Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John Beatty: June 28, 1861

At twelve o'clock to-day our battalion left Clarksburg, followed a stream called Elk creek for eight miles, and then encamped for the night. This is the first march on foot we have made. The country through which we passed is extremely hilly and broken, but apparently fertile. If the people of Western Virginia were united against us, it would be almost impossible for our army to advance. In many places the creek on one side, and the perpendicular banks on the other, leave a strip barely wide enough for a wagon road.

Buckhannon, twenty miles in advance of us, is said to be in the hands of the secession troops. To-morrow, or the day after, if they do not leave, a battle will take place. Our men appear eager for the fray, and I pray they may be as successful in the fight as they are anxious for one.

SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 10-11

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John Beatty: June 29, 1861

It is half-past eight o'clock, and we are still but eight miles from Clarksburg. We were informed this morning that the secession troops had left Buckhannon, and fallen back to their fortifications at Laurel Hill and Rich mountain. It is said General McClellan will be here to-morrow, and take command of the forces in person.

In enumerating the troops in this vicinity, I omitted to mention Colonel Robert McCook's Dutch regiment, which is in camp two miles from us. The Seventh Ohio Infantry is now at Clarksburg, and will, I think, move in this direction to-morrow.

Provisions outside of camp are very scarce. I took breakfast with a farmer this morning, and can say truly that I have eaten much better meals in my life. We had coffee without sugar, short-cake without butter, and a little salt pork, exceedingly fat. I asked him what the charge was, and he said "Ninepence," which means one shilling. I rejoiced his old soul by giving him two shillings.

The country people here have been grossly deceived by their political leaders. They have been made to believe that Lincoln was elected for the sole purpose of liberating the negro; that our army is marching into Virginia to free their slaves, destroy their property, and murder their families; that we, not they; have set the Constitution and laws at defiance, and that in resisting us they are simply defending their homes and fighting for their constitutional rights.

SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 11-12

Fifty-Third North Carolina Infantry

FIFTY-THIRD REGIMENT

BY COLONEL JAMES T. MOREHEAD.

The duty assigned to me to write a sketch-not a history—of the Fifty-third North Carolina Infantry, I undertook to discharge, with pleasure, but I did not realize until I began how great the difficulty would be, with no records and the conflicting recollections of surviving comrades as to events and persons. It may be and no doubt it is true, that I have not been accurate as to the personnel of the officers of the regiment, as to the dates of commissions, death and wounds, and if any injustice by omission or commission is done, I assure my living comrades and friends of such as have crossed over the river, that no one regrets more than I the lack of reliable data to rectify any mistakes.

The limited length of this sketch of course, forbids my entering into the details of casualties among over one thousand men who at different dates composed the rank and file.

The characteristics of this regiment were common to North Carolina troops. Obedience to and reverence for law and authority, for which the State has been so long known, in my opinion, constitute the basis of soldierly qualities for which her soldiers will be famous in history.

This regiment was like other North Carolina regiments; it was never known to shirk a duty; never refused to advance when ordered; never known to retire without command. In June, after its organization, it was ordered to Richmond and during the seven days contest it was on duty on the south side of the James. The greater part of its first year of service was spent in Eastern North Carolina and it received its first baptism of fire as a regiment at Washington, N. C., in Gen. D. H. Hill's winter campaign of 1862 and 1863. A few days after the battle of Chancellorsville it became a part of the Army of Northern Virginia, and as a part of Daniel's Brigade, was attached to the Second Corps, with which it marched and fought from Fredericksburg to Appomattox, and participated in more than twenty general engagements, including Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Washington City, Kernstown, Snicker's Ford, Winchester, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, Hare's Hill, Petersburg, and in numerous combats and smaller affairs, in some of which the conflict was more hotly contested than in the greater battles. Daniel's Brigade was composed of the Thirty-second, Forty-third, Forty-fifth and Fifty-third North Carolina Regiments, and Second North Carolina Battalion. After General Daniel's death, General Bryan Grimes became Brigadier-General. The histories of the other regiments in the brigade necessarily outline the chief incidents in the career of the Fifty-third and make it unnecessary to give its battles and marches in detail.

I select two special instances of its coolness and discipline: One was on the first day of the battle of Gettysburg. This regiment had hastened from Carlisle, Pa., its steps quickened by the report of big guns on the morning of 1 July. Immediately upon its arrival at Gettysburg it was thrown into line and advanced to the assault with the brigade. Soon it, was ascertained that there was not room between the brigade on the left and the one on the right, and this regiment was dropped out of the line, which closed up in its front and for some time it had to stand under shot and shell in an open field without being able to return the fire until the brigade on the left, having given away, it moved to the left, took its place and drove the enemy into the town.

In this trying situation, and there could have been none more trying, except a retreat under fire, the regiment manoeuvered as upon parade and drill, and its behavior on this occasion was greatly commended by the brigade and division commanders.

Another instance: At the battle of Winchester, 19 September, 1864, after hours of desperate fighting, when all the troops on the right and left had abandoned the contest and retired from the field, this regiment, alone, continued to fight the foe until ordered to retreat, which it did, across an open field for several hundred yards (the enemy advancing ten to one in numbers) in perfect order, and at intervals, when ordered, halting, facing about and delivering its fire almost in the faces of the pursuers. Not a man broke ranks or quickened his steps. As is well known to every soldier, a retreat under fire is the severest test of discipline and courage.

