Diary of 1st Lieutenant Joseph Stockton, September 16, 1862

Rumors are circulating that we are to be ordered away from here. I am glad of it as I like to be kept active. Still this garrison duty is necessary as it gives us all time to learn our business. There is nothing like practical experience; it is the best school one can have. Marching orders have just come and we leave for Columbus, Ky., in the morning.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 2

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: November 20, 1862

WE LEAVE PLYMOUTH.

On the 8th of December the regiment embarked on the schooner Skirmisher for Newbern, arriving there on the evening of the 10th. We were right glad to once more get back to camp, where we could clean ourselves up and get a change of clothing, but were much more glad to find mail and express matter from home. We were not, however, overjoyed to find an order awaiting us to be ready early in the morning to start on a long and rapid march, but having become accustomed to adapting ourselves to circumstances, the order was soon forgotten and we were absorbed in our letters and papers, after which the contents of the boxes were attended to. There was a generous quantity of goodies from the loved ones at home, some of which are of a perishable nature; what shall we do with them? We go off in the morning, and the Lord knows when we shall come back if we ever do. There are no taps tonight, and the candles burn long and well, so we sit down and gorge ourselves until we can eat no more, putting aside what we think will keep until we get back, and crowding as much as we can that remains into our haversacks. We next attend to a change of clothing, and by morning are ready for a start. I wear my best clothes, thinking if I should happen to become a guest at the Hotel de Libby, I should like to appear respectable.

GOLDSBORO EXPEDITION.

During our stay at Plymouth, large reinforcements of troops arrived at Newbern. These troops consisted of Gen. Wessell's brigade of six regiments of New York and Pennsylvania troops, and the 8th, 43d, 45th, 46th and 51st Massachusetts regiments of nine months' troops. They were to join in an expedition under Gen. Foster, against Goldsboro and the Wilmington and Weldon railroad; the object being to destroy that road, thus preventing reinforcements reaching Gen. Lee at Fredericksburg, where Gen. Burnside was about making an assault. This part of the plan was successfully carried out, but too late to be of any use to Burnside, as he made his attack three days before we reached and destroyed the road. Although Gen. Foster started the moment his troops arrived, it was about a week too late.

The division consisted of four brigades, the 1st under command of Brig. Gen. Wessell; the 2d, Col. Amory; 3d, Col. Stevenson; 4th, Col. Lee; with the 3d New York cavalry and eleven batteries of artillery, and the wagon and ambulance train. The whole made a force of about 20,000 men, and when the procession was in line of march it covered a distance of about seven miles. Col. Heckman, with his 9th New Jersey regiment, was a kind of independent corps, he taking the contract to lead the advance and clear the way. The expedition started on the morning of Dec. 11, and about noon Col. Lee's brigade fell in on the left, the 25th being in this brigade and 18th regiment in the column. We marched this day about 12 miles, getting into camp late in the evening. This bivouac was on an extensive plain, and was covered with troops, horses, mules and wagons, and in the dim moonlight, its thousand camp fires made a grand illumination. It was not long after supper before the men were all rolled up in their blankets asleep, and on that cold December night, as I looked over that field and saw by the glare of its many camp fires, those thousands of brave, self-sacrificing men lie stretched upon the ground, I could but think that the bright spirits of the immortal band of American patriots hovered over that camp and looked down approvingly upon our efforts to sustain that government and these institutions for which they had sacrificed and suffered so much to establish.

On the morning of the 12th the march was resumed, but was necessarily slow as the roads were badly obstructed. In one swamp, for a distance of three miles, the trees were thickly felled across the road, making a forenoon's job for Capt. Wilson and his pioneer corps to clear away. They had no sooner finished this job when another presented itself in building a bridge across a creek, which took nearly all the afternoon. The 25th crossed this bridge about dark, and a little farther on saw lights ahead. We now thought we were nearing camp and we began to cheer up, thinking our day's work nearly over, but on coming to the camp fires, we found only the 51st Massachusetts, Cul. Sprague, and a battery left here at the junction of the main road leading to Kinston, with orders to hold it until noon the next day, while the column moved up the old or back road towards Southwest creek. Finding this was not our hotel we took fresh courage and pushed on. A few miles farther brought us into camp.

It was a cold night, and being nearly the last in we found the rails and wood had all been appropriated; we must either go without fires or go half a mile for fuel. We went for it, and after a hard scramble succeeded in getting a partial supply, enough however, with prudence, to go through the night and make our morning's coffee. Our march this day was only about ten miles.

Next morning we took an early start. A mile or two up the road, another road branched to the right, leading to Kinston. Here the 16th Massachusetts, Col. Shurtliff, with a battery were left to hold it. About the middle of the forenoon firing was heard in the advance; Col. Heckman had got a job. He found the enemy in considerable force at Southwest creek, and with his own and one or two other regiments succeeded in driving them out, capturing one gun. This Southwest creek, like all other battle grounds the enemy selects, is a swamp about half a mile wide, with a small creek running through it. We halted early in the afternoon, to let the teams, which were stuck all along the road, come up:

We were now about five miles from Kinston. The infantry bivouacked on the left side of the road, on which was a growth of small pines, making a nice, clean camp-ground. The batteries and teams, as fast as they came up, were parked in the open field on the right. The cavalry, which we had not seen for two days, were playing a lone hand, and were scouting around over the country, making tents and bothering the enemy. Under the pines we make soft beds, and at dark kindle the fires, make coffee, eat our suppers and go to bed, expecting in the morning our further progress up the country will be vigorously disputed.

