Showing posts with label 3rd Winchester. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 3rd Winchester. Show all posts

Saturday, April 22, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 9

As I entered the long broad avenue running between the great tents at the field hospital later in the day where there were hundreds of wounded, dead and dying, Dillingham, Hill and others of my regiment, among the number, Dr. J. C. Rutherford, one of my regimental surgeons, seeing me with a man on either side — for here in sight of others I wouldn't let them support me — close to and keenly watching my unsteady carriage, came running, hastily examined my wounds, bade me sit on the ground, ran for his instrument case, placed my head upturned between his knees, sewed in place a triangular piece of flesh extending from the right corner of my nose down hanging at the lower right corner by a slight shred of flesh, which I had held in place from the battlefield with my fingers, and that job for the time being was done; but oh! my aching head, jaws and chest, as well as the extreme feeling of lassitude for the balance of the day. My face was like a puff ball, so quickly had it swollen, my chest at the point of the wishbone — so to speak — was mangled black and blue and resembled a pounded piece of steak ready to be cooked, and I was so nauseated, lame and sore all over, I dreaded to move. I guess the rebs came pretty near winging me — but Glory! Early was licked. To add to my feeling of depression, I was told Major Dillingham was mortally wounded and that he would soon pass away. He had been a good friend, a brave man, faultlessly courageous, was an elegant gentleman and good fellow, and was much beloved. A solid shot severed a leg going through the woods; his cry of anguish was distressing, and I shrink from thinking of it whenever it comes into my mind.

I fell just in front of the enemy's hastily thrown up breastworks of fence rails in the vanguard after advancing under a murderous fire about a hundred yards or more, in the open field after passing through the woods. I saw no other line officer with his men anywhere in my vicinity so far in front, and there was no other officer there in the open field except Adjutant Wyllys Lyman who was lauded for it, but I, being a boy, got nothing but my two wounds as compliments for my steadfastness, and they will stay with me through life. I wonder if when across the Great River and in another world I will be remembered any better for my faithfulness when so many others failed at such an important moment?*

I found the men of Company E good fighters, Corporal Walker and another big man of my Company whose name I can't recall, being so short a time with the Company — but believe it was one of the Brownells, also of Pownal, Vt. — who helped me occasionally going to the ambulance as I felt faint and weak, were brave fellows. They followed me closely all through the assault as though they expected me to be hit, fighting like heroes as they were at the same time, and when I fell wounded they dropped close by me, Corporal Walker, a giant, coolly saying: “Don't get up Lieutenant, they’ll riddle you if you do!” but I thought they already had. However, the nervous shock of both wounds was too great to think of rising at once, and almost immediately the rebs were running for dear life all branches of the service mixed together in confusion — a perfect jumble. We had licked them in a square stand up open field fight of their own choice — and a very poor one, too, for them in case of defeat, as it proved — and it was clean cut, the worst stampede and rout I every saw.

Sheridan was as brave as a lion, and unlike some commanders who hunt cover when their commands are fighting, went seemingly fearlessly anywhere he wanted to in order to see what was going on and what if any part of the line needed reinforcing. As before stated, my position on the battlefield was sufficiently high to see nearly all of it. It being a beautiful sunny Fall day with a clear atmosphere, it was the most spectacular, and before the Infantry broke, the most beautiful battlefield sight seen, and better yet, the most snappy, brilliant fighting witnessed during the war. Sheridan hovered near the centre in the neighborhood of the high ground where I was twice wounded, and dashed back and forth the line on horseback like a restless lion, an ideally alert fighter, almost as unmindful of shot and shell as though both deaf and blind. It was here that I formed my opinion that he was not only the ideal fighter, but the second, if not the greatest military genius developed by the Civil War, and I have never changed my opinion. Honest, alert, aggressive, dashing and brave with splendid judgment, his equal will be hard to find, and probably rarely surpassed. He was generally conceded a brilliant cavalry fighter, but if the world has ever produced a better planned, executed, dashing, brilliant spectacular, snappy battle or commander than he and this Battle of Winchester, where the different branches of the service were combined, take it from first to last during the day, it would be interesting to know on what occasion. It was so unlike any battle ever seen by me that all others sink into insignificance as dull affairs. Language or words even with the most gifted talkers or writers can never describe this battle; no pen picture, or ever so gifted talker can do it justice; it would have to be seen by an expert to be fully appreciated. Ever afterwards the Sixth Corps of all others was Sheridan's favorite. Said he later: “Give me the Sixth Corps and I will charge anywhere.”

Among the most admirable pictures of the fight — barring the orderly, majestic advance to battle of the whole army in unbroken lines — except after a little our division being unmercifully shelled from the start on the pike it could not withstand it, nor could any other have done so — as a whole after through the wood resembling an immense gracefully waving blue ribbon along the surface of the ground, caused by that enchantingly swinging, billowy motion characteristic of regulars when marching in large bodies, its fluttering banners, glittering arms, equipments and its blue uniforms looking prettier than ever in the bright September sunlight under a bright blue sky specked with fleecy white clouds making a picture beautiful with perfect harmony of color,—was the beauty, grandeur and majesty of both Russell and Custer's splendid debouch on the battlefield with their valiant, intrepid commands, the former's proudly and majestically en masse in perfect order and cadence, line and bearing, coolly confident as though at parade, and the latter's also in perfect lines and order, as well as dashing, intrepid, spirited and assured bearing even the horses as though vieing with each other in speed to run down the unfortunate enemy, entering into the spirit of the occasion and sweeping rapidly like an avalanche down on the demoralized, fleeing and awe-stricken enemy with the fury and apparently almost certain destruction of a tornado. These were pictures comprising awe, beauty, power, grandeur, order and disorder, dash, magnificence, valor, terror, confusion, inspiration and majesty to such an extent as to defy the pen picture of any writer however gifted. This battle was different from any other I ever saw. It was Sheridan's way of doing things—a revelation in warfare.
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* Major Lyman was afterwards honored with a brevet as Major, but I was only mentioned in routine official papers as wounded. Why he, being Adjutant, and therefore representing the regimental commander, and the only officer who saw me, didn't see to it that my services were duly recognized as well as his, I have never been able to understand. It always stirs my spirit when I think of it, for if anyone deserved recognition for that day's work it was the leaders in such an assault, for on such largely depended its success; and certainly if Lyman deserved recognition who had no command, then why shouldn't one who did, whose men largely followed him, as well as some of the men of five other companies which I had successfully led in other fights? It is hard to be reconciled to such unfair discriminations. But brevets in many regiments were quite as apt to be given for scheming and favoritism as for merit, and some of the most meritorious line officers who fought gallantly on the front line of battle through almost the entire war, received no such recognition from their regimental commanders, although such line officers' exhibitions of dash and daring, especially in the Tenth Vermont, which was one thing that gave the regiment an enviable reputation both in the field and at home, were very frequent. The company commanders of this regiment did not follow their men into battle, at any rate to commence with, but led them continually when fleet enough to do so, and I always did. Being almost invariably selected when a lieutenant to command a company without an officer, I was with one exception alone with no company commander to observe and report my work, and my different regimental commanders didn't take sufficient interest to do so, even if where they could observe it; but the fact that I was almost invariably selected to command different companies in battle when needed and that I overslaughed several lieutenants when promoted Captain, should have been reason enough for at least one brevet during the war, if nothing more, which since, in the regular army, would have saved me from frequent undeserved embarrassment. A long experience, however, both in the Civil War and the regular army since in the observance of the bestowal of brevets and medals of honor has caused me to regard with very little respect in many instances the recipient's methods in obtaining such favors, and especially the system of bestowal of the same, which is a sacred trust. And certainly if in most cases such consideration was warranted, then many of my acquaintances who were not recognized even once, especially in the Civil War, could have been repeatedly decorated with the far greater propriety. But with me such distinctions were not worth having except earned in the estimation of others competent to judge, and came unsolicited. Such, however, is rarely the case, even when repeatedly deservedly won, and the only reward for such is to tell the truth about it historically whenever the opportunity offers, regardless of criticism.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 168-75

Thursday, April 20, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 8

The Tenth Vermont, Fourteenth New Jersey and the rest of our brigade as usual, not only proudly led the Division at first by a good deal in the advance through the woods but in this instance the whole army. It was therefore not only the most aggressive and conspicuous part of — being on high ground where I could see our line of battle each way — but the most important point in the line; was first seen when through the wood and the most dreaded by the enemy being on the pike, and in consequence its artillery fire within reach was concentrated on us, and it was a hot place. But soon, after recovering from the collapse of the Second Brigade on my right which wholly disappeared and nothing more was seen of it by me, with the valor of the old-time “Green Mountain Boys” on we went undaunted until, after we had advanced about seventy-five yards beyond the woods now extinct behind which we had formed in the open field where I was, being then on a high point where I could see the whole battlefield, I glanced to my right and left and was appalled to see that the troops on both flanks of my Brigade were obliquing rapidly away from us, the whole Nineteenth Corps in perfect lines of battle by an oblique movement to the right having pulled away from the right of our Division until there was a gap big enough including that made by the Second Brigade, to more than admit a Brigade line of battle although it is said that Corps had been directed to guide on our Division and that a similar state of affairs existed on our left flank where the Vermont brigade was.* (See No. 3 through opening in woods showing No. 7; also see No. 5 where I was in the foreground). With a feeling of dismay I slackened my pace and nearly halted for I saw that through the gap in the very center and most vital point in our line on my right towards the Nineteenth Corps opposite which point was a strong force of the enemy's infantry awaiting us behind its works on the near edge of a little valley which protected it from our fire until right on it, it would throw its force so situated opposite the gap on our right and left flanks caused by the gap and have us completely at its mercy; but glancing almost immediately again to my right and rear, hearing loud military commands there, my spirits rose as I saw the gallant Russell leading his splendid Division en masse through the opening in the timber in his front, magnificently forward as though at drill to fill the gap. The appearance of his column greatly relieved us, as it drew the concentrated artillery fire from our column by the enemy largely to his. The whole battle scene at this moment at this point was one of appalling grandeur, one which no beholders could ever forget, provided they could keep their nerve well enough to preserve their presence of mind sufficiently to take in the situation midst the screeching shells and appalling musketry fire. The splendid appearance of General Russell’s Division elicited a cry of admiration from all who saw it. It was the supreme moment or turning point in the great tide of battle, and as Russell’s men rapidly deployed latterly under a galling fire on the march either way in perfect order enough to fill the gap, it was magnificent — beyond description — the grandest, best and most welcome sight I ever saw in a tight place in battle, and so inspired me — seeing the danger of a flank movement had passed — I again pushed forward to be in front and was there when the intrepid General Russell, one of the best fighters in the army, was twice shot and soon died a short distance to my right rear just about the time I was also twice hit; (see Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations) but when the enemy in my front and all along the little valley caught sight of our reserve coming at them so majestically and in such solid phalanx and splendid order, it seemed to me the rebs couldn’t run fast enough apparently to get away. It was the most sudden transformation on a battlefield I ever saw, as well as the most perfect stampede and rout; and it was the enemy’s last volley when it saw our reserve coming at them so determinedly that put a stop to my fighting for several months; and but for our reserve coming on the field just as it did I would have been worse riddled than I was by the enemy and killed even lying on the ground wounded, as I was wholly exposed where I lay close on their works not a rod away, the ground sloping towards them.