At the battle of Winchester, to prevent the enemy from discovering the gap on the left, I had deployed the greater part of my regiment as skirmishers, and this thin line successfully held five times its numbers at bay, until the failure of promised support to arrive, and all of Early's army on our left had been driven from the field. It was known to every man in the regiment that the enemy was getting rapidly in our rear, and that there was imminent danger that we would be cut off and surrounded, but until ordered so to do, not a man left his position, and the regiment then retreated across the field in the manner above told.

Experience and observation have taught that one of the results of organization and discipline is, that when soldiers retire or retreat in face of the enemy by order, they will halt, but if they "break" without order, it is difficult to rally and reform them. An incident of this battle illustrates this. The temporary works of the enemy above referred to were constructed just beneath the brow of the hill or slope up which the regiment was charging at a run and was not observed until we were within a few feet of them. When the men had reached nearly the top of the slope, to their astonishment they saw behind the work a third line of the enemy and such of the other two lines as could be prevailed on to stop, outnumbering us four or five to one. Our men immediately faced about and started for the shelter of a wooded hill from and through which they had just driven the enemy. Seeing the condition and thinking of the fact above stated, I at once ordered a retreat, had the officers to repeat the order, seemingly so superfluous, and directed the regiment to halt as soon as the woods were reached. When I reached the woods, I had the satisfaction of seeing the regiment reformed and "ready for business" as if nothing had happened to dampen their ardor.

I select these out of many instances, which particularly distinguished this regiment, because of the trying situations.

After the regiment was assigned to Daniel's Brigade, it participated in the battles of Gettysburg, three days, and at Mine Run and fought more or less from 5 May, 1864, to 30 May at the Wilderness under fire every day. It was in the famous Horse Shoe at Spottsylvania Court House, during the terrible days of 9, 10, 11 and 12 May, losing its Major, James Johnston Iredell, killed, Col. Owens wounded, several of its Captains and Lieutenants and scores of its men killed and wounded. It was brought out of the Horse Shoe to straighten the lines after the assault of the 12th under command of a Captain, its only remaining field officer, its Lieutenant-Colonel being in command of the brigade, the Brigadier-General (Daniel) and every other officer in the brigade senior in commission, having been killed or wounded. On 30 May it was engaged in the battle at Bethesda church, and on the next day was withdrawn from the front preparatory to its march to the Valley of Virginia.

On 5 or 6 May, 1864, the sharpshooters of this regiment were much annoyed by one of the Federal sharpshooters who had a long range rifle and who had climbed up a tall tree from which he could pick off our men, though sheltered by stump and stones, himself out of range of our guns. Private Leon, of Company B (Mecklenburg), concluded that "this thing had to be stopped," and taking advantage of every knoll, hollow and stump, he crawled near enough for his rifle to reach, took a "pop" at this disturber of the peace and he came tumbling down. Upon running up to his victim, Leon discovered him to be a Canadian Indian, and clutching his scalp-lock, dragged him to our line of sharpshooters.

The regiment was at Lynchburg when the pursuit of Hunter began, marched with General Early to Washington, D. C., was one of the regiments left to support the picket line under the walls of Washington, while the rest of the corps made good its retreat to the valley-the Nineteenth and Sixth Corps of the Federal army having been poured into the city for its defense. While supporting the pickets, this regiment became involved in one of the hottest conflicts in its experience, but succeeded in holding its position, repulsing and driving the enemy back to the earthworks, which defended the city. At midnight it received orders to retire in perfect silence, and to the surprise of all when we reached the position on the hills near the city, where we had left the corps, it was ascertained that the corps had left the night before, twenty-four hours and we marched the whole night and a greater part of the next day before we caught up with the rear guards. Early's ruse, as usual, had succeeded in deceiving the enemy.

This regiment participated in all of the battles in the Valley in 1864, and in numerous combats and skirmishes. In this Valley Campaign the regiment lost its gallant Colonel Owens, who was killed at Snicker's Ford, near Snicker's Gap, in August, 1864. He had been absent since 10 May, disabled by wounds at Spottsylvania Court House; had returned just as the regiment was eating dinner, and almost while we were congratulating him on his safe return, we received notice that the enemy had crossed the river at Snicker's Ford. The order to "fall in" was given, we marched to the river, and drove the enemy across, after a short, but severe conflict. The firing had ceased, excepting now and then a dropping shot, when Colonel Owens was killed by one of these stray shots. He was a good officer, brave, humane, social, popular with both men and officers. He was succeeded by the writer as Colonel. At Winchester, on 19 September, 1864, Adjutant Osborne was killed. Two years ago Color Sergeant Taylor, of Company E, Surry county, who has resided in Utah since 1866, visited me. He received a ball in his hip from which wound he still limps and in talking about his own wound, he told me as we were charging the third Federal line at Winchester, having broken the first two, and when near the temporary breastwork of the enemy, he received the shot which disabled him for life, and that as he fell, young Osborne picked up the flag waving it, ran forward, cheering on the men and was killed within 20 feet of the Color Sergeant. He was an efficient officer and daring soldier, I suppose not older than 20 years. Lieutenant W. R. Murray, of Company A, than whom there was not a better officer or braver soldier in the "Old Guard" of Napoleon, acted as Adjutant after the death of Osborne till the surrender at Appomattox.