All was quiet during the night, and early in the morning of Sunday, the 14th, the camp was astir. The general ordered that in order to lighten the teams, every man take three days' rations and 60 rounds of extra ammunition. While this was being dealt out, some one suggested that the teams could be still further lightened by issuing a ration of whiskey. Acting on that suggestion, the liquor was ordered, and there was far less complaint about taking it than there was in taking the extra ammunition. Breakfast over, the chaplain offered prayer, after which a hymn was sung; we then filed into the road and commenced the march. The advance was well up the road, and we began to hear firing ahead. As we drew nearer it became more distinct and there was more of it. Wessell's and Amory's brigades were hotly engaged, and the roar of artillery gave notice that the batteries were not silent spectators.

We hurried on and soon met the stretcher corps bringing out the dead and wounded men. This to me was a sickening sight, to see men with pallid faces, writhing with pain and blood dripping from the stretchers. I know not how it is with others, but there is nothing that so completely takes the pith out of me when going into action as this. I want to get engaged before seeing the dead or wounded; after that I do not mind so much about it.

The enemy, under command of Gen. Evans, was in strong force and posted on the south side of the river near Kinston, commanding the road that led through a thick, wet swamp some half a mile wide. This swamp prevented our batteries from working with much accuracy, consequently the fight became an infantry one. Wessell's and Amory's brigades pushed into the swamp and engaged them in front, while the other regiments as they came up were posted on the right, to prevent a flank movement, or to make one ourselves if necessary. The 25th, with Morrison's battery, were drawn up in line of battle on an open field near the river, to the left of the swamp. As the battle was confined to the swamp in front, we were not under fire at all. The battle lasted about three hours, when our troops got through the swamp and charged on them. The 9th New Jersey led the charge, followed by Wessell's and Stevenson's brigades. They charged them across the river and through the town, capturing eleven pieces of artillery and 300 prisoners. After which they shelled them, driving them up the country, out of sight and hearing. In this battle the enemy numbered about 8000, with several batteries of artillery. We had no means of knowing their loss, but it must have been considerable; they got off most of their wounded and probably some of their dead.

When Lee's brigade got on the battle-ground, it was halted, and burying parties were detailed to bury the enemy's dead which here covered the ground. This ground was hard and considerably higher than the swamp; in the midst of a pretty grove of trees stood an old church. The boys did not take very kindly to this burying business, as they were in a hurry to get into town and secure their share of the spoils, but the job hard to be done, and they went about it with a will. They dug trenches a little more than two feet deep, and in these the dead were placed, with the capes of their overcoats wound around their heads; over those not having overcoats, pine boughs were thrown and all were covered over with earth. Our loss in this battle was about 200, some 50 of whom were killed, the t5th Massachusetts sharing largely in the loss. About dark we marched into a field a short distance south of the town, where we were to bivouac. Now commenced the destruction of fences and old buildings for fires, and after supper parties went up town to look over the prize, and late in the evening began to return bringing in their plunder. One party had been very successful; they came in hauling an express wagon loaded with' tobacco, cigars, apple-jack, scuppernong wine, pigs, etc. Of course a dividend was struck, and all that wanted, had a share in the tobacco and cigars, with a drink or two of the wine and apple-jack. This was a pretty good Sunday's job.

Next morning, the 15th, the division was again on the move, destroying the road and railroad bridges over the Neuse river as left. We marched up the river road about 18 miles, getting into camp late in the evening, having met with no obstacles during the day. Here again was a scramble for rails and wood for fires; all the rails near by were gone, and we had to tote ours about a quarter of a mile. The fires kindled, making coffee was in order; after a twenty mile tramp and toting rails for fires, as they stood around them, roasting one side and freezing the other, the boys are not feeling very viable. If there is any one thing more than another that will draw the cuss-words out of them, it is when a dozen cups of coffee are sitting along a burning rail boiling, and some careless fellow comes along, hits the end of the rail, dumping it all over. It is not the loss of the coffee they care so much about, but it is going perhaps half a mile for water to make more. It is of no sort of use to send a darky for it in the night, as he would not find his way back before morning.