No. 8. – View from near the head of the ravine occupied by the enemy's infantry looking southerly towards the pike running along the edge of the distant forest. This is now (1908) a fine farm: its building on the left and those dimly seen in the edge of the distant wood along which the sunken pike runs have been built since the Civil War. Observe the perfect cover next to the pike for the enemy: it was here the Tenth Vermont assaulted, and the Second Brigade, this side as far north as the figure (Mai. Abbott), while the enemy's infantry behind rail breast-works and its artillery several hundred yards in rear to the right on higher ground swept the flat open field over which we charged in their front. It was almost a forlorn hope. Who would wish to criticise troops unfairly under such circumstances? The divide running east and west was about a hundred yards to Mai. Abbott's right. On its opposite or north side the Nineteenth Corps charged.

General Sheridan’s plan of battle was perfect and I shall never cease to admire him as the greatest military genius I have ever seen on a battlefield, for by this and his pluck and dash, I see the secret of his great successes. The plan of battle was fully developed by the time I fell twice badly wounded — at first I supposed mortally — only a few feet in front of the enemy’s works, and as I arose partially recovered from the shock of being twice hit, quivering and bleeding profusely, one of the first things my eye caught was Sheridan all alone without a staff officer or even an orderly near him, about forty yards in my rear, sitting his splendid thoroughbred horse like a centaur looking — all animation his very pose suggesting it — intently through his field glass toward the fleeing routed enemy and later after the third and last assault of the day all in a jumble with our undaunted dashing cavalry in perfect order sweeping across the great comparatively level plain bordering Winchester, like a tornado, with banners, arms, brasses, etc., brightly gleaming in the blazing autumn sunlight — a battle scene, as badly as I was wounded, the forepart of which held me entranced. As I again soon turned after the first assault, Sheridan put spurs to his horse and off he dashed all animation to another part of the field to reform his line and so on, going finally like the wind into the very midst of the great congested jumble, the enemy trying like a frightened flock of sheep to force itself through the streets of Winchester all at one time, the men literally piling themselves at the main street entrances on top of each other in order to do so. No battle scene will remain photographed so vividly on my memory as the first part of this for I could see nearly the whole field from where I long remained.

The fatal wounding in my sight near enough to hear his cry of anguish of my old Captain — Major Dillingham — and the killing of Major Vredenburg of the Fourteenth New Jersey from his horse by having his heart torn out, and others; General Russell’s brilliant debouch with his dauntless division marching proudly on the battlefield en masse with all its enchanting glitter and precision to take a hand at the sacrifice of his life — unfortunate, gallant, dashing Russell — Merritt, Averill and Custer’s brilliant spirited final charges on the fleeing enemy, its disorder and worst possible rout all beggar description, our retreat at the battle of Monocacy, July 9, 1864, being one of order and dignity comparatively speaking. I felt revenged for my wound and at having to run so in retreat at the Monocacy, and for my two wounds that day even if I did totteringly tarry, maimed and speechless with paralyzed tongue, chin and blanched face to look at such a brilliant battle scene until I became so faint from loss of blood, shock and partial reaction, I could hardly go steadily and finally did accept help, having declined at first, from two faithful men of my Company who, when I fell instead of stampeding stayed by me in one of the hottest places I have ever been in on a battlefield, one of whom was Corporal Joel Walker of Pownal, Vt. My first wound was from the butt end of an exploding shell in the breast which maimed and knocked me down and simultaneously as I fell a minie ball fired but a rod away in my front just grazed my forehead, torn through my upper lip crushing both jaws and carrying away eleven teeth, the most painless dentistry I ever had done; but, Oh! The shock it gave my system and the misery I suffered that night!
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* It is alleged by one or more writers that this gap was partly caused by a turn in the pike to the left, and as the Tenth Vermont had been ordered to guide on the pike its colors being on it, this alleged turn in the pike caused the regiment to oblique to the left. This is incorrect. The turn in the pike when this dangerous gap was caused partially by the obliquing of the Nineteenth Corps to its right, which General Russell's Division filled, was about six hundred yards behind the rebel line of battle, a little beyond the enemy's battery close to the right of the pike, an exploding shell from which knocked me down, and this turn in the road at this time was within the enemy's lines in the rear of this battery, and it was then shelling us. The pike was perfectly straight from us to this turn, about a quarter of a mile away, or about a half mile from where we formed line of battle, the road being virtually straight, as can be seen from Nos. 2 and 9 illustrations. Our line of battle wasn't formed at right angles with the pike, hence the obliquing alleged.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 163-8

Thursday, April 13, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 7

At noon in the midst of a perfect bedlam caused by the roar of artillery, shrieking, bursting, hurtling shells, and the voices of many officers pitched high so as to be heard above the din, giving orders, the assault was made through the thin strip of timber in our front toward Winchester when we briefly halted and laid on the ground, and then across an open field beyond the woods in all about two hundred and fifty yards where I was, midst a perfect storm of solid shot and shell, rattling musketry on my right and front, and whizzing minie balls without being able to fire a rifle at first so well was the enemy in my front protected by the lay of the ground and its rail breastworks. We persistently advanced, though, but it took a great deal of nerve and will power to do it in an open field without the slightest cover, all the time midst a perfect storm of iron and leaden hail and the cries of the wounded and dying which were disconcerting, until we drove the enemy back pell mell from its works in my front in the utmost confusion — yes, in a perfect stampede for they were old soldiers and knew when they were whipped, and when it was necessary to run with all their might to save themselves from slaughter and ignominious capture. (See Nos. 3 foreground and Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations).

No. 7 – Ravine looking southerly from where the pike crosses it in front of most of the First Brigade, Third Division, and the right of the Second Division, Sixth Corps, mentioned by Col. A. F. Walker. Only about a regiment of the enemy was here which crossed the pike to the front of the right of the Tenth Vermont, early. 

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 162-3

Wednesday, April 12, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 6

The distance locally from where we crossed the Opequan to Winchester is called five miles; and to where we formed line of battle three miles, and from thence to Winchester two miles. The local distance from Winchester to Stephenson's Station by the railroad is six miles and to Summit Station twelve miles. There is no map in existence known to me giving the correct position of the enemy's infantry in the ravine in front of the Third Division, Sixth Corps; it is placed nearly a half mile too far back or west, and nearer where the second assault of the day was. The illustrations which of course must be correct herein place the enemy right in front of the Third Division and I can make oath to it, in the first assault when I was twice wounded. But I will now return a little and endeavor to describe this brilliant battle.

We were drawn up as before stated, in two lines of battle at the west entrance of the canyon facing west on an open field about midway between Abraham Creek on the south and Red Bud Creek on the north just in rear of a long narrow strip of woods which served as a great curtain to a grand, broad, slightly rolling plain several miles in extent in every direction in our front, which was to be the stage that day with the city of Winchester in the background, of one of the most dashing, picturesque battles probably ever fought in ancient or modern times at first with beautiful, silent nature about the only witness. The Third Division, Sixth Corps, was in the left and most important center of the line in two lines, the Tenth Vermont on the Berryville-Winchester pike, the most important, dangerous and stubbornly contested point in the whole line; the Nineteenth Corps was on our right in two lines; the intrepid Second Division, Sixth Corps in which was the gallant First Vermont Brigade, was on our left, one of the easiest places in the line; General Russell's valiant First Division, Sixth Corps, as reserve was stationed en masse a short distance in rear of where the right flank of the Third Division, Sixth Corps, and the left flank of the Nineteenth Corps joined, which was within a short distance and in plain sight of where I was, and our three Divisions of dashing, picturesque cavalry — including Wilson on our left along Abraham Creek running south of Winchester and Senseny Road, and Merritt and Averill on our right along the railroad and the Martinsburg pike— was massed on either flank for assault at the right moment on the enemy's flanks or as occasion might demand, while Crook's Eighth Corps was about a quarter of a mile en masse about in rear of the right flank of the Nineteenth Corps.

No. 6 – View of the ravine occupied by the enemy's infantry looking north from the pike where it crosses the ravine. Maj. Abbott was twice wounded at the top of the hill looking under the long limb of the first tree where the horizon shows so plainly. On the brow of the hill was a line of rebel rail breast-works. The ravine was alive with the enemy, to its head confronted by the Third Division, Sixth Corps. The enemy's artillery stationed on higher ground in rear of its infantry, firing over it together with its rapid firing literally swept, singed and scalped, the flat ground over which we charged: it was practically untenable. The continuation of this ravine south is shown in No. 7 illustration. 

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 160-2

Tuesday, April 11, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 5

The formation in front of the Nineteenth Corps which was our infantry right in the noon or first assault of the day was entirely different. (See Nos. 4 and 5 illustrations). Its whole front after about three hundred yards down a gentle slope was broad and comparatively level with slight breaks several hundred yards across, but not probably impassable for infantry at any point, where three or more small rivulets apparently headed with banks so undefined and flat as to give no defensive protection in a military sense so the enemy had no men or infantry there so far as I could see, but did have at least a small showing of artillery which I could see far across the breaks. These rivulets run northerly probably into the rivulet we came up from the Opequan or the Red Bud, but I do not know this. They help to form a morass it is said, probably about a mile more or less from where I was about fifty feet wide in front of where Crook's Corps was later in the day and it was probably here that Colonel R. B. Hayes (Nineteenth President, U. S. A.) later in the day, at the head of his brigade plunged in on his horse which at once mired when he dismounted and waded across alone under fire followed as soon as he waved his hat to them to join him, by about forty of his men to try and capture a battery which, led by him, they did after a hand-to-hand fight with the gunners, the enemy having deemed the battery so secure that no infantry support had been placed near it,* which indicates that in this assault the bulk of the enemy's infantry force confronting our infantry was at first largely in front of our division on the pike. The trees in number 4 illustration along the breaks in 1864 were not there then. The open foreground is the divide running east and west in this illustration so it can be easily seen why the Nineteenth Corps had no considerable fighting to do here.

The left of the enemy's line of infantry in the ravine in my front, so far as I could see, ended about nine hundred yards to my right at the head of the ravine as there was no cover further north except beyond the divide running east and west a good distance away to the north in front of the Nineteenth Corps, and its line was bent to conform to the ravine's direction in my right front; (See No. 8 illustration) the head of the rivulet had quite flat banks the convex side of the creek and its near and most abrupt bank being toward us in my front, but the reverse at the head of the ravine. This was the point in the enemy's line where the gap in our lines occurred mentioned further on which owing to the flat artillery and musketry-swept ground was untenable for the Second Brigade or any force except large enough to drive the enemy's infantry from its cover as was Russell's.

(See Nos. 4 and 5 illustrations). If the historian hereafter accuses the Third Division of breaking in this assault, it will be but fair to state extenuating circumstances, for a portion of the First Brigade was similarly situated and we got no direct effective flank help from our critics on either flank during the fight. The pike from our line of battle ran in an air line about nine hundred yards directly towards Winchester (See Nos. 2 and 9 illustrations) and was practically level except where it crossed the divide and little rivulet near my front where in the ravine the enemy had such a strong force in front of us about a regiment of which moved there across the pike from in front of the left of our First Brigade, (See No. 6 illustration) the Second Division having nothing in its immediate front in the ravine and the Vermont Brigade only a weak force in its distant left front beyond, but what a regiment could probably have easily handled and probably less than that did; but, nevertheless, that part of the Second Division next to us obliqued to the left to attack it which was what caused that Division to pull away from the Third Division's left at the same time the Nineteenth Corps pulled away from our right causing wide gaps —as the position which should have been occupied by the Second Brigade was vacant, too — thus leaving our brigade and especially our regiment, alone at a critical time when the gallant General Russell with his magnificent Division so grandly marched in and filled the gap on my right and lost his life in the act. (See No. 5 illustration). Our colors were on the pike thus bringing the right half of our regiment to the north or right side of it on open ground (See Nos. 3 and 5 illustrations) and leaving only about three regiments of our Division to the left of it on the wooded side hill (as shown in Nos. 3 and 7 illustrations) soon sloping abruptly towards the ravine in front which gave all our troops to the left of our colors on the pike some welcome cover but the right of our regiment and the Second Brigade, none. (See Nos. 3, 4, 5 and 6 illustrations).