As stated before, Major Iredell, a true gentleman and brave soldier, was killed at Spottsylvania Court House. Captain John W. Rierson succeeded him. At Winchester, finding that there was a gap of two or three hundred yards between my left and the troops on the left, and that the enemy had discovered and were preparing to take advantage of it, I directed Major Rierson to find General Grimes on the right of the division, (General Rodes had been killed in the beginning of the action), and apprise him of the situation. After some time he returned, saluted and reported, the fighting being very heavy all the time, when I discovered that Major Rierson was shot through the neck, which wound was received before he found General Grimes, but he nevertheless performed the duty, returned and reported, and did not then go to the rear until I directed him to do so. This gallant officer was killed when the enemy broke over our lines at Petersburg, a few days before Appomattox. He was entitled to his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel from the date of the battle of Snicker's Ford, but I do not know that he received it.

This was a volunteer regiment, enlisted in the latter part of the winter and first part of the spring of 1862, and was organized at Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, the first week in May, 1862, and assigned to Daniel's Brigade, (Rodes' Division). William A. Owens, of Mecklenburg county, was elected Colonel; James T. Morehead, Jr., of Guilford county, Lieutenant-Colonel, and James Johnston Iredell, of Wake county, Major.

Colonel Owens had already been in the service more than one year, having served as Captain in the First (Bethel) Regiment, and at the time of his election was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Eleventh Regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel Morehead had also been in the service the preceding year, having entered the same in April, 1861, as Lieutenant of the "Guilford Grays," (afterwards Company B, of the Twenty-seventh Regiment), and at the time of his election was a Captain in the Forty-fifth Regiment.

William B. Osborne, of Mecklenburg county, was appointed Adjutant and John M. Springs, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain and Assistant Quartermaster. He resigned in the fall of 1862 and was succeded by Captain John B. Burwell. J. F. Long was appointed Surgeon; Lauriston H. Hill, of Stokes county, Assistant Surgeon, and promoted Surgeon in 1863. William Hill, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain, A. C. S. In 1863 Charles Gresham, of Virginia, was assigned to duty with this regiment as Assistant Surgeon. James H. Colton, of Randolph county, was appointed Chaplain; J. H. Owens, Sergeant Major (promoted Second Lieutenant of Company I and killed); R. B. Burwell, Quartermaster Sergeant; J. C. Palmer, Commissary Sergeant; R. S. Barnett, Ordnance Sergeant. Upon the promotion of J. H. Owens, Aaron Katz, of Company B, succeeded him as Sergeant-Major, and upon his being captured, Robert A. Fleming, of Company A, was SergeantMajor.

COMPANY A was from Guilford county. A. P. McDaniel was its first Captain, commissioned 25 February, 1862, and upon his retirement in 1863, Lieutenant J. M. Sutton was promoted Captain and wounded at Bethesda Church and on 21 September, 1864, in the Valley, and captured at Petersburg; P. W. Haterick (killed at Gettysburg), First Lieutenant; J. M. Sutton, Second Lieutenant; W. L. Fleming, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant in August, 1863; William R. Murray, promoted from ranks to Second and First Lieutenant in 1863; J. W. Scott, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant (chief of regimental corps of sharpshooters).

COMPANY B was from Mecklenburg county and its first Captain was J. Harvey White, commissioned 1 March, 1862, killed at Spottsylvania Court House in May, 1864. Samuel E. Belk, First Lieutenant; John M. Springs, Second Lieutenant, promoted Assistant Quartermaster; William M. Matthews, Second Lieutenant, promoted from First Sergeant; M. E. Alexander, promoted Second Lieutenant from Second Sergeant. Lieutenants Belk, Matthews and Alexander were wounded at Gettysburg.

COMPANY C was from Johnston, Chatham and Wake, mostly from Johnston. Its first Captain was John Leach, commissioned 28 February, 1862; was succeeded as Captain by J. C. Richardson (wounded at Petersburg), commissioned 17 April, 1863, both from Johnston county; George T. Leach, of Chatham, commissioned First Lieutenant 7 March, 1862; John H. Tomlinson, of Johnston county, commissioned Second Lieutenant in April, 1862, resigned and succeeded by E. Tomlinson in 1862; S. R. Horn, of Johnston county, was commissioned Second Lieutenant 21 July, 1862.

COMPANY D was from Guilford, Cumberland, Forsyth, Stokes, Bladen and Surry. David Scott, Jr., of Guilford county, was commissioned Captain 1 March, 1862, resigned and was succeeded 15 May, 1863, by Alexander Ray, of Cumberland county, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Petersburg, April 1865. Alexander Ray was commissioned First Lieutenant 1 March, 1862; Madison L. Efland, of Guilford county, commissioned Second Lieutenant 1 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant 15 May, 1863, and wounded; A. H. Westmoreland, of Stokes county, was promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant; W. N. Westmoreland, Stokes county, was promoted from the ranks to Second Lieutenant in 1863.