On the morning of the 16th it was reported the enemy were in force across the river at a place called Whitehall, about three or four miles from where we were, and where they were building a steam ram. Of course that must be attended to, and when we left our bivouac, the ball had opened and heavy firing was heard ahead. Lee's brigade hurried on and an hour's march brought us to the scene of conflict. A road turned to the right, leading down to the river, where our batteries were at work. The 25th was ordered down this road, but when about half way down, and only a short distance in rear of the batteries, were ordered to halt and wait further orders. An artillery duel was being fought, our batteries on the south side of the river and the enemy's on the north, with the bridge up that here crossed the river. We hail ten batteries engaged, and the enemy had what we had not captured at Kinston. The roar of artillery, screaming shot and bursting shell was fearful. The enemy had sharpshooters along the river bank, who were rather troublesome to our artillerists, and to meet them men were called for from our regiments; Major Pickett was called on for 100. He asked for volunteers and more than half the regiment stepped forward for the service. I didn't volunteer; I never do; I rather pride myself on not committing a great amount of foolishness in this business. The 100 were soon off for the river, where they took available positions and did good service. In this engagement they had one killed and three wounded. After nearly three hours the fire began to slacken and the enemy drew off. The steam ram on the river, which was said to be quite a formidable craft, was then blown up and destroyed. It will be rather discouraging to attempt the building of any more rams at this navy-yard. The army then moved up the road, getting into camp, about night, and some seven or eight miles from Goldsboro. Early in the morning of the 17th, Lee's brigade took the advance, and after a march of five or six miles, the scouts reported the enemy in the woods near the railroad and bridge which crosses the river about two miles below Goldsboro. We were now in their immediate neighborhood. The column was halted, a regiment sent out as skirmishers and a battery advanced and took position on a knoll of ground, a little to the left and front of the column, and commenced shelling the woods. This had the effect of stirring them up, so we knew where they were. The infantry and batteries were ordered forward, and marched into position in front of the enemy, covering the railroad and bridge. After some skirmishing, at about 10 a. m., the battle commenced and continued with short intermissions until the middle of the afternoon, at which time we had silenced the enemy's guns and driven them from the field. We burned the railroad bridge, and with the help of the cavalry tore up and burned ten or twelve miles of track and tressel work of the Wilmington and Weldon railroad. Gen. Foster then said the object had been accomplisherl, and ordereil a retreat, Lee's brigade being ordered to cover it. It was near sunset when we left the field, Morrison's New York and Belger's Rhode Island batteries alone remaining on a knoll of ground which they had occupied during the battle, waiting for us to get away, when they would follow. After leaving the field, we crossed the bed of a small creek about 20 feet wide, with scarcely any water, but with steep banks, except at the ford, where they slopeit down to admit crossing.

Crossing this creek, we halted at a farm house a little way off to load our dead and wounded men into ambulances. While doing it a battery officer dashed up exclaiming, “For God's sake, send us an old regiment! The enemy are charging our batteries! Quick! hurry up!” The 27th and 25th Massachusetts were on the left or rear of the column, and immediately faced about and started on the double quick for the batteries. In the meantime, while our troops were leaving the field, the enemy had been reinforced, and, seeing the batteries alone, and perhaps thinking they might be out of ammunition, thought it would be a nice little trick to capture them. In going to the relief of the batteries we had to run a gauntlet of shot and shell from a six-pounder battery out in the woods, a little to the left and front of our batteries, who were supporting their charging brigade. We went to Belger's support, and the 27th to Morrisson's. In the meantime the batteries had opened fire on the charging columns but without checking them. When we came up they were coming across the railroad; but another discharge from the guns, and seeing their support, the enemy thought they had taken too much of a job, and facing about they put for the woods.

That little battery out in the woods was wonderfully active, shying their shot and shell thick and fast. Fortunately their guns had a high elevation, and the shot went several feet above our heads. They soon, corrected that, however, and the shot began to come lower. Capt. Belger ordered us to lie down, I am always quick to hear that order, and was the first man down. They had now got their range well down, the shot just skimming over us, one shell had burst in front of us, killing one man and wounding two others. They had a splendid range on me as I lay in the rear of my company. About once a minute a shot would come directly over me, striking the ground only a few feet in the and what made it more provoking, they kept getting them lower, until I had flatted out as thin as a sheet of tissue paper. I could stand this no longer, and told the boys in front of me that those shot were coming dangerously close, and they had better make a break by crowding a little to the right and left. I pushed along about ten feet to the left and would liked to have pushed about ten miles to the rear. That movement was barely executed when a shot ploughed a furrow through the space they had made. But that was their last shot, for after the charging column had turned, the guns were turned on that battery, and annihilated it at the first discharge, or at least, I supposed that was the case, as we heard nothing more from it. It was now after sunset and peace once more reigned in Warsaw.

We waited awhile to see if they wanted anything more of us, and finding they did not, we again drew off the field. On coming to the little creek, which we had crossed dry shod an hour before, we now found a roaring torrent running bankfull, with barrels, rails and pieces of timber borne on the surface of its swift current. We had got to go through' it, and the boys, holding their rifles, cartridge boxes and blankets above their heads, waded in. The water was waist deep, and when my company went in I waited on the bank, thinking I would step into the rear as they passed by, but I made a wrong calculation of the bank. When I stepped in, I went in all over, and in trying to recover myself, I let go my cartridge box, blanket and Spitfire, but caught the last between my knees, and commenced ducking to get it. The major was standing on the bank, cautioning the boys to keep their powder dry. When he happened to observe me going through my aquatic performances he yelled vociferously: "What in hell are you doing there? Why don't you keep your powder up out of the water?” I paid no attention to him, but kept reaching for Spitfire, and every time I reached for it, the current would nearly take me off my feet. After I had succeeded in fishing it out, I turned my attention to the major, and answered his little conundrum by asking him what in hell powder was good for without Spitfire? The major laughed and jumping on a gun carriage was ferried across. I was a little the worst off of the lot for I was thoroughly soaked, as were also all my belongings.