No. 5 – Sheridan's Sept. 19, 1864, Winchester, Va. battle-field looking westerly showing the source of the ravine in which was the enemy's infantry In front of the right of the Tenth Vermont and the Second Brigade, Third Division. Sixth Corps. The enemy's artillery was on the further side of the smooth mid-ground to the left beyond the corn-field and ravine;also on the left mid-ground not shown in the illustration. It was opposite the barn, pool and trees on the right where the Second Brigade collapsed but 200 yards before reaching where they now are. Who wonders! Still the Tenth Vermont didn't collapse, nor did it when it advanced over the ground where the cornfield now is in the illustration. We preferred death instead, many of whom accepted it, including Gen. Russell. Majors Dillingham, Vredenburg, and Lieut. Hill. Russell's command assaulted over the ground where the barn, pool and trees now are.
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* See "Descendants of George Abbott of Rowley, Mass.,"

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 157-60

Saturday, April 8, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 4

About a half mile to the right or north of the pike and about two hundred and fifty yards in front of our line of battle before advancing, a little to my right, the rivulet before mentioned, where the enemy was, heads, running in a partial semicircle the slightly convex side towards the right half of the Tenth Vermont and the concave side caused by a bend in the rivulet virtually at its source was largely in front of the Second brigade; (See No. 8 illustration) the stream runs southerly and drops rapidly after crossing the pike thus forming a gulch similar to the one we came up from the Opequan in, but apparently deeper and narrower near the left front of the Second Division. This sudden drop to the left of the turnpike made the divide here running north and south quite decided being fully ninety feet high or more which will probably partly account for the enemy's mostly being to the right of the pike there being no protection immediately west from the divide running North and South. In my front on the right of the pike this divide was about fifty feet high running out rapidly on to almost level ground in front of the right of the Second Brigade of our division to my right,* which made its position untenable as the ground was swept by both the enemy's artillery and infantry.


No. 4 - Sheridan's Winchester, Va. battle-held looking northerly from near the pike showing the height of the divide running east and west;also the infantry and artillery swept flat ground in front of the Tenth Vermont and Second Brigade, Third Division, Sixth Corps; also the open distant ground  over which the Nineteenth Corps charged with virtually no enemy's infantry in its front, but a little artillery in its distant front. Its unbroken advance over the open distant field was a beautiful sight. Numbers 3 and 4 illustrations show the ground over which our entire infantry line of battle swept in the first assault. The Nineteenth Corps was beyond the first timber on the ravine running centrally across the picture its left resting about on the extreme right of the ravine. Russell assaulted largely over the foreground in No. 4. [Click on photo to enlarge.]
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* In my letter about this battle to Chaplain E. M. Haynes, our regimental historian, which he used in his history of the Tenth Vermont, I stated that this ravine headed near my front towards the pike and ran northerly, the bottom spreading out fan-shaped to my right in front of the Nineteenth Corps. I got this impression from the fact that the pike is considerably raised where it crosses this ravine to my left, and looked so much higher than the source of the rivulet to my right that I supposed it headed there and ran northerly. The stress of circumstances or conditions were such when I was advancing under a scorching fire and twice wounded, and the divide is so very flat at the point where the creek first starts, that a hasty glance such as one would get in assaulting, will easily account for such an optical illusion. Under such conditions, too, distances seemed greater than they really were.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 155-7

Friday, April 7, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 3

After passing Sheridan about two hundred yards we arrived at the height of the land westerly from Opequan Creek where the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps were finally formed in lines of battle running about North and South behind a narrow belt of timber, except a little in front of the reserve, facing nearly west toward Winchester about two miles away. The formation of the ground at this point occupied by the Tenth Vermont and Second Brigade was unusually peculiar.* The turnpike from this place virtually runs along the divide westerly towards Winchester between the nameless Creek we came up after crossing the Opequan and Abraham Creek, now on our right and north and the latter on our left to the south for a goodly distance the reason for which is obvious as in all such cases where streams have abrupt banks, while at the point where we debouched from the gulch we came up and formed line of battle was another little divide running north and south the east slope of which is partially an easterly watershed for Opequan Creek, and the west slope for the ravine or nameless rivulet running south about two hundred and fifty yards in front of where we first formed line of battle in which was the enemy's infantry in strong force—probably two divisions or more—in front of our Third Division but not shown on any map of this battlefield I have ever seen, not even the official government one used in Haynes’ “History of the Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry.” (See No. 3, 6, 7 and 8 illustrations). It is the ravine through which the little short rivulet runs shown on said map just in front of our “First position” running southerly into a tributary of Abraham Creek. I am emphatic in this statement as having been on the battlefield twice since the fight occurred within a year (1908) for the purpose of trying to correct false history and maps, I know whereof I write. I desire to impress this on all historians for I know of no one living who, owing to my elevated advanced position on the battlefield knows more of it. These two small divides before mentioned meet each other at right angles forming a letter T. The pike crosses the horizontal part of the T on leaving the gulch we came up from the Opequan in, and virtually runs along the first mentioned divide slightly to the left of all rivulet sources running southerly, forming the perpendicular part of the T towards Winchester.

Sheridan's Sept. 19, 1864. Winchester, Va. battle-field looking
southerly from the hill Just north of the pike running along the
east side of the ravine occupied by the enemy's infantry. The
sunk pike borders the edge of the wood from left to right. The
foreground was assaulted over by the Tenth Vermont. The
distant open field through the gap in the trees was charged
over by the Vermont Brigade and Second Division, Sixth Corps.
[Click on photo to enlarge.]
_______________

* For nearly a score of years after the Civil War while in the Sixth U. S. Cavalry, I, as well as all other officers, had to map the wild country over which we scouted for hostile Indians on the plains between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. We used the prismatic compass bearings and odometer measurements, at the same time sketching the country passed over, showing all springs, rivulets and streams, their bank formations, all divides, buttes, mountains, etc., with elaborate notes, and sent the same to the Engineer Officer of the Department, from which all public maps have since been made of that country now largely in use. This in a measure had made me expert in treating such matters as well as battlefields. Never having seen a map that was correct of the locality about Winchester regarding Sheridan's battlefield in the first assault on Sept. 19, 1864, or the position of the enemy's Infantry, artillery, etc., and as so many writers wrongly describe this assault, I concluded before having my diary typewritten for publication to visit this part of the battlefield in order to give a fairly correct description of it; and the one herein is as accurate as can be given without the use of the prismatic compass, odometer, etc.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 153-5

Thursday, April 6, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 2

Sheridan restlessly urged the men across a small ravine opposite where he sat, his eyes wandering occasionally everywhere over the large open space which gradually rose to the vast comparatively level but slightly rolling battlefield in our front, as the men looked curiously at him so near I could touch him as we marched, little dreaming that three years after I should be honored for my work that day, which he saw, by being a member of his staff, or that he would be instrumental in saving my life when ill with malignant yellow fever and threatened with fatal black vomit in New Orleans, La. in 1867, by sending his cook, a faithful old colored woman, who was an expert nurse of yellow fever patients, to care for me. It was the nearest we had ever been to him, and as our regiment passed slowly by fours, the line being congested ahead, the men took a good look at him for he was already famous and every soldier's ideal hero; and as they did so they unconsciously slackened their sauntering pace a little which was what caused Sheridan to urge them on.

We were on the eve of the most brilliant spectacular battle of the war, at any rate that I had seen, and my ideal genius developed by the great Civil War — Sheridan was to lead us; and the valor of the renowned Sixth Corps, his pet of all the splendid corps of as grand and valiant an army as ever existed — the Army of the Potomac — was about being placed by him at the most important point in line of battle ready to do and die for him, the Vermont troops or “Green Mountain Boys,” as we were called through every city we passed, and especially our regiment being one of two to occupy the keystone position or place of honor on the famous historic Berryville and Winchester pike in the great assaulting line on a battlefield slightly rolling but level in places as a house floor when once fairly on it, to take another stitch out of rebellion, and to help immortalize our hero, and we did both. Aye! we shall glorify Sheridan continually as a military genius, even as he has honored us as his ideal soldiers and fighters heretofore, now and probably will evermore, the grand old Sixth Army Corps which fights everything everywhere, and rarely gives up fighting till called off, but, alas! which will soon only be a hallowed, glorified memory; and — still — I like to think of it in reflective moments as in a celebrated painting of a bivouacked army at night asleep watched over by an army of hovering angels in midair; that it as a hallowed spiritual body finally at peace in a heavenly paradise, will go marching on throughout the boundless everlasting realms of eternity ever to hover approvingly when occasion shall require over other mortal armies of dauntless valor and constancy such as it has been in the great Civil War—one of God's instruments for the betterment of humanity and civil liberty —the most admired, honored, trusted and beloved by military geniuses of its period.

Straight view of about 800 yards of the pike looking easterly
towards Opequan Creek from the  top of the divide about midway
to the enemy's line of battle in the ravine, from where Sheridan
formed line of battle. The narrow belt of timber has been cut
away behind which we formed. [Click on photo to enlarge.]

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 151-3

Wednesday, April 5, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 1

We received orders at 10 o'clock last night to march at 2 o'clock this morning which we did. Daylight brought us up near Opequan Creek on the Winchester-Berryville pike. Wilson's Cavalry had charged and carried the enemy's picket line and earthworks protecting the pike near both the East and West entrance of the gorge through which this road runs, taken a goodly number of prisoners, and it looked like business again. A large number of troops moved in two or more columns across the Opequan for about a mile and then up the narrow winding pike in one column through a little valley or gorge, known as the Berryville canyon to us, but as Ash Hollow locally, with second growth or scrub oak and ash trees and underbrush coming close down its scraggy abrupt banks two hundred feet high more or less in places after crossing Abraham Creek, to the road and rivulet winding along the gorge for nearly three miles— the source of which stream is wrongly given on all maps pertaining to this battle — on past General Sheridan near the west end of the canyon towards Winchester sitting on his horse a little off the road to the right in the open field on slightly ascending ground watching the column our brigade was in which, owing to its plucky fight under great disadvantages at the Battle of the Monocacy which largely saved the city of Washington barely nine weeks before, he had selected for the most important point in his line of battle at the head of the gorge on the pike to Winchester with our valiant regiment and the Fourteenth New Jersey planted across it even the colors of each which were in the centre of the regiments, being in the center of the pike and the rest of the army ordered to guide on us. Surely this was the place of honor in the battle that day for the Sixth Corps followed the pike in all the assaults of the day which was quite crooked including the first one until the enemy was driven completely routed through the city of Winchester when night put an end to the fighting,

Where Sheridan's army crossed Opequan Creek, Va., Sept. 19, 1864:
steel bridge built 1907; view of Winchester-Berryville pike looking
west towards Wood's Mill and Winchester, taken from the spring
June 29, 1908. [Click on the picture to enlarge.]