COMPANY E was from Surry county. J. C. Norman was commissioned Captain on 8 March, 1862, resigned the following December and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Robert A. Hill, killed in 1864, succeeded in turn as Captain by First Lieutenant B. W. Minter; Samuel Walker was commissioned Second Lieutenant 8 March, 1862, promoted to First Lieutenant December, 1862, and resigned; B. W. Minter, Second Lieutenant, promoted First Lieutenant and Captain; Henry Hines, Second Lieutenant, in 1862; Logan Bemer, promoted from Corporal to Second Lieutenant, wounded and captured in 1864; James A. Hill, Second Lieutenant, captured in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Alamance and Chatham. G. M. G. Albright was commissioned Captain 5 May, 1862, killed July, 1863, at Gettysburg, and was succeeded by A. G. Albright, promoted from First Lieutenant (wounded at Fisher's Hill, 1864); Jesse M. Holt, First Lieutenant, 16 July, 1863, promoted from Second Lieutenant, (killed at Winchester, 1864); Branson Lambe, commissioned in 1864, promoted from Second Lieutenant; John J. Webster, commissioned Second Lieutenant May, 1862, and resigned; S. J. Albright, commissioned Second Lieutenant in 1862 and killed at Spottsylvania Court House in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Stokes. G. W. Clarke was commissioned Captain on 20 March, 1862, and resigned May, 1862; was succeeded by John W. Rierson, promoted from Second Lieutenant and who was in 1863 promoted to Major, wounded at Winchester and killed at Petersburg, April, 1865. He was in time succeeded as Captain by H. H. Campbell, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Winchester. G. B. Moore was commissioned First Lieutenant in March, 1862, resigned in June; John W. Rierson, commissioned Second Lieutenant March, 1862; W. H. McKinney was promoted from the ranks in May, 1862, to second Lieutenant, and wounded at Winchester; C. F. Hall, promoted from ranks to Second Lieutenant, mortally wounded at Gettysburg; W. F. Campbell, promoted First Lieutenant and wounded at Washington, D. C.

COMPANY H was from Stokes county. Captain Spottswood B. Taylor was commissioned on 20 March, 1862, resigned on account of health in November, 1863, and was succeeded by John E. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant, who was wounded at Snicker's Ford and captured September, 1864; Thomas S. Burnett, commissioned First Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, and killed in 1863; Charles A. McGehee, First Lieutenant, November, 1862, wounded at Gettysburg 3 July, 1863, and captured; Alexander M. King, Second Lieutenant, March, 1862; J. Henry Owens, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant-Major, December, 1862, and killed; Alexander Boyles, promoted First Lieutenant.

COMPANY I was from Union county. E. A. Jerome was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, and resigned in June following, and was succeeded by Thomas E. Ashcraft, promoted from First Lieutenant; John D. Cuthbertson, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant; Joshua Lee, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862; James E. Green, promoted from the ranks, Second Lieutenant 24 June, 1862; A. T. Marsh, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant 19 May, 1864.

COMPANY K was from Wilkes county. William J. Miller was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, killed at Gettysburg 1 July, 1863, and was succeeded by Jesse F. Eller, promoted from Second Lieutenant; Thomas C. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant 1 July, 1863; Thomas C. Miller, commissioned Second Lieutenant in August, 1862.

This regiment lost in killed its first Colonel, who was twice wounded; both of its Majors, one of them, Rierson, several times wounded and its Adjutant. Its surviving Colonel was wounded three times, at Gettysburg, Fisher's Hill and in the assault upon the Federal lines at Hare's Hill on 25 March, 1865, in which last engagement he was captured within the enemy's works.

As it is, I have only the approximately correct report of the losses of one of the companies of the regiment, and that only in one battle, but I think the losses of the other companies may be fairly estimated from the losses of this one.

Company B lost at Gettysburg out of about 65 men, 8 killed and 22 wounded, and of the four officers, three were wounded.

I meet many of these scarred and now grizzly veterans of the companies from Alamance, Guilford, Stokes and Surry at my courts in these counties, and hear sometimes from those from the other counties, and with very few exceptions they have shown themselves to be as good citizens as they were gallant soldiers. They illustrate that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."

The regiment reduced to a handful of men shared the fortunes of the historic retreat and surrendered at Appomattox, being then commanded by Captain Thomas E. Ashcraft, the brigade being commanded by Colonel David G. Cowand. General Grimes having been made a Major-General, commanded the division.

I cannot close this sketch without acknowledging my indebtedness to Captain Sutton and Private J. Montgomery, of Company A; L. Leon, of Company B, who kindly furnished me with copy of a diary kept by him from organization of the regiment up to 5 May, 1864, when he was captured; Captain Albright, of Company F; Captain S. B. Taylor, of Company H, and Lieutenant W. F. Campbell, of Company G, for valuable information; and I hope that the publication of the sketches of the North Carolina regiments will excite interest enough among the old soldiers to give us further dates and incidents. I wish I could write a history of my regiment which would do the officers and men full credit for their patriotism and services.

The patriotism and heroism of these soldiers were illustrated by the patient and uncomplaining endurance of the forced march, the short rations, the hardships of winter camps and campaigns as much as by their fighting qualities. Posterity will hesitate to decide which is most worthy of admiration.

JAMES T. MOREHEAD,

GREENSBORO, N. C.,
        9 APRIL, 1901.

