanding the printed caution, “It is dangerous to stand on the platform;” and under the eye of early morn saw spread around a flat sealike expanse, not yet warmed into color and life by the sun. The line was no longer guarded from daring Secessionists by soldiers' outposts, and small camps had disappeared. The train sped through the centre of the great verdant circle as a ship through the sea, leaving the rigid iron wake behind it tapering to a point at the horizon and as the light spread over it, the surface of the crisping corn waved in broad undulations beneath the breeze from east to west. This is the prairie indeed. Hereabouts it is covered with the finest crops, some already cut and stacked. Looking around one could see church spires rising in the distance from the white patches of houses, and by degrees the tracks across the fertile waste became apparent, and then carts and horses were seen toiling through the rich soil.

A large species of partridge or grouse appeared very abundant, and rose in flocks from the long grass at the side of the rail or from the rich carpet of flowers on the margin of the corn-fields. They sat on the fence almost unmoved by the rushing engine, and literally swarmed along the line. These are called “prairie chickens” by the people, and afford excellent sport. Another bird about the size of a thrush, with a yellow breast and a harsh cry, I learned was “the sky-lark;” and apropos of the unmusical creature, I was very briskly attacked by a young lady patriot for finding fault with the sharp noise it made. “Oh, my! And you not to know that your Shelley loved it above all things! Didn't he write some verses — quite beautiful, too, they are — to the sky-lark?” And so “the Britisher was dried up,” as I read in a paper afterwards of a similar occurrence.

At the little stations which occur at every few miles — there are some forty of them, at each of which the train stops, in 365 miles between Cairo and Chicago — the Union flag floated in the air; but we had left all the circumstance of this inglorious war behind us, and the train rattled boldly over the bridges across the rare streams, no longer in danger from Secession hatchets. The swamp had given place to the cornfield. No black faces were turned up from the mowing and free white labor was at work, and the type of the laborers was German and Irish.

The Yorkshirenian expatiated on the fertility of the land, and on the advantages it held out to the emigrant. But I observed all the lots by the side of the rail, and apparently as far as the eye could reach, were occupied. “Some of the very best land lies beyond on each side,” said he. “Out over there in the fat places is where we put our Englishmen.” By digging deep enough good water is always to be had, and coal can be carried from the rail, where it costs only 7s. or 8s. a ton. Wood there is little or none in the prairies, and it was rarely indeed a clump of trees could be, detected, or anything higher than some scrub brushwood. Those little communities which we passed were but the growth of a few years, and as we approached the northern portion of the line we could see, as it were, the village swelling into the town, and the town spreading out to the dimensions of the city. “I dare say, Major,” says one of the passengers, “this gentleman never saw anything like these cities before. I'm told they've nothing like them in Europe?” “Bless you,” rejoined the Major, with a wink, “just leaving out London, Edinbro', Paris, and Manchester, there's nothing on earth to ekal them.” My friend, who is a shrewd fellow, by way of explanation of his military title, says, “I was a major once, a major in the Queen's Bays, but they would put troop-sergeant before it them days.” Like many Englishmen he complains that the jealousy of native-born Americans effectually bars the way to political position of any naturalized citizen, and all the places are kept by the natives.

The scene now began to change gradually as we approached Chicago, the prairie subsided into swampy land, and thick belts of trees fringed the horizon; on our right glimpses of the sea could be caught through openings in the wood — the inland sea on which stands the Queen of the Lakes. Michigan looks broad and blue as the Mediterranean. Large farmhouses stud the country, and houses which must be the retreat of merchants and citizens of means; and when the train, leaving the land altogether, dashes out on a pier and causeway built along the borders of the lake, we see lines of noble houses, a fine boulevard, a forest of masts, huge isolated piles of masonry, the famed grain elevators by which so many have been hoisted to fortune, churches and public edifices, and the apparatus of a great city; and just at nine o'clock the train gives its last steam shout and comes to a standstill in the spacious station of the Central Illinois Company, and in half-anhour more I am in comfortable quarters at the Richmond House, where I find letters waiting for me, by which it appears that the necessity for my being in Washington in all haste, no longer exists. The wary General who commands the army is aware that the advance to Richmond, for which so many journals are clamoring, would be attended with serious risk at present, and the politicians must be content to wait a little longer.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 351-3

Thomas B. Owings’ Advertisement for the Return of Fugitive Slaves Sam and Isaac, about September 20, 1856

ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD — Ran away on Saturday night, the 20th September, 1856, from the subscriber, living in the ninth district of Carroll county, Maryland, two Negro Men, SAM and ISAAC. Sam calls himself Samuel Sims; he is very black; shows his teeth very much when he laughs; no perceptible marks; he is 5 feet 8 inches high, and about thirty years of age, but has the appearance of being much older.