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 150-1

Tuesday, June 7, 2016

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: September 20, 1864

Great excitement and talk among our boys over Sheridan's great victory. It is now our gallant Phil Sheridan who is master of the Shenandoah Valley. Early has run up against a good soldier who has the men at his command. Too small a force has been in the valley for the past three years. Sheridan has a good cavalry corps, just what is needed here. We cheer and sing for our gallant Phil Sheridan. Keep a good watch for the large number of wagons, horses, and mules parked at this point. That's our duty, to care for them.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 126

Monday, June 6, 2016

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: September 19, 1864

Roused up at daylight by heavy cannonading in the direction of Winchester. The battle was on. Those of us who were off duty, with some of the towns-people, went to the top of a high hill to listen to the roar of musketry and the field guns. It was something frightful as it continued. We were ordered to hold ourselves ready to fall in at any moment. The inhabitants as well as the soldiers wore an anxious look as the battle was on. After a time the firing ceased and we began to wonder how the battle was going on. Later we heard it again but knew from the sound that it was farther away. Then we began to rejoice and the inhabitants, with a sad face, went to their homes. Late in the afternoon the news came that Early was routed and was fleeing up the valley. Then our boys began to wish that we were in it. Sheridan placed us at Charlestown to guard and care for the wagon train. It is not our fault to miss the battle.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 125-6

Wednesday, March 23, 2016

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 21, 1864

Bad news this morning. General Early has had a defeat in the Valley, near Winchester, and has fallen back to Strasburg. Our loss reported heavy. Major-General Rodes killed, and Brigadier-General Godwin and General Fitz Lee wounded. No other casualties heard of; and I dread to hear more.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 309

Saturday, August 29, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: September 21, 1864

Went with Mrs. Rhett to hear Dr. Palmer. I did not know before how utterly hopeless was our situation. This man is so eloquent, it was hard to listen and not give way. Despair was his word, and martyrdom. He offered us nothing more in this world than the martyr's crown. He is not for slavery, he says; he is for freedom, and the freedom to govern our own country as we see fit. He is against foreign interference in our State matters. That is what Mr. Palmer went to war for, it appears. Every day shows that slavery is doomed the world over; for that he thanked God. He spoke of our agony, and then came the cry, “Help us, O God! Vain is the help of man.” And so we came away shaken to the depths.

The end has come. No doubt of the fact. Our army has so moved as to uncover Macon and Augusta. We are going to be wiped off the face of the earth. What is there to prevent Sherman taking General Lee in the rear? We have but two armies, and Sherman is between them now.1
_______________

1 During the summer and autumn of 1864 several important battles had occurred. In addition to the engagements by Sherman's army farther south, there had occurred in Virginia the battle of Cold Harbor in the early part of June; those before Petersburg in the latter part of June and during July and August; the battle of Winchester on September 19th, during Sheridan's Shenandoah campaign, and the battle of Cedar Creek on October 19th.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 326-7

Friday, July 24, 2015

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, October 15, 1864

Cedar Creek, Oct. 15, 1864.

I've only ten minutes to write to you; I was out all this morning visiting, junketing at the various headquarters, and only came home to dinner at two o'clock. Since that, has come an order to get in light marching order, and be in readiness to move. I conjecture a raid is on foot for our Division, — perhaps to Charlottesville, — if so, you will not hear from me again for a week or even ten days.

I think Sheridan will have to fight one more battle here, probably while we are gone, — I am sorry to miss it, but perhaps we shall be of more use where we are going. You will know that I am safe, at any rate, — so safe do I feel to-night that I shall be riding Berold; I rode him this morning, too, in making my calls. I heard for the first time that poor Colonel Wells of the Thirty-Fourth Massachusetts was killed in the attack the Rebs made on our camps day before yesterday, —  he was considered an excellent officer.1

What a letter this for the last one for ten days, but you know how I am when I have anything on foot, I'm all distracted.
_______________

1 George Duncan Wells, a faithful and gallant Massachusetts soldier. He graduated at Williams College, 1846, and at the Harvard Law School, 1848, and practised law until the outbreak of the war. As Lieutenant-Colonel of the First Massachusetts Infantry, he served at Bull Run and in the Peninsular Campaign. In July, 1862, he was commissioned Colonel of the Thirty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment, and served in Western Virginia. In July, 1863, he commanded a brigade with General Naglee, with credit. Next year, in the Shenandoah Campaign, he commanded the First Brigade, in General Crook's First Division, and did good service in many fights in the Valley. He received the personal congratulations of General Sheridan, on the field of battle at Winchester (Opequan). On October 12, 1864, he was mortally wounded, and died next day, in the hands of the enemy. His commission as Brevet Brigadier-General dated from the day of his last fight.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 360-1, 473-4

Saturday, July 11, 2015

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, Tuesday Evening, September 20, 1864


Tuesday evening (September 20).

We had a very successful action yesterday, and the cavalry did well. Both the other brigades of the division got battle-flags, — one two, the other four; we got none, but did well and took a couple of guns. Poor Billy was shot in three places and is dead. I had not an orderly near at the time, or I should have changed him. During the afternoon, I had one horse killed and two wounded, — all taken from orderlies. I couldn't get the gray to go anywhere: I have not a scratch. We have two officers of the Second Massachusetts wounded, the Doctor fears, mortally,— Lieutenants Baldwin and Thompson; Lieutenant Home prisoner: but the Second Massachusetts was not in the real fight, for some unaccountable reason it stayed behind, — so that I had not over 150 men in the command at Winchester, — otherwise I think we should have done even better. I feel very badly about it, but it can't be helped.1 We are now in front of Strasburg, and the infantry will attack if they come up in time: I fear that the enemy will make off in the night, if we do not press them.
_______________

1 Lowell, with his three Regular regiments and a battalion of the Second Massachusetts, did admirable service, however. On hearing certain news of the withdrawal of Kershaw's force from the Valley, Sheridan, given carte blanche by Grant, moved instantly on Early's somewhat scattered command, and the Battle of the Opequan resulted. Torbert reported that Merritt's division, on the right, fording that creek at daylight, “was opposed by the rebel infantry; but the cavalry gallantly charged across the creek and drove them . . . about a mile and a half . . . where the infantry held the cavalry in check for some time, they being posted behind stone walls and rail breastworks; but General Averell, farther to the right turned the flank of this infantry and caused them to fall back.” Merritt advanced again, and these two commands drove the infantry and cavalry before them (part of Breckenridge's command) towards Winchester. They endeavoured to make a stand. What followed is thus described by General Sheridan: —

“The ground which Breckenridge was holding was open, and offered an opportunity such as seldom has been presented during the war for a mounted attack, and Torbert was not slow to take advantage of it. The instant Merritt's division could be formed for the charge, it went at Breckenridge's infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry, with such momentum as to break the Confederate left just as Averell was passing around it. Merritt's brigades, led by Custer, Lowell, and Devin, met from the start with pronounced success, and, with sabre and pistol in hand, literally rode down a battery of five guns and took about 1200 prisoners." At the same time, Crook and Wright forced the rebel infantry so hard, that the whole Confederate Army fell back to breastworks formerly thrown up before Winchester. Here Early strove hard to stem the tide, but soon Torbert's cavalry began to pass around his left flank, and the infantry made a front attack. A panic ensued. The result was that Sheridan, after the supplementary routing of Early's army two days later at Fisher's Hill (in which Torbert's cavalry had no part), regained the Valley from the Potomac to Strasburg.

The unhappy General Early wrote as follows, to General Lee, after this defeat: —

"The enemy's immense superiority in cavalry, and the inefficiency of the greater part of mine, has been the cause of all my disasters. In the affair at Fisher's Hill the cavalry gave way, but it was flanked. This would have been remedied if the troops had remained steady, but a panic seized them at the idea of being flanked, and without being defeated they broke, many of them fleeing shamefully. . . . My troops are very much shattered, the men very much exhausted, and many of them without shoes."

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 347-8, 463-5

Tuesday, April 13, 2010

Twenty-Second Regiment Iowa Volunteer Infantry

The Twenty-second Regiment of Iowa Infantry Volunteers was composed of ten companies, seven of which were organized in Johnson County, and one each in the counties of Jasper, Monroe and Wapello. The records in the office of the Adjutant General of Iowa show that the companies were ordered into quarters by the Governor, on dates ranging from June 16 to August 30, 1862. The rendezvous designated in the order was Camp Pope, near Iowa City, and there, on the 7th, 9th and 10th days of September, 1862, they were mustered into the service of the United States, by Captain H. B. Hendershott, of the Regular Army [see note 1]. Major William M. Stone, of the Third Regiment Iowa Infantry, who had served with that regiment from the commencement of the war, and was wounded in the first general engagement in which it participated, and who had commanded the regiment at the battle of Shiloh, an officer in every way well qualified to assume the duties of regimental commander, was commissioned Colonel of the Twenty-second Regiment, on the 21st of May, 1862, by Governor Kirkwood, and, with his characteristic energy, proceeded to organize the regiment, when the companies which had been assigned to it had reported at the rendezvous. The regiment was fortunate in securing the services of this able and experienced soldier as its first commander [see note 2]. Upon the completion of the muster rolls, the regiment showed an aggregate strength of 952 enlisted men and officers, but early additional enlistments brought the number up to 1,008, about the maximum strength of an infantry regiment, including Field and Staff officers. There was but a short interval between the date of the muster in of the last company and the completion of the organization of his regiment until Colonel Stone received orders to take the field.

On the evening of September 14, 1862, the regiment left its camp at Iowa City and was conveyed by rail to Davenport, where it embarked on steamer and proceeded to St. Louis, where it arrived on the 18th, marched to Benton Barracks, was assigned to quarters, and was there thoroughly equipped for active service. On the 22d of September the regiment was ordered to Rolla, Mo., to which place it was conveyed by rail, and, arriving there on the 23d, went into camp about two miles from the town. It was subsequently assigned to duty at the post of Rolla, and was engaged in guarding commissary stores and the railroad and in escorting supply trains to the Army of Southeast Missouri, until the 27th of January, 1863, on which date it received orders to join the army under General Davidson, at West Plains, Mo. After a march of five days it reached its destination, and was assigned to the Second Brigade, Second Division, Army of Southeast Missouri. The brigade consisted of the Twenty-first, Twenty-second and Twenty-third Regiments of Iowa Infantry, and was under command of Colonel Stone of the Twenty-second.

On the 9th of February, 1863, the regiment with its brigade took up the line of march towards Iron Mountain, arriving there on February 26th. This long march through a mountainous region, at an inclement season of the year, with insufficient rations, was a severe test of the fortitude of the men, but they endured the hardships and privations to which they were subjected without complaint, and demonstrated their capacity to withstand such exposure and suffering to the fullest extent. The army remained encamped at Iron Mountain until March 9th, upon which date orders were received to join the army under command of General Grant, in the great Vicksburg campaign. In compliance with orders, the troops took up the line of march for St. Genevieve, Mo., on the Mississippi River, which place was reached on the 12th of March. Transportation was not secured until March 22d, upon which date the regiment embarked on the transport "Black Hawk," and was conveyed down the river to Milliken's Bend, where it arrived and disembarked on the 27th, and went into camp. The other troops of the Army of Southeast Missouri reached Milliken's Bend by the 1st of April. In the reorganization of the troops, which then took place, the Twenty-second Iowa was assigned to the Second Brigade, of the Fourteenth Division, Thirteenth Army Corps. The other regiments assigned to the brigade were the Twenty-first and Twenty-third Iowa, and the Eleventh Wisconsin Infantry. Colonel C. L. Harris of the latter regiment, being the senior officer, was assigned to the command of the brigade; Brigadier General Eugene A. Carr was in command of the division and Major General John A. McClernand was the corps commander. The Army of Southeast Missouri had thus been merged into the Army of the Tennessee.