The night was freezing cold and in our wet clothes we felt it very sensibly.

A mile march brought us to the woods, which were some four or five miles through, and on the other side was our last night's bivouac. The advance troops had set the woods on fire and when we went through, it was a roaring mass of flame.

This served us a good turn, as it lighted up the road and kept us warm.

We reached our bivouac late in the evening, wet, cold, tired and hungry, but our day's work was not yet done. If we wanted fires and hot coffee, we must go half a mile for rails and tote them in on our shoulders. We brought in a good supply and soon had our coffee boiling. Our wagons were bare of meat and whiskey, and our supper consisted of coffee and hardtack.

Through the long, weary night, wet, cold and hungry, we stood shivering over the fires. Gladly we hailed the first grey streaks of dawn and took fresh courage, knowing we should soon be on the road for home. At sunrise the whole army was in motion, on the road for Newbern, where we arrived a little after noon on Sunday, the 21st, nearly dying from hunger and exhaustion.

When we started on this expedition it was thought the wagons contained an ample supply of rations, but our march country was so imported by blocked roads and so vigorously contested that it was prolonged beyond what was anticipated; besides it was an awful poor section of country for pigs, chickens and apple-jack. On this little excursion, Gen. Foster's army has been out ten days, marching 150 miles, cutting out several miles of blockade roads, building one bridge, doing considerable skirmishing, whipping the enemy three times on their own ground, besides other mischief, such as burning the railroad bridge at Goldsboro, burning a train of cars and smashing up an engine at Mount Olive station, some ten miles down the road from the battle ground, and also tearing up the track between the two points. This last deviltry the 3d New York cavalry is accountable for. There was also burned a quantity of cotton, several houses, barns and many thousands of dollars' worth of fencing and timber. A very clever little job for one trip, but the results would have been greater had it been done two weeks sooner; it would then have greatly hindered the reinforcing of Gen. Lee at Fredericksburg. However, there can no blame be laid to Gen. Foster, as he started on the execution of his orders as soon as the troops arrived.

MAJOR PICKETT.

Our little major since the two last tramps has become very popular in his regiment, and I expect when the eagles light on his shoulders we shall feel pretty proud of him. He is a staving good fellow, and in a fight is always on the lead, inspiring the men with cowage by his coolness and daring. On the road he is equally good, letting the boys have it pretty much their own way, never troubling himself about how they came by their chickens and apple-jack, and is often seen trudging along on foot, letting some sick or footsore soldier ride his giraffe.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 77-84

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Edwin M. Stanton, January 6, 1865 – 5:30 p.m.

CITY POINT, VA., January 6, 1865 — 5.30 p.m.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I am just in receipt of a letter from Sherman, asking me to re-enforce Foster so that he will not be compelled to leave a division of his army there. Please say to Sherman that I will send the division now embarking at Baltimore. They probably will reach him two days after you do. I wrote to Sherman some time ago to direct Foster to organize negro troops to do garrison duty. Please say to Sherman that if Foster will go to work and organize colored troops they can garrison the forts and islands, leaving all of his white troops for Savannah and the camp at Pocotaligo, enabling the division which I now send to return in the spring, if necessary.

U.S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 2 (Serial No. 99), p. 18

Captain Charles Wright Wills: September 6, 1863

Decatur, Ill., September 6, 1863.

Girls, fun, etc., have lost their charm, and I've made up my mind to go back to my regiment. Reasons, as follows: Firstly, the general's health as affected by his wound is no better, and I think it doubtful whether he goes back. Second, if he does go to the army again he will be fit for nothing but “Post Duty.” Will not be able for the field. Third, I don't like garrison work, and would rather be with my regiment in the field than with him in garrison. Fourth, my expenses are three times as heavy with him as with my regiment; and fifth and lastly, I wouldn't, on any account, miss this fall campaign, and by staying with him I will be apt to. I presented the matter to the general in about that shape and urged him to let me slide immediately. He agreed to do so, telling me that he will not go back unless they force him to.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 187

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 1, 1863

Lagrange, Tenn., July 1, 1863.

Everything moves quietly here. No more alarms or anything else to "bust" the confounded monotony of garrison life. A guerrilla was brought in yesterday who has murdered at least one of our soldiers, and an unarmed one at that. He rests comfortably now with a nice lot of jewelry on his arms and legs, and a good heavy chain connecting his precious body to his bed, a not very soft plank. He is a worse fellow than we have in Illinois to my knowledge. We have two regiments of negroes here now, great big, stout, hardy fellows, and they really look right well in their uniforms. I heard from old Company "E" of the 8th this morning. They have had two men killed and five wounded before Vicksburg. There are only 15 left now. Wonder where my bones would have been if I had stayed with the boys.

A woman from Holly Springs is up to-day with the statement that Johnston is marching on Memphis, and proposes to have possession thereof within ten days. Good for Joseph! We had a confirmation of the report of the taking of Port Hudson yesterday, but nothing further to-day. It don't go down here without a good deal of forcing.