Isaac calls himself Isaac Dotson he is about nineteen years of age, stout made, but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders, he is about five feet five or six inches high, always appears to be in a good humor; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good deal of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow, might be called a yellow boy; has no perceptible marks.

They have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless to say anything about them. No doubt they will change their names.

I will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars, or five hundred dollars for either of them, if taken and lodged in any jail in Maryland. So that I get them again.

Also two of Mr. Dade’s, living in the neighborhood, went the same time; no doubt they are all in company together.

THOMAS B. OWINGS.

s24-6tWit*||

SOURCE: SOURCES: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 208

Robert Dade’s Advertisement for the Return of Fugitive Slaves Perry and Charles, About September 20, 1856

RAN AWAY — On Saturday night, 20th inst., from the subscriber, living near Mount Airy P. O., Carroll county, two Negro men, PERRY and CHARLES.  Perry is quite dark, full face; is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high; has a scar on one of his hands, and one on his legs, caused by a cut from a scythe; 25 years old. Charles is of a copper color, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; round shouldered, with small whiskers; has one crooked finger that he cannot straighten, and a scar on his right leg, caused by the cut of a scythe; 22 years old. I will give two hundred and fifty dollars each, if taken in the State and returned to me, or secured in some jail so that I can get them again, or a $1,000 for the two, or $500 each, if taken out of the State, and secured in some jail in this State so that I can get them again.

ROBERT DADE.

s23—3f.

SOURCE: SOURCES: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 210

Senator Salmon P. Chase to Edward S. Hamlin, August 27, 1852

Washington City, August 27, 1852

Dear Hamlin, You pain me by what you say of your health. I hope it may speedily improve — most earnestly do I hope it. I fear your labors in the canal regions may have affected you: but trust that relaxation and good air will set you up again. You must not neglect yourself on any account.

You are mistaken in thinking I have not fully appreciated the necessity of a Press of the right stamp in the State: I have fully and thoroughly appreciated it. Rut I am but one laborer in a great cause. I have contributed and am still ready to contribute to its success all of work and money that I can. But I have found little material aid and comfort. Most have seemed to think that I, being Senator, might well be left alone to bear all the cost of sustaining papers devoted to our common views. I should not complain of this were I able to support such enterprises. But as you know my election to the Senate has greatly abridged my income, and my debt, almost intolerably burdensome when I was elected, has not become any lighter since. What then am I to do? I cannot beg gentlemen to contribute to a paper, which, they may think and will think, is chiefly important to me. If they do not feel sufficiently interested in the cause, or sufficiently concerned for the vindication of those who are laboring to advance it, to aid in the establishment of a press of the right kind, I do not see how I can remedy the matter. I went so far as to offer $1500 towards the purchase of the Nonpareil and place it in right hands: but the residue necessary c^d. not be obtained. I have contributed whenever called on to other papers and really do not see what I could do more than I have done unless I should take the ground that I am to go into political life for the advancement of my own interests and as a speculation and therefore invest the funds necessary in that view — but I never can or will take that ground. I have always put the interest of the cause foremost, and am now as I have ever been ready to surrender all political position and all political personal advantages for its advancement.

I should be really much obliged to you for a frank expression of your views on the subject, and for any suggestion as to what you think I can & should do.

I expect to be in Cleveland on Friday, or, at any rate, on Saturday. I shall not leave before Saturday morning at eleven, whatever may be the time of my arrival. I hope to see you; and would come to Olmsted should I reach Cleveland early enough & you not be able to come up. I have heard a great deal from Pittsburgh. If those who have maligned me so industriously are satisfied with the results of their machinations, I am.

Sumner's speech yesterday was grand. The Slaveholders & Compromisers felt it keenly. Wade alone of the Compromise Parties voted for the Repeal of the Bill of abominations. Wade has done well. I will say that for him — he has never flinched in private or public.

I must close. I have no time to write — excuse my incoherence.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 245-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 18, 1863

Had a letter from Commodore Wilkes Monday evening, complaining that injustice was done him in my Annual Report. The letter was studiously impudent and characteristic, was untruthful in some respects, and unofficerlike generally. He requested it should be sent to Congress with his correspondence. I replied that such proceeding would be improper, and that it would not, of course, be complied with.

I understand that before my reply left the Department he had furnished copies of his letter to me to the newspapers, which he knows is in violation of regulations as well as of decorum. He had, I see, prepared his letter with great care, while my reply was offhand and hasty. I find his letter in the New York Times and Philadelphia Inquirer. This discourtesy and repeated violation of regulations will necessitate a court martial with a troublesome man of a good deal of ability, of great leisure, and who is not delicate as regards means. Naval officers of experience have warned me that orders and favors to Wilkes would result in this, — that he is regardless of orders to himself, but tyrannical and exacting to others.