On the morning of April 12th, the Twenty-second Iowa, with its brigade, received orders to march to Richmond, La., and, having driven a small body of the enemy's cavalry from that place, marched to Carthage, thence to Perkins’ Landing, and there went into camp to await the arrival of the rest of the division and corps. On the evening of April 27th, the Thirteenth Army Corps embarked on transports, and, on the morning of the 28th, proceeded down the river to Hard Times Landing, opposite the mouth of Black River and near Grand Gulf, where the enemy had erected fortifications and powerful water batteries on a bluff commanding the entrance to the river. On the morning of the 29th, the fleet, headed by the gunboat "Benton," moved down and engaged the rebel batteries. After a terrible bombardment, lasting several hours, during which several of the rebel guns were dismounted, the plan was abandoned. Having failed in the movement which seemed to have been intended for a combined attack by the land and naval forces upon this impregnable position of the enemy, the Thirteenth Army Corps was ordered to move from Hard Times Landing to a point on the river three miles below Grand Gulf, and there go into bivouac until morning. During the night the fleet of transports and gunboats, which had successfully run the blockade at Vicksburg, passed the rebel batteries.

On the morning of April 30th, the Thirteenth Army Corps embarked on transports and gunboats and proceeded down the river, landing, about 3 P. M., sixteen miles below Grand Gulf, at the village of Bruinsburg. At 4 P. M. the army marched in the direction of Port Gibson. The Twenty-second Iowa, with its brigade, formed the extreme advance of the army. Colonel Harris not being able to proceed with the troops on account of illness, the command of the brigade devolved upon Colonel Stone of the Twenty-second Iowa. At 1 o'clock A. M„ May 1st, the advanced guard, composed of one company of the Twenty-first Iowa, was suddenly fired upon by the enemy's pickets, about three miles from Port Gibson. The official report of Major Atherton, who was in command of the Twenty-second Iowa, describes the movements and conduct of the regiment in the preliminary engagement on the night of April 30th, and in the battle of Port Gibson on May 1, 1863, and is here quoted, as follows [see note 3]:


CAMP NEAR ROCKY SPRINGS, MISS., May 7, 1863.

COLONEL WILLIAM M. STONE,

SIR: I herewith report to you the action of the Twenty-second Iowa in the battle before Port Gibson, Miss., on the 1st inst. You having been called upon to command the Second Brigade, to which we were attached, the command of the regiment devolved upon me. On the evening of the 30th ultimo, on our march toward Port Gibson, Miss., after our advanced guard became engaged with the enemy, I received an order from you to hurry my regiment forward and form it in line on the left of our artillery, then hotly engaged with the rebel batteries. This order was promptly obeyed, and the men came up quickly and in good order, forming at the point designated. We were then under the enemy's fire, yet my men manifested great coolness and self-possession. We remained in line for two hours in support of the batteries, until the battle ceased for the night, and we lay down upon our arms, but not to sleep, as we were in momentary expectation of a renewal of the combat. Soon after sunrise we were again in line and under the enemy's fire, in support of our batteries, until near 10 o'clock, when we were led forward to charge on the rebel lines. This movement was executed with alacrity by my regiment. Not a man faltered or fell back. Our fire was delivered upon the enemy with great deliberation and accuracy, and when their lines were broken and they driven in rout from the field, we were among the first to occupy their field. In the long and hotly contested fight of the afternoon, my regiment was all the time in the face of the enemy and under his severest fire. Three times we were ordered against the rebel infantry and under the range of his batteries. Each time we drove them from the field. Late in the afternoon, by your order, we charged up the hill in conjunction with the Twenty-first Iowa, and on the left of General Burbridge's brigade, against the enemy's lines, there strongly posted in almost impenetrable timber and underbrush. Though unable, from the character of the ground and the raking fire of the enemy's batteries, to reach the extreme summit of the hill, we reached the point to which I was ordered, and remained there, receiving and returning the enemy's fire, until about sundown, when, by your order, we returned to our former position, and remained on the field until the firing had entirely ceased and quiet reigned along our whole line.

Throughout this series of engagements the officers and men of my regiment behaved with great coolness and gallantry. I found them always ready and eager to obey the order to move on the enemy. So well did the entire command acquit themselves. I cannot, without seeming invidiousness, enter into particulars. It is sufficient to say that they acted nobly, and well sustained the honors already earned by Iowa soldiers. Great care was taken to shelter our men from the enemy's fire, which the unevenness of the ground enabled us to do with comparative success, yet the loss in this regiment being greater, with but one exception, than any other regiment in the brigade, shows clearly where we were during this long and hotly contested engagement, and that my men did not shrink from their duty. Too much praise cannot be awarded to our surgeons, White and Peabody. Their department was conducted with skill and ability. Their attention to the wounded was truly commendable and will doubtless long be remembered by these unfortunates. The following is a list of the killed and wounded [see note 4]. Several not enumerated were very slightly wounded, but continued on the field until the close of the fight.

Very respectfully,

J. B. ATHERTON,
Major Commanding Regiment.


The official report of the commander of the brigade, Colonel W. M. Stone of the Twenty-second Iowa, describes with minute particularity the movements and conduct of his command. He especially commends the conduct of Colonel Merrill of the Twenty-first Iowa, Major Atherton of the Twenty-second Iowa, Lieutenant Colonel Glasgow of the Twenty-third Iowa, Lieutenant Colonel Wood of the Eleventh Wisconsin, and Captain Griffiths of the First Iowa Battery, and adds this further commendation: "Their associate officers, too, are entitled to great credit, as all of them, so far as I have been able to learn, performed their duties nobly. To the dauntless and heroic men of the ranks, and the line officers, all honor is due. Never did brave men endure more with less murmuring than they, during these thirty consecutive hours of hard marching and severe fighting, and, when the history of the war is fully written, they will be remembered among the bravest defenders of the Republic." [See note 5.]

The official report of General Carr, the division commander, speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Colonel Stone and the officers and men of his brigade, and gives the following summary of losses: "The loss of the First Brigade was: Killed, 28; wounded, 134; that of the Second Brigade was: Killed, 13; wounded, 88. Total in the division, 263." [See note 6.]

Early on the morning of the second day of May, the army marched in pursuit of the enemy. At Bayou Pierre, the Second Brigade was ordered to halt for the purpose of rebuilding a bridge, which had been destroyed by the enemy the night previous. The bridge was completed and the march resumed on the evening of May 4th. Colonel Stone had been relieved of the command of the brigade by General M. K. Lawler, and had resumed command of his regiment. On May 13th, the Second Brigade arrived at Mississippi Springs, where it was ordered to remain as guard for the transportation train of the division until the 16th, on which date it returned to Raymond and rejoined the division and corps, which then marched towards Edwards' Station, and arrived in the vicinity of Champion's Hill while the battle which was fought there was in progress. General Carr's Division was held in reserve until just at the close of the battle, when it was ordered forward to pursue the retreating enemy and endeavor to cut off the retreat. The pursuit was continued to Edwards' Station, which was reached at 10 P. M., and a train of commissary and ordnance stores and other supplies of the rebel army was captured, together with over 200 prisoners. It was no fault of the Twenty-second Iowa and the other troops of their brigade and division that they did not have a larger share of the fighting at Champion's Hill. They stood waiting for the order to go into action during the progress of the battle, but the order was not given until the enemy was in full retreat and it was too late to successfully execute the flanking movement by which it was hoped to intercept the retreat and prevent the escape of the enemy. Had the order been given sooner, that result might have been accomplished, and the Twenty-second Iowa and the troops with which it was associated would have had a more conspicuous record in the battle of Champion's Hill, and a greater loss would have been inflicted upon the rebel army.

At daylight, on the morning of May 17th, the regiment with its brigade resumed the pursuit of the enemy. General Carr's Division now led the advance. The march was conducted with great vigor and, at 10 A. M., the enemy's pickets were encountered about two miles from their fortifications on Black River. Space will not permit a detailed description of the battle which ensued or the conditions which confronted the troops making the attack. Suffice it to say that, when the pickets of the enemy had been driven in and their position developed, it became evident that their defeat could only be accomplished after a desperate struggle. Having reconnoitered the position and determined upon the most accessible point of attack, the Thirteenth Corps moved forward, with General Carr's Division in advance. Skirmishing was renewed and continued for several hours. General Lawler, whose brigade occupied the extreme right, discovered that by moving his brigade under cover of the river bank a charge on the enemy's works from that point might be successfully made. He therefore ordered his brigade to charge and, if possible, carry the works. The Twenty-third Iowa, led by the gallant Colonel Kinsman, was in the van, followed by the Twenty-first Iowa and the Eleventh Wisconsin; while the Twenty-second Iowa, on the extreme right of the brigade, was ordered to move down the river bank against the enemy's left, which rested on the river. The order was most gallantly executed. In less than twenty minutes after the order to charge was given, the main line of the enemy's works had been captured. In his official report General Lawler gives a carefully detailed account of the movements and conduct of the different regiments composing his brigade. In its position upon the extreme right, the Twenty-second Iowa, while rendering most important service, did not come under the direct fire of the enemy and, therefore, escaped with the least loss of any of the regiments of the brigade. It implicitly obeyed the orders it received, however, and acquitted itself with perfect honor in the battle of Big Black River Bridge. The following brief extracts from General Lawler's report will serve to show his appreciation of the conduct of the regiment during the battle [see note 7]:

. . . The Twenty-second Iowa — which had in the meantime crossed the field and taken position on the river bank, on the right of the Eleventh Wisconsin — were ordered to move out into the field and act as a reserve force. . . . The rebels broke and fled before the Twenty-second Iowa, and fell an easy prey into the hands of the Eleventh Wisconsin. Those of the rebels who were not captured hastened to make good their retreat over the bridge. As the result of this successful charge, we may with justice claim that it gave our army entire possession of the enemy's extended lines of works, and with them their field artillery (18 pieces in all), a large quantity of ammunition, thousands of small arms, and 3,000 prisoners. . . Colonel William M. Stone, Twenty-second Iowa Volunteers, though suffering severely from disease, was present on the field, sharing its dangers, and has my thanks for the promptness with which he moved his command against the left of the enemy's works.


General Lawler gives the number of killed and wounded in his brigade as follows: Killed, 27; wounded, 194; total, 221; while the total loss of the division was 246 and that of the Thirteenth Army Corps 279, thus showing that Lawler's Brigade sustained the heaviest loss and did most of the fighting in that battle [see note 8]. The Twenty-first and Twenty-third Iowa lost 184 of the 221 killed and wounded in the Second Brigade, those two regiments leading the charge, while the Twenty-second Iowa and Eleventh Wisconsin, being held in reserve, did not participate in the severest part of the battle.