Isn't it music to hear those Pennsylvania fellers howl? I almost wish that Lee would cut the levee of Lake Ontario, and let the water over that country. Don't tell father and mother. If Lee don't wake them up to a sense of their misery, he isn't the man that Price is. If ever Price reaches Illinois, and he swears he's going to do it some day, you can reckon on seeing a smoke, sure! Don't you folks feel a little blue over Lee's move? Kind o' as though you wish you hadn't gone and done it! Never mind, you'll get used to it. The first raid isn't a sample. Wait until general Rebel somebody, establishes his headquarters in Canton, and you've all taken the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. Imagine yourself going up to the headquarters with your oath in your hand and tears in your eyes to ask the general to please keep the soldiers from tearing the boards off your house (for bunks), or asking for something to eat out of his commissary department, and then blubber right out and tell him that the soldiers broke open your trunks and took your clothes and what little money you had, and you don't know what in the world you'll do. Many of these people are in this condition, and I hear a hundred of them tell the story every week. Every man in Illinois ought to die on the border rather than allow an invading force to march into our State.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 184-6

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, December 12, 1864

Very cold all day; remained with Kingsley until about 11 o'clock a. m. and then went over to the regiment some distance away; found the men stationed at Ft. Dushane doing garrison duty. Colonel W. W. Henry has sent in his resignation; sorry to lose him; has been the most popular field officer we have ever had, all and all. Major L. T. Hunt has gone for good. Colonel C. G. Chandler has been courtmartialed; will probably go home; shall stay with Dr. Almon Clark; quarters in a house near the fort; men are without quarters; have never seen the regiment so uncomfortably fixed.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 240

Private Charles Wright Wills: October 2, 1861

Bird's Point, October 2, '61.

Just at noon yesterday orders came to strike tents and in an hour we were under way and have come to a halt in this forsaken hole. It seems that the 8th can't get out of hearing of the Cairo morning and evening gun anyway. Our major says they are talking of chucking us into Cairo and making us garrison it this winter. I'll be tempted to desert if 'tis so. The 22d call us the featherbed regiment now, and if they keep us this way much longer we will be tender as women. It was late and we were tired when we pitched our tents last night and we didn't “ditch round” as usual, trusting to providence for a dry night. But 'twas confidence misplaced and some of the boys found the ground slightly damp under them this morning. It has been raining like the devil all a. m. and the mud is quite salubrious. I find my old Havana schoolmate, Jem Walker, here in the 28th, Ritter's company. Haven't seen Smith yet. The Rebels came right up to Norfolk after we left last night, and about 3 I heard the cavalry called out, and this morning I see the 2d Iowa and 11th Illinois are gone. Suppose they all went down that way. I have disposed of all my surplus baggage and now have two shirts, two pair socks, one blanket, one pair pants, one coat, one pair shoes, one hat, toothbrush and one pocket comb. That's all I'm worth. I can get all the clothing I want of the quartermaster any time. You scout the idea of one's liking such a life as this. I tell you that I never was so well satisfied in my life as I have been since I joined the army. I do really enjoy it all the time, and if our boys here write the truth home they will say the same. Nobody ever heard me grumble a word about soldiering and never will if they don't station us in Cairo.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 35

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, May 22, 1862

Camp Flat Top Mountain, May 22, 1862.

Dearest: — I have written you one or two letters which I suspect fell into the hands of the enemy, but ere this, I do not doubt, you have received dispatches and word by Thomas which relieves you of all trouble on my account.

We have had a good deal of war this month. More than half the time during two weeks we were in the presence of the enemy. Most of the time they [we] were either pursuing them or they were crowding us. The number killed and wounded, considering the amount of firing, was not large. I suppose the total loss of this army would not exceed two hundred. Our force is not strong enough to do the work before us. We have so many points to garrison and so long a line of communications to protect, that it leaves a very small force to push on with. . . .

Before this reaches you, the great battles of the war will probably be fought. If successful, we shall not meet with much determined opposition hereafter. I was sent to meet a flag of truce sent by General Williams and Humphrey Marshall this morning. The officers talk in a high tone still, but the privates are discouraged, and would be gladly at home on any terms.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 276

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 29, 1863

The [1st] Louisiana was again ordered to garrison Fort Butler. The twenty-eighth Maine having served out its time was discharged. General Bank's army too vanished away, brigade after brigade until not a canvas could be seen in the vicinity, leaving us alone again in quiet possession of the country about Fort Butler. And thus ended one of the most important campaigns of the war.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 89

Lieutenant Colonel Charles Fessenden Morse: June 18, 1865

Washington, D. C., June 18, 1865.

Since my last letter we have made one more change, and the regiment now forms part of the garrison of Washington. That we have been detailed for provost duty in this city shows that though we are now among strangers, we are not altogether unknown.

We are camped quite near the Capitol, in a not very aristocratic neighborhood. We have considerable guard and patrol duty to do, now that so many troops are passing through on their way home.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 216

Senator Charles Sumner to John M. Forbes, December 28, 1862

Washington, 28th December, 1862.

My Dear Forbes, — Last evening I handed to the President a memorial from clergymen, calling on him to stand by his Proclamation, reading it to him aloud.

I then handed him your slip Audax, which he commenced reading.

Then a slip from a Boston paper, advertising a musical celebration in honor of the Proclamation, 1st January, with all the names, yours among the rest.

Then the unsigned address¹ from the electors, which he proceeded to read aloud.