SOURCES: Walter Clark, Editor, Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-’65, Vol. 3, p. 255-65; Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 72-82

Diary of Private Louis Leon: January 1865

Nothing, only that I fear that our cause is lost, as we are losing heavily, and have no more men at home to come to the army. Our resources in everything are at an end, while the enemy are seemingly stronger than ever. All the prisoners in Northern prisons, it seems, will have to stay until the end of the war, as Grant would rather feed than fight us.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 69

Diary of Private Louis Leon: February 1865

The smallpox is frightful. There is not a day that at least twenty men are taken out dead. Cold is no name for the weather now. They have given most of us Yankee overcoats, but have cut the skirts off. The reason of this is that the skirts are long and if they left them on we might pass out as Yankee soldiers.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 69

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 1865

Nothing new. It is the same gloomy and discouraging news from the South, and gloomy and discouraging in prison.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 69

Diary of Private Louis Leon: April 1865

I suppose the end is near, for there is no more hope for the South to gain her independence. On the 10th of this month we were told by an officer that all those who wished to get out of prison by taking the oath of allegiance to the United States could do so in a very few days. There was quite a consultation among the prisoners. On the morning of the 12th we heard that Lee had surrendered on the 9th, and about 400, myself with them, took the cursed oath and were given transportation to wherever we wanted to go. I took mine to New York City to my parents, whom I have not seen since 1858. Our cause is lost; our comrades who have given their lives for the independence of the South have died in vain; that is, the cause for which they gave their lives is lost, but they positively did not give their lives in vain. They gave it for a most righteous cause, even if the Cause was lost. Those that remain to see the end for which they fought—what have we left? Our sufferings and privations would be nothing had the end been otherwise, for we have suffered hunger, been without sufficient clothing, barefooted, lousy, and have suffered more than any one can believe, except soldiers of the Southern Confederacy. And the end of all is a desolated home to go to. When I commenced this diary of my life as a Confederate soldier I was full of hope for the speedy termination of the war, and our independence. I was not quite nineteen years old. I am now twenty-three. The four years that I have given to my country I do not regret, nor am I sorry for one day that I have given—my only regret is that we have lost that for which we fought. Nor do I for one moment think that we lost it by any other way than by being outnumbered at least five if not ten to one. The world was open to the enemy, but shut out to us.

I shall now close this diary in sorrow, but to the last I will say that, although but a private, I still say our Cause was just, nor do I regret one thing that I have done to cripple the North.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 69-71

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Saturday, March 1, 1862

Passing on through Shelbyville, crossing Duck River, we went into camps on its bank in sight of town, in Bedford County, twenty-five miles from Murfreesboro, where we remained until

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 135

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Tuesday, March 4, 1862

Johnston dispatched thus to the Secretary of War from Shelbyville:

My army will move beyond this to-day on the road to Decatur. One brigade remains here to protect the stores until they are shipped south.

I will be at the telegraph office at Fayetteville to-morrow morning to receive any communications.*

After a march of about fifteen miles on the Fayetteville pike, we went into camps in a beautiful woods, where we had plenty of wood for fires.

_______________

*Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 917.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 135

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Wednesday, March 5, 1862

Passing on through Fayetteville, crossing Elk River, we went into camps on its bank half a mile from town, in Lincoln County. Had another nice camping place. Distance from Shelbyville to Fayetteville, twenty-six miles. Here we rested one day.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 135-6

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Friday, March 7, 1862

After a march of about seven miles in the direction of Athens, Alabama, we camped for the night in a barren, swampy country, in Lincoln County.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Saturday, March 8, 1862

After a march of eleven miles through a broken country, we camped in an oak grove, still in Lincoln County, Tennessee.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Sunday, March 9, 1862

We marched through a section of country the principal growth of which was post-oak. There were so many quicksand bogs that it was difficult for our wagons to pass. Marching about eleven miles, passing out of Tennessee, we camped for the night in Limestone County, Alabama.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, March 10, 1862

Passing on through Athens, we went into camps about two miles beyond. Distance from Fayetteville, Tennessee, to Athens, Alabama, thirty-eight miles. As it rained the night before, the roads were still worse.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Tuesday, March 11, 1862

After mounting and moving out, perhaps, one mile and a half in the direction of Decatur, we were ordered back to the same camp we had just left, in a nice oak grove. It was a beautiful day.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 135

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Wednesday, March 12, 1862

The battalion moved only about six miles and went into camps. The artillery moved on still further in the direction of Decatur.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Thursday, March 13, 1862

Our battalion crossed the Tennessee River on the railroad bridge at Decatur, and went into camps about one mile west of town. The artillery and wagons of our division (Crittenden's), being loaded about two miles from the river, were brought over on the cars. Distance from Athens to Decatur, fourteen miles; from Murfreesboro to Decatur, one hundred and three miles.

Crittenden's Division remained near Decatur, in Morgan County, for several days.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 136-7

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Friday, March 14, 1862

About dusk there was an awful storm of wind and rain. It was all we could do to keep our tents from blowing off.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 137

General Albert S. Johnston to Judah P. Benjamin, March 4, 1862

SHELBYVILLE, March 4, 1862.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War:

My army will move beyond this to-day on the road to Decatur. One brigade remains here to protect the stores until they are shipped south. I will be at the telegraph office at Fayetteville to-morrow morning to receive any communications.

A. S. JOHNSTON,        

General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 917

Diary of Adam Gurowski, April 1861

COMMISSIONERS from the rebels; Seward parleying with them through some Judge Campbell. Curious way of treating and dealing with rebellion, with rebels and traitors; why not arrest them?

Corcoran, a rich partisan of secession, invited to a dinner the rebel commissioners and the foreign diplomats. If such a thing were done anywhere else, such a pimp would be arrested. The serious diplomats, Lord Lyons, Mercier, and Stoeckl refused the invitation; some smaller accepted, at least so I hear.

The infamous traitors fire on the Union flag. They treat the garrison of Sumpter as enemies on sufferance, and here their commissioners go about free, and glory in treason. What is this administration about? Have they no blood; are they fishes?

The crime in full blast; consummatum est. Sumpter bombarded; Virginia, under the nose of the administration, secedes, and the leaders did not see or foresee anything: flirted with Virginia.