The Thirteenth Corps went into camp on the battlefield until a floating bridge could be constructed to replace the bridge destroyed by the enemy. On the evening of the 18th, the bridge having been completed, the corps crossed the river and took up the line of march towards Vicksburg, the enemy having retreated to that place, where, behind heavy fortifications, they awaited the attack of General Grant's army. The march was continued all night and the following day until noon, when the advanced line of the enemy's works was reached and the troops came under the fire of their heavy guns. Firing was kept up by the contending batteries and, at 2 P. M., the infantry was ordered to move forward. After several hours’ skirmishing, the Thirteenth Corps succeeded in gaining an advanced position within 500 yards of the enemy's works, covered from their fire by a range of hills. The Twenty-second Iowa had one man severely wounded during this advance. The position taken by General Carr's Division was on the range of hills in the vicinity of the Jackson Railroad. Lawler’s Brigade occupied the left, with the right of the Twenty-second Iowa resting on the railroad. During the whole of the night of May 20th, the regiment was engaged in throwing up fortifications and, on the morning of the 21st, two twenty-pound Napoleon guns of the Sixteenth Ohio Battery were placed in position on the brow of the hill and opened a vigorous fire on the enemy's works. Their fire dismounted one of the enemy's heavy guns, but the rebel artillery remained silent, probably for the purpose of saving its ammunition for the anticipated assault. Throughout the day the regiment occupied the works, constructed during the previous night, and kept up a brisk fire in response to that of the enemy's sharpshooters, but, owing to the inaccuracy of the enemy's aim and the great distance, the total casualties in the regiment, resulting from this first day's practice in the rifle pits, were two men severely wounded.

On the evening of May 21st, Colonel Stone received General Grant's order for a general assault on the enemy's lines at 10 A. M. on the 22d, and the officers were notified to have their men in readiness for the movement, which it became necessary to make under cover of the night in order to reach the position midway between the two lines, from which the assault was to be made. In the stillness of midnight the Twenty-second Iowa led the advance of the brigade, moved over the brow of the hill and passed quietly down the deep ravine, into which the enemy had felled trees which formed an obstruction difficult to overcome. With great caution the regiment made its way over this obstruction and, after several hours, succeeded in reaching the desired position, without having attracted the attention of the enemy's pickets, posted but twenty yards distant. The day was dawning when the position was gained, and the men were ordered to lie down and rest upon the hillside until the appointed hour should arrive. At 9:30 A. M. the brigade was formed in lines of battalions, the Twenty-second Iowa in advance, followed by the Twenty-first Iowa and Eleventh Wisconsin. At 10 A. M. Captain Bluford Wilson, of General Lawler's Staff, arrived and directed Colonel Stone to advance. In a moment more, with the battle-cry "Remember Kinsman!" (Colonel of the Twenty-third Iowa, killed at Black River), and the command "Forward!" given by Colonel Stone, the regiment leaped over the hill to the charge. The enemy were on the alert and, as our colors rose above the crest of the hill, a thousand bayonets glistened in the sunlight above the parapet at Fort Beauregard.

The strong work against which the main attack was directed covered about half an acre of ground, the walls being about fifteen feet high, surrounded by a ditch ten feet wide. A line of rifle pits connected it with others of the same kind, each of which was so arranged as to enfilade the approach to the other. The regiment succeeded in reaching — under a concentrated fire of grape and musketry — an almost impenetrable abatis, forty yards from the works, where it became necessary to reform the line, the men having become separated in crossing the obstructions. They promptly rallied to the flag and were again led to the charge. Colonel Stone was here wounded, while gallantly directing the charge, and was compelled to leave the field. Lieutenant Colonel Graham then assumed command and, with a few officers and about fifty men, succeeded in reaching the ditch surrounding the fort, but, having no scaling ladders, they were unable to enter the works. Sergeant Joseph E. Griffith, with some fifteen or twenty men, succeeded — by raising one another up the wall — in gaining an entrance and capturing a number of prisoners, but the fire from the enemy's rifle pits in rear of the fort, and the lack of reinforcements coming to their aid, rendered the place untenable. Sergeant Griffith and David Trine, of Company I, were the only survivors of this daring exploit [see note 9]. The assault had proved a failure. The troops did not leave the field, however. Believing that reinforcements would be sent to their aid, the gallant officers and men of the Twenty-first and Twenty-second Iowa and the Eleventh Wisconsin remained on the field, receiving and returning the fire of the enemy until, their ammunition becoming exhausted, they were compelled to withdraw. The regiment had suffered very heavy loss. Captain James Robertson of Company I, and Lieutenant Matthew A. Robb of Company D, were killed at the head of their companies. Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Graham and several others were taken prisoners in the ditch at the fort, while gallantly endeavoring to aid the brave men who had gained an entrance. Captain John H. Gearkee and Lieutenant John Remic, of Company B, and Lieutenant L. F. Mullins of Company C, fell severely wounded at the post of honor at the head of their companies. Every officer and man of the regiment might justly have had special mention for the brave manner in which he performed his duty in that desperate and hopeless struggle. They obeyed orders — the highest duty of soldiers — without questioning the wisdom or unwisdom of the officers high in command, who had sent them against this strong position of the enemy and failed to reinforce them at the critical moment when they had gained a lodgment upon the works of the enemy and, with a sufficient force sent to their assistance, might have carried and held them. It was the last attempt to capture Vicksburg by direct assault, and, from that day to the time of surrender, the safer and wiser plan of a regular siege was adopted. The loss of the Twenty-second Iowa in this charge was 27 killed, 118 wounded and 19 captured. Total loss 164 [see note 10]. This was the heaviest loss sustained by any regiment of the Thirteenth Army Corps in the disastrous assault, as shown by the official returns. The total loss of the corps was 1,275, while that of Carr's Division was 710, and of Lawler's Brigade 368 [see note 11].

Colonel Stone having been wounded and Lieutenant Colonel Graham captured during the assault, the command of the regiment devolved upon Major Atherton, who wrote the official report of the engagement [see note 12]. His report differs in some respects from those of other officers, notably that of Captain C. N. Lee [see note 13], also that of General Lawler [see note 14], the Brigade Commander, and that of Adjutant Pryce, in his history of the regiment [see note 15]. ♦ The compiler has heretofore referred to these conflicting reports and cannot attempt to reconcile them. In the main they are in accord as to the essential fact, that the conduct of the officers and men of the regiment in that desperate charge was worthy of as high praise as was ever accorded to soldiers upon any battlefield of the war, in either of the contending armies. Had the history of the Twenty-second Iowa ended upon that day, that regiment would still stand high upon the roll of fame, as among the bravest and best that the State of Iowa sent into the field.

The regiment had now become fearfully reduced in numbers, but the brave officers and men who survived, and were able for duty, performed their full share of service in the trenches until the surrender of the rebel stronghold on the 4th of July, 1863. They suffered all the hardships and exposure incident to that protracted siege, but, during the remainder of its progress, the casualties of the regiment were light, as compared with its heavy loss on the 22d of May. The losses of the regiment in battle, on the skirmish line and in the siege had, up to July 4, 1863, aggregated 189, while less than ten months had expired since it took the field.

On the morning of July 5th, the regiment took up the line of march with the troops under General Sherman, moving against the rebel army under General Johnston. The regiment started on this march with less than 150 officers and men fit for duty, but, during all the operations of its brigade and division, while the rebel army was being driven towards Jackson and during the siege of that place — which ended with the evacuation of the enemy on July 16th — it performed its full share of duty, always acquitting itself with credit. Colonel Stone, having partially recovered from his wounds, rejoined his regiment while the siege of Jackson was in progress, and was placed in command of the Second Brigade. After the army had taken possession of the city, the Second Brigade was ordered to destroy a portion of the Mississippi Central Railroad. Having accomplished that duty, it returned to Vicksburg, arriving there on the 24th of July, and going into camp in the city. Here Colonel Stone (having been nominated for Governor of Iowa) tendered his resignation and took final leave of the army, carrying with him the love and respect of his comrades in arms. The officers and men of the regiment regretted the loss of their noble commander, under whom they had won renown, but they rejoiced to know that he was to become the Governor of their State, in recognition of his splendid service as a soldier and of his ability to render equally good service as the Chief Executive of the Commonwealth of Iowa.

On the 31st of July, General Carr, who had successfully commanded the division, relinquished the command, on account of impaired health, and General Benton was appointed his successor, while Colonel Harris, of the Eleventh Wisconsin, again assumed command of the brigade as the successor of Colonel Stone. The brigade became a part of the First Division of the Thirteenth Army Corps, commanded by Major General Ord, as the successor of Major General McClernand. On the 13th of August the regiment embarked on the transport "Baltic," and moved down the river to Carrollton, eight miles above New Orleans, and went into camp there. Preparations were being made for another campaign. The troops were soon ordered to New Orleans, where all surplus baggage was stored in order that the troops might be relieved of everything that would prevent celerity in marching, and, after being reviewed by Generals Grant and Banks, the whole command embarked on transports and proceeded to Algiers. Landing there, the troops were conveyed by rail to Bayou Beoff, where they arrived on September 5th, and remained until the 11th, when they marched to Brashear City, on Berwick Bay. On September 25th the troops crossed the bay and went into camp near the ruins of the town of Berwick. On the 2d of October the army took up its line of march, passing through Iberia, Franklin and St. Martinsville, and arriving at Vermillionville on October 10th. The enemy, consisting of a heavy force under General Dick Taylor, was first encountered near Iberia. They rapidly retreated and were pursued to Opelousas, at which point it was expected they would make a determined stand and that a general engagement would take place; but, the enemy continuing to retreat, the expedition was abandoned, with no more important result than temporarily driving the enemy out of that part of the country south of Bayou Teche and extending from Berwick to Opelousas. During this campaign the Twenty-second Iowa participated in several skirmishes, but sustained only slight losses. On the 10th of November the regiment, with the other troops, had returned to Berwick.

The First Division, now under command of General Washburn, was ordered to proceed to Texas, and, on November 17th, the Twenty-second Iowa crossed Berwick Bay, reaching Algiers the next day. Five companies, under command of Colonel Graham, embarked on the steamer "T. A. Scott," while the balance of the regiment, under command of Major White, remained at Algiers, awaiting transportation. On the 20th, the steamer, conveying the five companies, proceeded down the river and crossed the bar into the Gulf of Mexico and, after a stormy and perilous voyage, arrived at the mouth of the Rio Grande, off Brazos Santiago, Texas. Here an attempt was made to land a portion of the troops at Point Isabel. The ship drawing too much water to cross the bar, five companies of the Eleventh Wisconsin were landed in small boats, but, during the undertaking — a somewhat hazardous one — a storm arose and the ship was compelled to put to sea again, leaving that portion of the troops landed at Point Isabel. On the evening of November 27th the ship arrived off Mustang Island, seventy miles from Matagorda Bay, and, the storm having somewhat abated, succeeded in landing the troops safely. On the 29th the regiment proceeded with the expedition against Fort Esperanza, commanding the entrance to Matagorda Bay, crossed St. Joseph's and Matagorda Islands, and arrived at the fort December 1st. The enemy had blown up their magazines and abandoned the fort the night previous. The troops went into camp near the Port of Saluria, and on the next day crossed Pass Cavallo, at the entrance of the bay, and went into camp on the peninsula, at De Crou's Point. The regiment was there joined by Major White, with the left wing. The regiment remained at that place until January 3, 1864, when, with the other troops of the brigade and division, they embarked on transports and proceeded to Indianola. The town was occupied by a force of the enemy, which fled upon the approach of the Union troops. The troops were quartered in houses at Indianola about three weeks, when the Second Brigade was ordered to Old Indianola, where it went into winter quarters. While at the latter place the First and Second Brigades were consolidated and formed the First Brigade of the First Division, the former commanded by General Fitz Henry Warren, and the latter successively by Generals Washburn, Dana and Benton.