I then read to him Mr. Chapman's letter, which I enforced by saying that he was now a very able judge of our Supreme Court,² once a Hunker, and not much of my way of thinking in times past.

I then proceeded to dwell on the importance and grandeur of the act, and how impatient we all are that it should be done in the way to enlist the most sympathy and to stifle opposition. On his account I urged that it should be a military decree, countersigned by the Secretary of War, and that it should have something in it showing that though an act of military necessity and just self-defense, it was also an act of justice and humanity, which must have the blessings of a benevolent God.

The President says that he could not stop the Proclamation if he would, and he would not if he could. Burnside was present at this remark.

I find Stanton unusually sanguine and confident. He says that he shall have 200,000 negroes under arms before June, holding the Mississippi River and garrisoning the ports, so that our white soldiers can go elsewhere. The President accepts this idea.

Let the music sound, and the day be celebrated.

_______________

¹ This was an address slightly different in form from that sent through Mr. Sedgwick. — Ed.

² Afterwards the chief justice. — Ed.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 352-3

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: October 25, 1862

Arrived in Donaldsonville at 9 a. m. As soon as the First Louisiana landed they were ordered to build board shanties and garrison the place. Plenty of lumber was found and by night the regiment had quite comfortable houses.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 30

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: July 26, 1865

I do not write often now, not for want of something to say, but from a loathing of all I see and hear, and why dwell upon those things?

Colonel Chesnut, poor old man, is worse — grows more restless. He seems to be wild with “homesickness.” He wants to be at Mulberry. When there he can not see the mighty giants of the forest, the huge, old, wide-spreading oaks, but he says he feels that he is there so soon as he hears the carriage rattling across the bridge at the Beaver Dam.

I am reading French with Johnny — anything to keep him quiet. We gave a dinner to his company, the small remnant of them, at Mulberry house. About twenty idle negroes, trained servants, came without leave or license and assisted. So there was no expense. They gave their time and labor for a good day's feeding. I think they love to be at the old place.

Then I went up to nurse Kate Withers. That lovely girl, barely eighteen, died of typhoid fever. Tanny wanted his sweet little sister to have a dress for Mary Boykin's wedding, where she was to be one of the bridesmaids. So Tanny took his horses, rode one, and led the other thirty miles in the broiling sun to Columbia, where he sold the led horse and came back with a roll of Swiss muslin. As he entered the door, he saw Kate lying there dying. She died praying that she might die. She was weary of earth and wanted to be at peace. I saw her die and saw her put in her coffin. No words of mine can tell how unhappy I am. Six young soldiers, her friends, were her pall-bearers. As they marched out with that burden sad were their faces.

Princess Bright Eyes writes: “Our soldier boys returned, want us to continue our weekly dances.” Another maiden fair indites: “Here we have a Yankee garrison. We are told the officers find this the dullest place they were ever in. They want the ladies to get up some amusement for them. They also want to get into society.”

From Isabella in Columbia: “General Hampton is home again. He looks crushed. How can he be otherwise? His beautiful home is in ruins, and ever present with him must be the memory of the death tragedy which closed forever the eyes of his glorious boy, Preston! Now! there strikes up a serenade to General Ames, the Yankee commander, by a military band, of course. . . . Your last letters have been of the meagerest. What is the matter ?'”

SOURCES: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 403-4

Diary of 5th Sergeant Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, March 11, 1865

It is clear again and quite pleasant. We were off at 7 a. m. and marched twelve miles. Went into bivouac within a mile of Fayetteville. Our division had the honor of driving the rebels out of town, but the Fourteenth Corps was placed on garrison duty. All of Sherman's forces, the four corps, are concentrating at this place to cross the Cape Fear river. Forage is very scarce, the country being so very poor, but we hope soon to strike rich country where we can fill our haversacks.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 260

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, March 9, 1864

It rained all day. We are still on guard at the roundhouse. Troops are on the move, both up and down the river as fast as the transports can carry them. New troops are to garrison Vicksburg from now on. We are glad to leave the place, for we have been in and around Vicksburg for more than fifteen months, and have seen some very hard service in that time. But there is something about Vicksburg, the Gibraltar of the West, that is really fascinating.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 173

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, July 26, 1861

Harper's Ferry, July 26, 1861.

Reveille roll-call is just finished, and I have a short time before breakfast to improve by writing. We still garrison the town, and very hard work it is, too, it taking five companies a day to do it, making guard duty come every other day. What we principally have to do is to keep the rumshops closed to the soldiers. At night we have patrols on the streets all about the town, and any one found out after nine P. M. is sent to his house or quarters, or if suspicious-looking, taken to the guard-room, which, by the way, is the very engine house where John Brown made his final stand. The loop-holes and all are just as he left them.