Now, they, the leaders or the administration, are terribly startled; so is the brave noble North; the people are taken unawares; but no wonder; the people saw the Cabinet, the President, and the military in complacent security. These watchmen did nothing to give an early sign of alarm, so the people, confiding in them, went about its daily occupation. But it will rise as one man and in terrible wrath. Vous le verrez mess les Diplomates.

The President calls on the country for 75,000 men; telegram has spoken, and they rise, they arm, they come. I am not deceived in my faith in the North; the excitement, the wrath, is terrible. Party lines burn, dissolved by the excitement. Now the people is in fusion as bronze; if Lincoln and the leaders have mettle in themselves, then they can cast such arms, moral, material, and legislative, as will destroy at once this rebellion. But will they have the energy? They do not look like Demiourgi.

Massachusetts takes the lead; always so, this first people in the world; first for peace by its civilization and intellectual development, and first to run to the rescue.

The most infamous treachery and murder, by Baltimoreans, of the Massachusetts men. Will the cowardly murderers be exemplarily punished?

The President, under the advice of Scott, seems to take coolly the treasonable murders of Baltimore; instead of action, again parleying with these Baltimorean traitors. The rumor says that Seward is for leniency, and goes hand in hand with Scott. Now, if they will handle such murderers in silk gloves as they do, the fire must spread.

The secessionists in Washington—and they are a legion, of all hues and positions are defiant, arrogant, sure that Washington will be taken. One risks to be murdered here.

I entered the thus called Cassius Clay Company, organized for the defence of Washington until troops came. For several days patrolled, drilled, and lay several nights on the hard floor. Had compensation, that the drill often reproduced that of Falstaff's heroes. But my campaigners would have fought well in case of emergency. Most of them office-seekers. When the alarm was over, the company dissolved, but each got a kind of certificate beautifully written and signed by Lincoln and Cameron. I refused to take such a certificate, we having had no occasion to fight.

The President issued a proclamation for the blockade of the Southern revolted ports. Do they not know better?

How can the Minister of Foreign Affairs advise the President to resort to such a measure? Is the Minister of Foreign Affairs so willing to call in foreign nations by this blockade, thus transforming a purely domestic and municipal question into an international, public one?

The President is to quench the rebellion, a domestic fire, and to do it he takes a weapon, an engine the most difficult to handle, and in using of which he depends on foreign nations. Do they not know better here in the ministry and in the councils? Russia dealt differently with the revolted Circassians and with England in the so celebrated case of the Vixen.

The administration ought to know its rights of sovereignty and to close the ports of entry. Then no chance would be left to England to meddle.

Yesterday N—— dined with Lord Lyons, and during the dinner an anonymous note announced to the Lord that the proclamation of the blockade is to be issued on to-morrow. N——, who has a romantic turn, or rather who seeks for midi a' 14¾ heures, speculated what lady would have thus violated a secret d'Etat.

I rather think it comes from the Ministry, or, as they call it here, from the Department. About two years ago, when the Central Americans were so teased and maltreated by the fillibusters and Democratic administration, a Minister of one of these Central American States told me in New York that in a Chief of the Departments, or something the like, the Central Americans have a valuable friend, who, every time that trouble is brewing against them in the Department, gives them a secret and anonymous notice of it. This friend may have transferred his kindness to England.

How will foreign nations behave? I wish I may be misguided by my political anglophobia, but England, envious, rapacious, and the Palmerstons and others, filled with hatred towards the genuine democracy and the American people, will play some bad tricks. They will seize the occasion to avenge many humiliations. Charles Sumner, Howe, and a great many others, rely on England, on her antislavery feeling. I do not. I know English policy. We shall see.

France, Frenchmen, and Louis Napoleon are by far more reliable. The principles and the interest of France, broadly conceived, make the existence of a powerful Union a statesmanlike European and world necessity. The cold, taciturn Louis Napoleon is full of broad and clear conceptions. I am for relying, almost explicitly, on France and on him.

The administration calls in all the men-of-war scattered in all waters. As the commercial interests of the Union will remain unprotected, the administration ought to put them under the protection of France. It is often done so between friendly powers. Louis Napoleon could not refuse; and accepting, would become pledged to our side.

Germany, great and small, governments and people, will be for the Union. Germans are honest; they love the Union, hate slavery, and understand, to be sure, the question. Russia, safe, very safe, few blackguards excepted; so Italy. Spain may play double. I do not expect that the Spaniards, goaded to the quick by the former fillibustering administrations, will have judgment enough to find out that the Republicans have been and will be anti-fillibusters, and do not crave Cuba.

Wrote a respectful warning to the President concerning the unvoidable results of his proclamation in regard to the blockade; explained to him that this, his international demonstration, will, and forcibly must evoke a counter proclamation from foreign powers in the interest of their own respective subjects and of their commercial relations. Warned, foretelling that the foreign powers will recognize the rebels as belligerents, he, the President, having done it already in some way, thus applying an international mode of coercion. Warned, that the condition of belligerents, once recognized, the rebel piratical crafts will be recognized as privateers by foreign powers, and as such will be admitted to all ports under the secesh flag, which will thus enjoy a partial recognition.