During the winter the officers and men were comfortably situated, enjoyed excellent health, and the regiment rapidly improved in discipline and military efficiency. The enemy appeared several times near the town, but only in small reconnoitering parties, which were generally easily driven off by a detachment of mounted infantry of twenty-five men organized for that purpose from the different regiments of the brigade. On one occasion they encountered a full company of rebel cavalry, supposed to belong to "Wall's Legion," and formerly known as "Texan Rangers." A desperate fight took place about fifteen miles in the interior. The enemy numbered about one hundred men, but the little band of Union soldiers fought bravely. They were finally compelled to surrender. The following members of the Twenty-second Iowa belonging to the detachment were captured: John Fleming and Wm. Bechtel, Company A; Philip Huzer, Company D; Gabriel Hoffman, Company H; Karl Bedner, Company K; and William Franklin, Company F. On the 13th of March the troops evacuated the town and returned to Matagorda Island. All other troops of the Thirteenth Army Corps having left the island, the First Division, under General Dana, was assigned to the defenses of the coast at this point. Colonel Graham was ordered to proceed to Iowa on recruiting service at this time and, Major White having been granted leave of absence, Major Houston of the Twenty-third Iowa was temporarily assigned to the command of the Twenty-second Iowa.

On the 21st of April the regiment embarked on steamers "Planter" and "Matamoras" and proceeded on an expedition, under command of General Warren in person, to Port Lavacca, a distance of seventy miles from the mouth of the bay and thirty miles above Indianola; the object of the expedition being to obtain lumber for the completion of the forts and other works on the island. Upon the approach of the steamers, the rebel troops stationed at Port Lavacca — consisting of one company of cavalry — fled to the interior. The regiment disembarked and Lieutenant Jones, with Company A, as advance guard, took possession of the place. The steamers were loaded with lumber and the main object of the expedition was accomplished. General Warren, having been advised that the rebel cavalry company had returned to the vicinity of the town, ordered Major Houston to proceed with a detachment of the Twenty-second Iowa and, if possible, surround and capture the rebel force. The Major succeeded in getting into the rear of the enemy, and in the skirmish which ensued one rebel was killed and several were wounded, but, being mounted, the rest of the company escaped. The regiment then embarked and returned to the island.

On the 27th of April the Thirteenth Army Corps was ordered to report to General Banks, as reinforcements to the army under that officer, then engaged in the famous and ill-fated Red River Expedition. The left wing of the Twenty-second Iowa, commanded by Captain Gearkee, embarked on the 27th, and the right wing, commanded by Major White, followed on the 29th, arriving at New Orleans on May 1st. On the evening of May 4th, the left wing of the regiment, Captain Cree commanding, embarked with the Twenty-third Iowa, and, accompanied by General Fitz Henry Warren and his staff, proceeded up Red River, arriving at Fort De Russy on May 6th, but the enemy having obstructed the navigation of the river below Alexandria, the boats could proceed no further. They then returned to the mouth of Red River, where the troops landed and went into camp. On the 15th of May, a fleet of transports arrived and the troops again embarked and proceeded to Simsport on the Atchafalaya River, to join the troops of General Banks' expedition, who were marching from Alexandria to that point. On May 16th, the Thirteenth, Seventeenth and Nineteenth Corps arrived at Simsport and crossed the river on transports. All the troops then took up the line of march for Morganza, where they arrived on the 22d of May, and where the detachment of the Twenty-second Iowa, under command of Captain Cree, remained in camp until the 9th of June, when the captain received orders to report, with his detachment, to Colonel Graham at Baton Rouge, La., where the regiment was reunited on June 10, 1864.

The Thirteenth Army Corps having been temporarily discontinued by the War Department, the Twenty-second Iowa was ordered to report to General Reynolds at New Orleans, was conveyed to that place on July 6th and went into camp at Algiers. The regiment was there assigned to the Second Brigade of the Second Division, Nineteenth Army Corps, composed of the One-hundred-thirty-first and One-hundred-fifty-ninth New York, Thirteenth Connecticut, Third Massachusetts Cavalry, Twenty-second Iowa and Eleventh Indiana. The brigade was commanded by Colonel E. L, Molineaux, of the One-hundred-fifty-ninth New York. The Nineteenth Corps, as reorganized, comprised three divisions. The first, General Dwight's, was composed of eastern troops exclusively; the second, General Grover's, had five western regiments and the remainder were eastern troops; the third, General Lawler's, was composed entirely of western troops. The first and second divisions having been ordered to report to Washington, D. C, the Twenty-second Iowa, with the One-hundred-thirty-first and One-hundred-fifty-ninth New York, embarked, on the 17th of July, on the steamer "Cahawba," and arrived at Fortress Monroe on the 24th, after a voyage void of incident. On the 25th the ship proceeded up the James River to Bermuda Hundreds Landing, where the troops disembarked and, after marching seven miles, joined the forces under General Butler. These three regiments were separated from the division to which they had been assigned, the other portion of it having gone direct to Washington. They were temporarily attached to General Terry's division of General Birny's corps and placed on duty in the trenches, extending across the peninsula from the James River to Appomattox, occupying a portion of the line in General Butler's front until July 31st, when orders were received to report at Washington. The troops marched to Bermuda Hundreds Landing, where they embarked on transports, proceeded down the river to Fortress Monroe and from there up the Potomac to Washington, where they arrived on August 1st and disembarked.

On August 2d the three regiments marched to Tennallytown, D. C, at the outer defenses of the city, and went into camp on the heights of Georgetown, overlooking the city. There they were joined by a portion of their division, and on August 14th again took up the line of march to join the troops under command of General Sheridan, then operating in the vicinity of Cedar Creek and Strasburg in the Shenandoah Valley. The march was continued through Dranesville, Leesburg and Hamilton, over the Kitoctan Mountains, through Snickers Gap in the Blue Ridge, and, wading the Shenandoah River at the foot of the mountain at midnight, the troops arrived at Berryville, ten miles from Winchester, Va., at daylight on the morning of August 18th. Here they met the forces of General Sheridan on their retreat down the valley, pursued by the rebel General Early's army. The Twenty-second Iowa and the other troops of its brigade and division were ordered to join the retreat on the Berryville and Harper's Ferry road. Summit Point, four miles from Charlestown, was reached at midnight. Here the troops remained for two days. The enemy threatening a flank movement, the army again fell back to Halltown, the Twenty-second Iowa forming the rear guard. On the morning of August 21st, the army took a position on a range of hills, its left resting on the Potomac and its right extending to near the foot of the Blue Ridge. The Twenty-second Iowa occupied a position near the center of the line, about one mile south of Halltown. From the date last mentioned, both armies continued to maneuver for position, the Twenty-second Iowa and the troops with which it was associated performing their full share in the different movements, in which there was more or less skirmishing, until the 18th of September, when the army received orders to be ready to march at a moment's notice. All surplus baggage was loaded and sent to the rear and the troops were left with nothing that would in the least encumber them, either upon the march or in battle.

At 2 A. M., September 19, 1864, the army took up its line of march on the road leading to Winchester. Arriving at the Opequon soon after daylight, and the road passing through a narrow defile, the Nineteenth Corps was obliged to halt until the Sixth Corps passed. In the meantime the advance, composed entirely of cavalry, had become engaged with the enemy and had succeeded in driving in their pickets. At 9 A. M. the Tenth Corps arrived upon the ground and formed in line of battle about one mile from the Opequon, on a range of hills facing the enemy. During the time that the formation of the line was in progress, the enemy opened vigorously with artillery, but were soon silenced and quiet was restored along the lines, as if to prepare for the terrible contest which was soon to follow. The enemy was found to be strongly posted in a belt of heavy timber, with their line extending across the Winchester road. During a short reconnaissance to ascertain the enemy's position, the troops were allowed to rest. In a few moments the command "Forward!" rang along the line, and the army moved forward to the attack. The Twenty-second Iowa occupied the left of the brigade, which formed the extreme left of the Nineteenth Corps. The ground over which the regiment had to pass was an open field, extending to the enemy's works, a distance of about one mile. The enemy, being in open view, observed our movements and opened a concentrated fire from their artillery on our advancing column until it had reached to within six hundred yards, when they opened with grape and canister. The regiment then moved forward on the double quick, meeting a heavy fire of musketry, and reached a point within one hundred yards of their line, posted behind a stone fence in the woods. Under the destructive fire the line began to waver, but the men were rallied and fought for nearly an hour in the open field against the enemy protected by their works. The troops of the Sixth Corps — which joined immediately on the left of the Twenty-second Iowa — gave way, and General Grover, finding that his troops would be flanked on the left, gave orders to fall back, which was done in good order. The enemy, inspired by their partial success, raised a yell and charged in pursuit. The line was again rallied and, in turn, charged the enemy, driving them back over the field and through the timber. The enemy retreated in confusion until they reached the range of hills near Winchester, when they rallied and attempted to make a stand; but the rebel troops had become demoralized and could not be held in line. They again broke and fell back in confusion, leaving the Union Army in undisputed possession of the field at sundown. In this desperate battle the Twenty-Second Iowa had fought in the open in the most exposed and dangerous position, while the greater part of the Union troops advanced under cover of the woods. When the line fell back, the regiment promptly obeyed the order to halt and, in turn, charged the advancing and exultant rebels and turned apparent defeat into victory. The official report states that the regiment never fought better [see note 16]. Not a man faltered or fell back, although it required the highest degree of courage to charge over that open space, for a long distance, and all the time under a heavy fire; and, again, when ordered to fall back, to promptly obey the order to turn and charge the enemy, and thus achieve a splendid victory.

The Twenty-second Iowa had nobly maintained the honor of its State and had won the, high regard of the Eastern troops, by whose side they fought at the battle of Winchester. Colonel Graham commanded the regiment, and directed its movements with the same bravery and ability he had exhibited upon the battlefields where his regiment had fought with the western armies. He was ably assisted by the gallant Lieutenant Colonel White and Major Gearkee. Those especially mentioned in the official reports were: “Captain D. J. Davis of Company A, and Captain B. D. Parks of Company E; who were instantly killed at the head of their companies. Their conduct was heroic, and they died at the post of honor. Sergeant Major George A. Remley, as noble as he was brave, was pierced with three balls and fell dead. Lieutenant Colonel E. G. White was slightly wounded in the face by the explosion of a shell. Lieutenant James A. Boarts was severely wounded in the head by a minie ball, and has since died. Lieutenants Jones of Company A, and Hull of Company K, were both captured. Lieutenant Colonel White, Major Gearkee, Captains Mullins, Humphrey, Cree, Clark, Shockey, Hartly and Morsman, and Lieutenants Turnbull, Davis, Needham, Messenger and Chandler, are all entitled to great praise for their gallantry throughout the battle in encouraging and rallying the men to the colors. Surgeon Shrader was on the field during the engagement and was indefatigable in his exertions to care for the wounded. Hospital Steward Ealy, Quartermaster Sterling and Commissary Sergeant Brown rendered efficient service in carrying off the wounded and conducting the ambulances to different parts of the field, and can not be too highly commended. The total loss of the regiment in this battle was 109 killed, wounded and missing. A list of the casualties is annexed to the report." [See note 17.]