We also guard all the ferries very carefully. The other night, when I was on guard, there was a report brought to me of a fight in a house a little ways off. I took a Sergeant and eight men and went, double quick, to the place; the house was full of men, fighting and drunk. We cleared it in about two minutes, took the noisiest, prisoners, then went back and emptied a rum barrel that had caused the whole of it. Such things were occurring frequently, two or three days ago, but, as the Pennsylvania militia go home, we have less and less of it. They are going home at the rate of two regiments a day, and we are glad of it, for a more undisciplined set of men I never saw, spoiling everything they come near, breaking into houses, robbing orchards, and doing all manner of harm generally. Our force will be about eight thousand, when they are all gone. General Banks arrived here, night before last, with two or three of his aides. We all hope he will do something more for us than Patterson has. You can form no idea of the terrible destruction of government buildings here, without seeing it. For nearly half a mile along the river were these splendid works, and now there is nothing but bare walls and heaps of ruins; they say twelve million dollars will not replace them. All the bridges across the Potomac and Shenandoah are also burned.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 10-11

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Monday, August 3, 1863

I was on camp guard today. We got our tents and pitched them today, and also, because of the intense heat, built shades in front of them by setting up forks and poles covered with brush. It is the report that we are to remain here on garrison duty. Our work is very light, however, as we have no picket duty.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 133

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, September 21, 1862

We lay around all day in the camp which the rebels vacated. Their tents are badly torn, but the wooden bunks are in good condition. The wounded have all been cared for and the dead were buried today. A detachment of our army is still in pursuit of the rebels. Our brigade has been detailed to garrison this place and we expect our tents to arrive soon. I was detailed on camp guard this morning.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 70

COLONEL JAMES BAIRD WEAVER

FIFTH COLONEL, SECOND INFANTRY.

James B. Weaver was the fifth colonel of the 2d Iowa Infantry. He is a native of the city of Dayton, Ohio, where he was born on the 12th of June, 1833, and a son of Abram Weaver, Esq., formerly a county officer and politician of Davis county. He accompanied his father's family from Ohio to Michigan, and thence to Iowa, where he arrived in 1843. In the year following, he settled in Davis county, where he has since resided.

Colonel Weaver's early education was limited — only such as the West, at that early day, afforded. At the age of nineteen, he began the study of law, which he pursued for two years in Bloomfield, and then, with the late lamented Colonel James Baker, entered the Cincinnati Law School. Leaving that University in the spring of 1856, he returned to Iowa; and, from that date until the commencement of the war, practiced his profession in Bloomfield, Davis county. Soon after establishing himself in practice, he was married to Miss Clara Vinson, a lady of intelligence and worth.

Colonel Weaver entered the service, as first lieutenant of Company G, 2d Iowa Infantry, and with that rank fought at the battles of Fort Donelson and Shiloh. He was made major of his regiment, vice N. W. Mills promoted to lieutenant-colonel, and, after the death of Colonels Baker and Mills, was promoted to the colonelcy. His commission as major was received the day before the first day's fight at Corinth, and that of colonel, in the latter part of the same month.

If we except the part taken by the 2d Iowa Infantry in the early part of General Sherman's campaign against Atlanta, the history of the regiment, while under the command of Colonel -Weaver, has in it little of general interest. From the fall of 1862 to the fall of 1863, it was stationed on garrison-duty at and near Corinth, Mississippi; and, if we except the few expeditions in which it took part during this time, the routine of its camp-life was only occasionally broken by droll camp-scenes and incidents.

In garrison-duty, the day begins something as follows:— awakened in the morning by the braying of mules, the impudent clatter of drums, and the shrill whistle of fifes, the soldiers hurry on their clothes and assemble on the company parade grounds for "roll-call." But there is always some delinquent: some lazy fellow throws back his blanket and, sitting upright, rubs his eyes and yawns lustily. He begins to wonder if he will have to "police" to-day, or stand picket, or — what he will have to do, when the command "fall in" is sounded, and instantly the trumpet-voice of the orderly begins calling, "Buckmaster;" "Bunner;" "Brown;" "Brooks;" — he hurries on his pants and out into line, but only in time to find his name passed, and himself checked as absent from "roll-call." The day begins badly; for the thing he most dreaded is now upon him — he is the first on the list of those detailed for "policing," and he curses his ill luck.

Next follows the morning ablutions and toilet, and then breakfast. The 2d Iowa at Corinth were gentlemen; for, in those days, they had black men for their cooks, their "hewers of wood and drawers of water." The soldiers chatted and laughed, while their servants fried the bacon, and made the coffee. "Guard-mounting," "company-drill," "dinner-call," and "retreat," followed each other, until finally "tattoo" closed the day. Generally, the history of one day was repeated in that following.

Of all the troops sent out from Iowa, there has been no regiment, where the enlisted men have maintained Bo much independence in their relations with their officers, as have those of the 2d Iowa, — none, where the members would endure less of style in their field- and line-officers. In every other respect, the discipline of the regiment was most commendable. In the summer of 1863, while the 2d Iowa was stationed with its brigade at Corinth, General T. W. Sweeney, (afterwards dismissed in disgrace from the service for threatening to shoot General Dodge, and a surgeon) issued an order, embracing the following points: — 1st. There must be no familiarity between enlisted men and their officers. 2d. If any enlisted man have any business with the commanding officer of his company, he must transact it through the orderly-sergeant. The orderly-sergeant, on entering his officer's tent, must remove his hat, and taking the position of a soldier, make known his business. He must never seat himself, or talk about other matters than those relating to the business in question; and, that being attended to, he must leave promptly, and with the proper salute. Violations of the order were to be reported by company-officers, and all offenders severely punished.