Foreign powers may grumble, or oppose the closing of the ports of entry as a domestic, administrative decision, because they may not wish to commit themselves to submit to a paper blockade. But if the President will declare that he will enforce the closing of the ports with the whole navy, so as to strictly guard and close the maritime league, then the foreign powers will see that the administration does not intend to humbug them, but that he, the President, will only preserve intact the fullest exercise of sovereignty, and, as said the Roman legist, he, the President, "nil sibi postulat quod non aliis tribuit." And so he, the President, will only execute the laws of his country, and not any arbitrary measure, to say with the Roman Emperor, "Leges etiam in ipsa arma imperium habere volumus." Warned the President that in all matters relating to this country Louis Napoleon has abandoned the initiative to England; and to throw a small wedge in this alliance, I finally respectfully suggested to the President what is said above about putting the American interests in the Mediterranean under the protection of Louis Napoleon.

Few days thereafter learned that Mr. Seward does not believe that France will follow England. Before long Seward will find it out.

All the coquetting with Virginia, all the presumed influence of General Scott, ended in Virginia's secession, and in the seizure of Norfolk.

Has ever any administration, cabinet, ministry—call it what name you will—given positive, indubitable signs of want and absence of foresight, as did ours in these Virginia, Norfolk, and Harper's Ferry affairs? Not this or that minister or secretary, but all of them ought to go to the constitutional guillotine. Blindness—no mere short-sightedness-permeates the whole administration, Blair excepted. And Scott, the politico-military adviser of the President! What is the matter with Scott, or were the halo and incense surrounding him based on bosh? Will it be one more illusion to be dispelled?

The administration understood not how to save or defend Norfolk, nor how to destroy it. No name to be found for such concrete incapacity.

The rebels are masters, taking our leaders by the nose. Norfolk gives to them thousands of guns, &c., and nobody cries for shame. They ought to go in sackcloth, those narrow-sighted, blind rulers. How will the people stand this masterly administrative demonstration? In England the people and the Parliament would impeach the whole Cabinet.

Charles Sumner told me that the President and his Minister of Foreign Affairs are to propose to the foreign powers the accession of the Union to the celebrated convention of Paris of 1856. All three considered it a master stroke of policy. They will not catch a fly by it.

Again wrote respectfully to Mr. Lincoln, warning him against a too hasty accession to the Paris convention. Based my warning,

1st. Not to give up the great principles contained in Marcy's amendment.

2d. Not to believe or suppose for a minute that the accession to the Paris convention at this time can act in a retroactive sense; explained that it will not and cannot prevent the rebel pirates from being recognized by foreign powers as legal privateers, or being treated as such.

3d. For all these reasons the Union will not win anything by such a step, but it will give up principles and chain its own hands in case of any war with England. Supplicated the President not to risk a step which logically must turn wrong.

Baltimore still unpunished, and the President parleying with various deputations, all this under the guidance of Scott. I begin to be confused; cannot find out what is the character of Lincoln, and above all of Scott.

Governors from whole or half-rebel States refuse the President's call for troops. The original call of 75,000, too small in itself, will be reduced by that refusal. Why does not the administration call for more on the North, and on the free States? In the temper of this noble people it will be as easy to have 250,000 as 75,000, and then rush on them; submerge Virginia, North Carolina, etc.; it can be now so easily done. The Virginians are neither armed nor organized. Courage and youth seemingly would do good in the councils.

The free States undoubtedly will vindicate self-government. Whatever may be said by foreign and domestic croakers, I do not doubt it for a single minute. The free people will show to the world that the apparently loose governmental ribbons are the strongest when everybody carries them in him, and holds them. The people will show that the intellectual magnetism of convictions permeating the million is by far stronger than the commonly called governmental action from above, and it is at the same time elastic and expansive, even if the official leaders may turn out to be altogether mediocrities. The self-governing free North will show more vitality and activity than any among the governed European countries would be able to show in similar emergencies. This is my creed, and I have faith in the people.

The infamous slavers of the South would even be honored if named Barbary States of North America. Before the inauguration, Seward was telling the diplomats that no disruption will take place; now he tells them that it will blow over in from sixty to ninety days. Does Seward believe it? Or does his imagination or his patriotism carry him away or astray? Or, perhaps, he prefers not to look the danger in the face, and tries to avert the bitter cup. At any rate, he is incomprehensible, and the more so when seen at a distance.

Something, nay, even considerable efforts ought to be made to enlighten the public opinion in Europe, as on the outside, insurrections, nationalities, etc., are favored in Europe. How far the diplomats sent by the administration are prepared for this task?

Adams has shown in the last Congress his scholarly, classical narrow-mindedness. Sanford cannot favorably impress anybody in Europe, neither in cabinets, nor in saloons, nor the public at large. He looks and acts as a commis voyageur, will be considered as such at first sight by everybody, and his features and manners may not impress others as being distinguished and high-toned.

Every historical, that is, human event, has its moral and material character and sides. To ignore, and still worse to blot out, to reject the moral incentives and the moral verdict, is a crime to the public at large, is a crime towards human reason.

Such action blunts sound feelings and comprehension, increases the arrogance of the evil-doers.

The moral criterion is absolute and unconditional, and ought as such unconditionally to be applied to the events here. Things and actions must be called by their true names. What is true, noble, pure, and lofty, is on the side of the North, and permeates the unnamed millions of the free people; it ought to be separated from what is sham, egotism, lie or assumption. Truth must be told, never mind the outcry. History has not to produce pieces for the stage, or to amuse a tea-party.

Regiments pour in; the Massachusetts men, of course, leading the van, as in the times of the tea-party. My admiration for the Yankees is justified on every step, as is my scorn, my contempt, etc., etc., of the Southern chivalrous slaver.