On the night of the 19th of September, the regiment, with the rest of the army, bivouacked on the battlefield near Winchester. On the morning of the 20th, the army again took up its line of march in pursuit of the enemy. On the 22d, the rebel army made a stand at the strong position of Fisher's Hill, and General. Sheridan at once made preparations for an attack. At 12 o'clock the Twenty-second and Twenty-eighth Iowa were ordered to advance and carry a line of rifle pits on the heights, occupied by the skirmishers of the enemy. The charge was executed in fine style, and the skirmishers were compelled to abandon the rifle pits and retire into their main works. At 4 o'clock P.M. orders were received to assault the fortified position of the enemy. The Twenty-second and Twenty-eighth Iowa and the One-hundred-twenty-eighth New York, occupying the advance line as skirmishers on the extreme left of the army, charged up the rocky and precipitous ground and drove the enemy in their front from the works. Owing to the irregularity of the ground, the loss of the regiment in this charge was but four men wounded. In the pursuit, which was kept up until the following morning at 4 o'clock, the Twenty-second Iowa, with the Eleventh Indiana, occupied the extreme advance of the army and marched, deployed as skirmishers, for a distance of fifteen miles from Fisher's Hill, capturing hundreds of prisoners. During this night march, while engaged in a skirmish with the rear guard of the enemy, Paul Miller, of the non-commissioned staff of the regiment, was severely wounded. The pursuit was continued through Harrisonburg to Mount Crawford, when it was abandoned and the army returned to Harrisonburg and went into camp, remaining there until the 6th of October, on which date it returned to Cedar Creek and began the construction of a line of fortifications in a semi-circle on a range of hills north of the creek.

The movements of the enemy, from the 13th to the 18th of October, indicated that the rebel generals were again contemplating an attack upon General Sheridan's fortified position. Skirmishing with reconnoitering parties of the rebel army frequently occurred and, on the night of October 18th, General Mollineaux, in command of the brigade to which the Twenty-second Iowa was attached, received orders to make a reconnaissance in force to ascertain the strength and develop the lines of the enemy; but, at 5 o'clock on the morning of the 19th, when the brigade was just starting upon its march, the enemy suddenly attacked the extreme left flank, taking the Eighth Army Corps completely by surprise, driving it from its works and, in a short time, succeeding in getting into the rear of the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps. This bold and brilliant movement of the rebel commander threatened the complete defeat of General Sheridan's army. At the commencement of the attack, the Twenty-second Iowa was detached from its brigade and proceeded on the double-quick to the support of a battery which was threatened with capture. Before the regiment could reach the guns, they were captured by the enemy, and it was compelled to fall back before the advancing force, but, in doing so, retained its organization and rallied four times alone, each time checking the advance of the enemy.

The army retreated gradually for three miles in the direction of Winchester, when, General Sheridan arriving upon the field in person, the troops were reformed, and hurried preparations were made to retrieve the disaster of the morning. The presence of General Sheridan proved an inspiration to the officers and men of his army; "And the wave of retreat checked its course there, because the sight of the Master compelled it to pause." General Sheridan rode along the lines and ordered the troops to halt, reform and attack the enemy, still advancing and flushed with victory. The western troops were formed together in one line, and the intrepid courage with which they fought was an important factor in retrieving the fortune of the day and converting what had seemed certain defeat into an overwhelming victory. The enemy made a gallant and stubborn resistance, but were gradually forced back to the line of breast-works which they had thrown up in the morning to provide against a reverse, but they were soon driven from that line and continued their retreat, followed closely by the forces of General Sheridan. Thousands of prisoners and a great portion of the trains and artillery of the rebel army were captured. The rebel army had met with a crushing defeat.

The loss of the Twenty-second Iowa in the battle of Cedar Creek was heavier than that which it sustained at Winchester, in proportion to the number engaged. Its loss was 77 in killed, wounded and missing [see note 18]. From the commencement to the close of the battle the regiment was constantly engaged. In this, its last battle, as in the first and all those in which it was engaged during its long period of service, the regiment maintained its high record. It remained on duty with its brigade and division until early in January, 1865. The carefully kept record of Captain Samuel D. Pryce shows that, from the time the regiment was organized to the close of the Shenandoah campaign, it had traveled by land and water over 8,000 miles, participated in eight general engagements, two sieges and numerous skirmishes, and five great campaigns, in the states of Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Virginia.

Early in January, 1865, the Nineteenth Army Corps — of which the Twenty-second Iowa was still a part — was ordered to proceed to Baltimore, Md. Here the troops were quartered in barracks until January 11th, upon which date they embarked on transports and were conveyed to Savannah, Ga., where they arrived on January 20th and went into camp near that city, where they remained until March 13, 1865, on which date the Twenty-second Iowa — with other troop s— was sent to Morehead City, N. C. There the regiment was assigned to a brigade consisting of the Twenty-second, Twenty-fourth and Twenty-eighth Iowa, the One-hundred-thirty-first, and One-hundred-fifty-ninth New York and Thirteenth Connecticut. This was the First Brigade, First Division of the Nineteenth Army Corps. There had been a number of different assignments of these troops from the time they were first brought together at New Orleans and sailed for Fortress Monroe, but, in the main, they had served together in the concluding campaigns of the war, and Colonel Mollineaux, the first commander of the brigade, was still in command but was now a Brigadier General.

On the 10th of May, 1865, the brigade began the march to Augusta, Ga., where it arrived on the 19th, and the three eastern regiments went into camp there, while the three western regiments crossed the Savannah River and encamped near the town of Hamburg, S. C, where they remained until the 6th of June, when they were ordered to return to Savannah. They began the return march (the last long march they would be required to make) on June 20th, and reached Savannah on the 25th, where they again went into camp. The records in the office of the Adjutant General of Iowa show that the Twenty-second Regiment was mustered out of the service at Savannah, Georgia, July 25, 1865, and that the regiment was subsequently disbanded at Davenport, Iowa [see note 19].

At the conclusion of his supplement to the history of the regiment, Adjutant Pryce states that the muster rolls and final discharge papers were completed on July 20th, and that the troops were mustered out of the service by Captain George E. Moulton of the Thirtieth Maine Volunteer Infantry, and gives the date as July 20th. He also states that, on the morning of July 22d, the Iowa troops marched through the city and embarked, and that they reached Baltimore, via Fortress Monroe, on the 25th, where they were quartered at the "Soldiers' Home," and the next morning departed for Davenport, Iowa, where they arrived on the 27th, remaining there until August 3, 1865, on which date they received their final pay and discharge from the service.

In conclusion, the compiler submits this condensed history of the regiment, together with the roster and personal record of its officers and enlisted men, all of which have been gleaned from official sources, in the hope and belief that, in the years to come, those who can trace their lineage to the soldiers who marched and fought under the colors of the Twenty-second Regiment of Iowa Infantry Volunteers will proudly point to the glorious record of their ancestors, who went forth to battle in the days which tried men's souls, and left to their posterity the precious legacy of their patriotic service to their country.


SUMMARY OF CASUALTIES.

Total Enrollment 1084
Killed 60
Wounded 267
Died of wounds 55
Died of disease 128
Discharged for wounds, disease and other causes 187
Buried in National Cemeteries 78
Captured 79
Transferred 42


[Note 1.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1863, Vol. 1, pages 782 to 816 inclusive; Original Roster of the Regiment.

[Note 2.] Colonel Stone was commissioned Brevet Brigadier General of Volunteers September 17, 1862. He subsequently served two terms (four years) as Governor of Iowa, 1864-1868.

[Note 3.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1864, pages 470, 1.

[Note 4.] See subjoined Roster, in which the names of all killed and wounded appear, together with all casualties, opposite the names recorded there.

[Note 5.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1864, page 543.

[Note 6.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1864, page 545.

[Note 7.] War of the Rebellion Official Records, Series 1, Vol. 24, pages 137, 8.

[Note 8.] War of the Rebellion Official Records, Series 1, Vol. 24, page 130.

[Note 9.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1865, Vol. 2, page 1130. Also, Supplemental Statement of Adjutant Pryce.

[Note 10.] Tabulated Returns of Casualties, War of the Rebellion Official Records, Series 1, Vol. 24, Part 2, page 161.

[Note 11.] The report of the Adjutant General of Iowa, 1865, Vol. 2, pages 1124 to 1141, inclusive, contains the history of the Twenty-second Iowa Infantry, written by the Adjutant of the regiment, Samuel D. Pryce. The compiler has quoted and will continue to quote freely from that history, in this condensed historical sketch, and here wishes to acknowledge his obligations to the author. There are some discrepancies between the statements made by the Adjutant and the official reports of the commanders of the regiment, with reference to losses, and, in a few instances, to other matters; but, as the keeper of the regimental records, the statements of the Adjutant may justly be regarded as officially correct. A supplementary statement, including a reference to the heroic act of Sergeant Griffith and those other brave men who entered the fort with him, has been made by Adjutant Pryce, and is now on file as a part of the official record of the Twenty-second Iowa, in the office of the Adjutant General. The compiler has, therefore, felt authorized to quote from this supplementary statement that portion which gives the names of the men who were engaged in the heroic exploit referred to, in order that they may have the credit to which they are entitled: ". . . . Among those who entered the fort were, Sergeants Joseph E. Griffith and N. C. Messenger, David Trine, W. H. Needham, Munson L. Clemmons, Alvin Drummond, Ezra S. Anderson, Hugh Sinclair, Lieutenant Mathew A. Robb, John A. Robb, Samuel Lloyd, William Griffin, William P. Marvin, Hezekiah Drummond, John Hale, David Jordon, Allen Cloud, Abner Bernard, and Richard Arthur. One officer and eleven enlisted men were killed inside the Confederate works or on the parapet, to-wit: Lieutenant M. A. Robb, William Griffin, John Hale, David Jordon, Ezra S. Anderson, Abner Bernard, Richard Arthur, Alvin Drummond, Hezekiah Drummond, John A. Robb, William P. Marvin and Samuel Lloyd. Lieutenant Robb was killed on the parapet, and fell back into the ditch. David Jordon was shot on the top of the parapet in the act of planting the colors. He fell with one hand upon the flagstaff. Two officers and ten enlisted men were wounded upon the parapet and fell back into the ditch. . . .”

Adjutant Pryce, in the supplemental statement referred to, gives the average loss in killed and wounded of the regiment at 85 per cent of the number engaged. The official reports put the average loss at a little over 80 per cent. The Adjutant further states that at the time the official report was made, the losses had not been accurately obtained, which would account for the discrepancy.

[Note 12.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1864, page 472.

[Note 13.] War of the Rebellion Official Records, Series 1, Part 2, Vol. 24, page 243.

[Note 14.] War of the Rebellion Official Records, Series 1- Part 2, Vol. 24, pages 140 to 142 inclusive.

[Note 15.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1865, Vol. 2, page 1180.

[Note 16.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1865, Vol. 2, page 1137.

[Note 17.] See subjoined Roster, in which all casualties are noted.

[Note 18.] See subjoined Roster.

[Note 19.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1867, Vol. 1, page 151. Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, 1866, page XVI.


SOURCE: Roster & Record of Iowa Soldiers During the War of the Rebellion, Volume 3, p. 559-73