This was a new article in the regiment's code of discipline, to which it would not yield submission. But Colonel Weaver, always anxious to comply with orders, added one of his own; and, with a rhetorical flourish, held his company-officers responsible for all infringements of the former. Both were read to his regiment on dress-parade, and were greeted with three groans. One stormy night not long after, when the colonel was in bed, a shot was fired through his quarters, the ball passing within four or five inches of his person. For some reason or other, no more was said about the obnoxious order, and the men visited the tents of their company-officers as usual.

After Vicksburg had fallen, and Port Hudson, and the Mississippi had been opened from its mouth to its sources, there was little need for the magnificent army of General Grant, in its old field of operations. On the west side of the Mississippi, the power of the Confederacy was inconsiderable: its chief strength lay on the east side of the river. Rosecrans successfully engaged Bragg at Murfreesboro, and forced him back across the tail of the Cumberland Mountains, to and beyond Chattanooga. Then, himself defeated, he was beaten back to Chattanooga, and there beseiged. After the fall of Vicksburg, therefore, Chattanooga became the chief point of interest, in military operations in the South West. General Grant's victory at Vicksburg was the consummation of success in that quarter, and he therefore planned immediate relief for the Army of the Cumberland, at Chattanooga.

In order to open and protect new lines of communication between Nashville and Chattanooga, and to render that one already open more secure, Corinth was to be evacuated, a large extent of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad abandoned, and General Dodge's command ordered across the country to the Nashville and Decatur Railroad. Hence it was that the 2d Iowa, with its brigade and division, was transferred from Corinth to the line of the above named road. General Dodge's command left Corinth and crossed the Tennessee, at Eastport, with the rear of General Sherman's Corps, then on its way to Chattanooga.

The 2d Iowa marched directly to Pulaski, Tennessee, where were established the head-quarters of the regiment. Pulaski was also General Dodge's head-quarters. Colonel Weaver was made commandant of the post, and held the position during the following winter, and until just before the expiration of his term of service. The services of the 2d Iowa were, in the meantime, the same as those of other troops, stationed on rail road guard-duty. The regiment however, marched on no expeditions, and was, at no time, attacked by the enemy. It was at Pulaski that the 2d re-enlisted, and from that point left for Iowa on veteran-furlough.

Soon after its return from Iowa, the 2d Iowa, with the balance of Dodge's command, took the field. Leaving the non-veterans at Pulaski, the regiment, in the latter part of March, 1864, marched to the front, by way of Elkton, Huntsville and Bridgeport. It had been so long stationed in camp that the news of its assignment to the front was hailed with much satisfaction, and demonstrations of joy, along the line of march, such as song-singing and the like, were frequent. The Elk river was to be crossed at Elkton, and there was no bridge and no boats; but that was no obstacle; for the regiment, and indeed the whole brigade, stripping off all but their shirts, waded the stream, amid shouting and laughter. There are always some wags in every regiment, and at such times as these, they crack their jokes and make much sport.

On arriving at Huntsville, General Sweeney's Division, (the 2d) to which was attached the 2d Iowa, was joined by that of General Veatch. These troops constituted General G. M. Dodge's command—the celebrated left wing of the 16th Army Corps. They proceeded from Huntsville to Chattanooga, and from Chattanooga, over the battle-ground of Chickamauga, on to Dalton.

At Dalton, General Johnson was strongly intrenched, with the finest rebel army ever mustered in the South West; and so confident was he of his strength that he had boasted he would march on Chattanooga, and, having driven the Federal forces from that place, would move on and capture Nashville. But Dalton was to fall with but little bloodshed. General McPherson, moving through Snake Creek Gap, gained Johnson's left flank, and compelled him to evacuate his strong works and fall back to Resaca. In this flank movement, the first in General Sherman's "flanking campaign," the 2d Iowa took part. Soon after, Colonel Weaver was mustered out of the service, and returned to his home in Bloomfield. His three year's term expired on the 28th of May, 1864. From that time to the present, the 2d Iowa Infantry has been commanded by Colonel Noel B. Howard.

Colonel Weaver is one of the handsomest of the Iowa colonels. He has a symmetrical, well-developed person, which, with his dignified address, intelligent countenance, and dark-blue eyes, makes him interesting and pleasing. He is too small for a great man, and yet, with his dignity and self-assurance, he impresses a stranger favorably.

Intellectually, he is rather brilliant; I am told he is a graceful and interesting public speaker. His worst fault is an affectation in delivery.

He has some vanity, and was proud of his position as colonel of the 2d Iowa. For instance: just after being commissioned a lieutenant, it is said he returned to Bloomfield and attended church in full uniform, sporting the whole regulation outfit. "From his walk," said an officer of his regiment, " you could tell that he was colonel of the 2d Iowa."

He was a good and brave officer, and there are few who were as cool as he in battle. At Shiloh, while the 2d and 7th Iowa were running that terrible gauntlet, on the afternoon of the first day's fight, Captain Moore, of company G, was shot through both legs and disabled. Lieutenant Weaver stopped, picked him up, and bore him from the field. Under the circumstances, not one man in five thousand would have imitated his example. He is a member of the Methodist Church, and is one of the few officers who abstained from the use of liquor in the service.

SOURCE: Stuart, A. A., Iowa Colonels and Regiments, p. 71-76