Wrote to Charles Sumner expressing my wonder at the undecided conduct of the administration; at its want of foresight; its eternal parleying with Baltimoreans, Virginians, Missourians, etc., and no step to tread down the head of the young snake. No one among them seems to have the seer's eye. The people alone, who arm, who pour in every day and in large numbers, who transform Washington into a camp, and who crave for fighting, the people alone have the prophetic inspiration, and are the genuine statesmen for the emergency.

How will the Congress act? The Congress will come here emerging from the innermost of the popular volcano; but the Congress will be manacled by formulas; it will move not in the spirit of the Constitution, but in the dry constitutionalism, and the Congress will move with difficulty. Still I have faith, although the Congress never will seize upon parliamentary omnipotence. Up to to-day, the administration, instead of boldly crushing, or, at least, attempting to do it; instead of striking at the traitors, the administration is continually on the lookout where the blows come from, scarcely having courage to ward them off. The deputations pouring from the North urge prompt, decided, crushing action. This thunder-voice of the twenty millions of freemen ought to nerve this senile administration. The Southern leaders do not lose one minute's time; they spread the fire, arm, and attack with all the fury of traitors and criminals.

The Northern merchants roar for the offensive; the administration is undecided.

Some individuals, politicians, already speak out that the slaveocratic privileges are only to be curtailed, and slavery preserved as a domestic institution. Not a bit of it. The current and the development of events will run over the heads of the pusillanimous and contemptible conservatives. Slavery must perish, even if the whole North, Lincoln and Seward at its head, should attempt to save it.

Already they speak of the great results of Fabian policy; Seward, I am told, prides in it. Do those Fabiuses know what they talk about? Fabius's tactics—not policy—had in view not to expose young, disheartened levies against Hannibal's unconquered veterans, but further to give time to Rome to restore her exhausted means, to recover political influences with other Italian independent communities, to reconclude broken alliances with the cities, etc. But is this the condition of the Union? Your Fabian policy will cost lives, time, and money; the people feels it, and roars for action. Events are great, the people is great, but the official leaders may turn out inadequate to both.

What a magnificent chance-scarcely equal in history to become a great historical personality, to tower over future generations. But I do not see any one pointing out the way. Better so; the principle of self-government as the self-acting, self-preserving force will be asserted by the total eclipse of great or even eminent men.

The administration, under the influence of drill men, tries to form twenty regiments of regulars, and calls for 45,000 three years' volunteers. What a curious appreciation of necessity and of numbers must prevail in the brains of the administration. Twenty regiments of regulars will be a drop in water; will not help anything, but will be sufficient to poison the public spirit. Citizens and people, but not regulars, not hirelings, are to fight the battle of principle. Regulars and their spirit, with few exceptions, is worse here than were the Yanitschars.

When the principle will be saved and victorious, it will be by the devotion, the spontaneity of the people, and not by Lincoln, Scott, Seward, or any of the like. It is said that Seward rules both Lincoln and Scott. The people, the masses, do not doubt their ability to crush by one blow the traitors, but the administration does.

What I hear concerning the Blairs confirms my high opinion of both. Blair alone in the Cabinet represents the spirit of the people.

Something seems not right with Scott. Is he too old, or too much of a Virginian, or a hero on a small scale?

If, as they say, the President is guided by Scott's advice, such advice, to judge from facts, is not politic, not heroic, not thorough, not comprehensive, and not at all military, that is, not broad and deep, in the military sense. It will be a pity to be disappointed in this national idol.

Scott is against entering Virginia, against taking Baltimore, against punishing traitors. Strange, strange!

Diplomats altogether out of their senses; they are bewildered by the uprising, by the unanimity, by the warlike, earnest, unflinching attitude of the masses of the freemen, of my dear Yankees. The diplomats have lost the compass. They, duty bound, were diplomatically obsequious to the power held so long by the pro-slavery party. They got accustomed to the arrogant assumption and impertinence of the slavers, and, forgetting their European origin, the diplomats tacitly — but for their common sense and honor I hope reluctantly admitted the assumptions of the Southern banditti to be in America the nearest assimilation to the chivalry and nobility of old Europe. Without taking the cudgel in defence of European nobility, chivalry, and aristocracy, it is sacrilegious to compare those infamous slavers with the old or even with the modern European higher classes. In the midst of this slave-driving, slave-worshipping, and slave-breeding society of Washington, the diplomats swallowed, gulped all the Southern lies about the Constitution, state-rights, the necessity of slavery, and other like infamies. The question is, how far the diplomats in their respective official reports transferred these pro-slavery common-places to their governments. But, after all, the governments of Europe will not be thoroughly influenced by the chat of their diplomats.

Among all diplomats the English (Lord Lyons) is the most sphinx; he is taciturn, reserved, listens more than he speaks; the others are more communicative.

What an idea have those Americans of sending a secret agent to Canada, and what for? England will find it out, and must be offended. I would not have committed such an absurdity, even in my palmy days, when I conspired with Louis Napoleon, sat in the councils with Godefroi Cavaignac, or wrote instructions for Mazzini, then only a beginner with his Giovina Italia, and his miscarried Romarino attempt in Savoy.

Of what earthly use can be such politique provocatrice towards England? Or is it only to give some money to a hungry, noisy, and not over-principled office-seeker?

SOURCE: Adam Gurowski, Diary from March 4, 1861, to November 12, 1862, p. 22-36