A charge of bribery against a Senator has resulted in John P. Hale's admission that he is the man referred to, acknowledging that he took the money, but that it was a fee not as a bribe. “Strange such a difference there should be twixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee.” This loud-mouthed paragon, whose boisterous professions of purity, and whose immense indignation against a corrupt world were so great that he delighted to misrepresent and belie them in order that his virtuous light might shine distinctly, is beginning to be exposed and rightly understood. But the whole is not told and never will be; he is a mass of corruption.

The steamer Chesapeake, seized by Rebel pirate mutineers, has been captured at Sambro, some twenty miles from Halifax. I was informed by telegram last night. Immediately sent word that she must be delivered over to the Colonial authorities, she having been captured in British waters. This order was sent within ten minutes after the telegram was received, the messenger who brought it waiting for the reply.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 489-90

Dr. James Ware

James Ware, M. D., of Lake Charles, was born in Ohio, September 23, 1826, of parents who were natives of Goochland county, Va. He was reared and educated at Columbus, Ohio, and graduated in medicine at Sterling medical college, after which he began the practice at Evergreen, La. In February, 1862, he enlisted as a private in the Sixteenth Louisiana infantry, and in July, 1862, was promoted to surgeon. In this capacity he served with the regiment to the close of the war. Since then he has been in the practice of medicine successively at Evergreen, Marksville and Lake Charles.

SOURCE: Clement Anselm Evans, Editor, Confederate Military History, Vol. 10, p. 618

Mrs. Josephine McPherson Ware

Mrs. Josephine Ware, wife of Dr. James Ware, Surgeon of Calcasieu Camp, Lake Charles, La., died on the 27th of February, at the age of seventy-six years. She was born in Maryland and of Scotch-Catholic stock, her parents having emigrated to this country at the time of religious persecution in Scotland. She was married to Dr. Ware in 1865, and had been a resident of Louisiana, and of Lake Charles since 1887.

Mrs. Ware was a woman of remarkable strength of character, and she lived and died an ideal wife, mother, and friend. Her husband was surgeon of the 16th Louisiana Regiment. Gibson's Brigade. As a member of the U. D. C. Chapter of Lake Charles. she was actively interested in its good work, and the pallbearers at her funeral were all Confederate Veterans. Her husband and two sons survive her.

SOURCE: Confederate Veteran, Volume 15, No. 4, April 1907, p. 183

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Web Hayes, April 15, 1863

Camp White, April 15, Evening.

Dearest: — Your short business letter came this afternoon. I do not yet know about your coming here during the campaigning season. If we fortify, probably all right; if not, I don't know.

Lieutenant Ellen is married. His wife sent me a fine big wedding cake and two cans of fruit. Good wife, I guess, by the proofs sent me.

You speak of Jim Ware. What does he think of the prospects? I understand Jim in a letter to Dr. Joe says Dr. Ware gives it up. Is this so?

I send you more photographs. The major's resignation was not accepted and he is now taking hold of things with energy.

We are having further disasters, I suspect, at Charleston and in North Carolina. But they are not vital. The small results (adverse results, I mean,) likely to follow are further proofs of our growing strength.

What a capital speech Everett has made. He quite redeems himself.

Always say something about the boys — their sayings and doings.

Affectionately ever,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 405

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: September 28, 1864

Sent word to Battese by a convalescent who is being sent to the large prison, that I am getting well. Would like to see him. Am feeling better. Good many union men in Savannah. Three hundred sick here, with all kinds of diseases — gangrene, dropsy, scurvy, typhoid and other fevers, diarrhea, &c. Good care taken of me. Have medicine often, and gruel. Land does the writing.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 98

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: September 29, 1864

Yes, I am better, but poor and weak. Feeling hungry more now, and can take nourishment quite often. Mike Hoare calls to see me. He is thinking of escape. Should think a person might escape from here when able. I shall get well now. Sweet potatoes for sale. Like to see such things, but cannot eat them. Rebel officer put his hand on my head a few minutes ago and said something; don't know what. It is said the Yankees can throw shell into Savannah from their gunboats down the river. Sergeant Winn comes to see me and cheers me up. Winn is a sutler as well as nurse, that is, he buys eatables from the guards and other rebels, and sells to our men. Number of marines and sailors in the building adjoining our hospital; also some Yankee officers sick. Winn makes quite a little money. They have soap here to wash with. The encouraging talk of ending the war soon helps me to get well.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 98