George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, October 10, 1862

(Private and unofficial)

New Orleans, Oct. 10th, 1862.

Dear Sir: I have received your official letter of Sept. 22nd. enclosing letters of Mr. Barney and Mr. Norton — and asking information whether any portion of shipments to this port reach the enemy. My official reply dated yesterday, is correct so far as it goes, but additional facts exist, proper to be stated only in a private letter.

Ever since the capture of this city, a brisk trade has been carried on with the rebels, by a few persons, under military permits, frequently with military assistance and as I believe, much to the pecuniary benefit of some of the principal military officers of this Department. I have suspected it for a long time, and spoke of it in my private letters to you, of Aug. 26th. and Sept. 9th. On the 5th. October, your regulations of Aug. 28th. reached me. I immediately stopped all trade with the enemy, and as this brought me in contact with the persons who have been conducting the trade, I acquired much information. Almost all the information to be given in this letter, has been collected this week.

A brother of Gen. Butler is here, who is called Col. Butler, though he occupies no position in the army. Government officers, citizens, and rebels, generally believe him to be the partner or agent of Gen'l. Butler. He does a heavy business and by various practices has made between one and two million dollars since the capture of the City. Gov. Shepley and especially Col. French (Provost Marshal) are supposed to be interested, but these officers, I believe to be entirely under control of Gen'l. Butler, who knows everything, controls everything, and should be held responsible for everything.

There are two channels of trade with the rebels — the River and Lake Pontchatrain.

River trade must be conducted by steam boats. There are eight or nine. River boats here, all seized and now in the hands of the military authorities. Col. Butler has used these boats as he pleased, for carrying up and bringing down freight. I had no control over them and could not know what was transpiring, for the military authorities controlled them, with whom I had no authority to interfere. Troops were at Baton Rouge and below Vicksburg, and it was to be supposed the boats were used for public, not private purposes. Of late, frequently, one or two infantry companies would accompany a boat taking up cargo and bringing back produce. This service was unpopular with officers and men, who enlisted for the benefit of the country and not of speculators. I say no more concerning the River trade, except that it has been constant and sometimes active.

Of the trade across the Lake I have more accurate and more information, because there are no government vessels there, and it was conducted with schooners. Shortly after arriving here I learned that large quantities of salt had crossed the lake to the rebels, and supposing it to be smuggled, took measures to stop it thenceforth. Two weeks later a schooner loaded with 1,000 sacks salt to cross the Lake. I directed the inspector to seize the vessel, and immediately called upon Gen. Butler, and requested a guard to be put on board. This was about 9 o'clock at night. He appeared indignant at the attempt to take salt to the enemy — ordered a guard on board the vessel — and ordered the immediate arrest of the Captain and shippers. The next day I had an interview with Provost Marshal French, who told me it was all a misunderstanding. The shipper had a permit for 500, but not for 1,000. That the shipper and captain were released — the vessel unladen and released also. I told him, he had no authority to release my seizures, but it was now too late to help it.

After this but little trade was done until six or eight weeks ago, when Gen. Butler gave a permit to a rebel, to ship four large cargoes, much of which was contraband, across the lake. I immediately called upon the General, who said that it was the policy of the Gov’t. to get cotton shipped from this port, and for that purpose, to trade with the enemy. In the conversation he left upon my mind the impression that this course was approved at Washington. I then had entire confidence in Gen'l. Butler, and my letter of instructions had directed me to consult with him frequently. For the last two months trade has been active across the lake, nor had I any authority to stop it, until the arrival of your regulations on the 5th. Oct., as above mentioned.

The following statements are made to me by various persons.

One man says — that he took over 600 sacks salt just before I arrived, and was gone six weeks. Gen'l Butler gave permit. Two dollars per sack was paid for permission to take from New Orleans. He sold 400 sacks to Confederate army at $25. per sack, and was permitted to sell the other 200 to citizens, at $36. per sack. He did not own the cargo, but received one fourth of net profits. He cleared $2,000. The owners cleared $6,000 — good money.

Dr. Avery, Surgeon 9th. Reg't. Conn. Vol., states that he accompanied an expedition to Pontchitoula, just North of Lake Pontchartrain, about three weeks ago. A skirmish ensued — he was taken prisoner and taken to Camp Moore. He saw a large quantity of salt in sacks there, lying by the railroad. A rebel officer said to him. “We bought that salt from Col. Butler. We paid $5. per sack for the privilege of shipment from New Orleans. To-day that salt goes to Richmond for the army. To-morrow or next day another cargo will arrive. The army get their salt from New Orleans. The Yankees “will do anything for money.”Dr. A. was subsequently released and is now in this city.

Capt. Cornwell, Co. A. 13th. Conn. Reg't. was stationed with his company at mouth of New Canal, for about three weeks, ending last Saturday. He states that the first schooner going out, was laden with large am't. of contraband articles — some medicines, including 80 gals, castor oil — It had Shepley's permit. He sent his 2nd. Lieut. (Kinney) to Gen. Butler — who said “Go to Gov. Shepley and ask him if he does not know that these articles will go right into the hands of the enemy.” Gov. Shepley said, “Return to Gen. Butler and say that I consulted him before giving this permit.” Whereupon Gen. B. said, “Well, let it go, since Gov. S. has granted a permit.” The same thing happened two or three days afterward, when Gen. B. received the messenger, and at once wrote on the back of the permit — “Gov. Shepley's passes must be respected.” Capt. Cornwell now wants to go home.

The inspector of Customs at the New Canal is very sick, and therefore I cannot get his statement at present.

Mr. Clark applies for permission to trade with the enemy on a large scale and states that he made the arrangement by Gen. Butler's consent. I let his vessel leave in ballast, taking bond in double the value of the vessel, that she would be returned into my custody within 20 days. He had a letter from Gen. B. which I caused to be privately copied, and also a letter from Col. Butler. Both are enclosed herewith, marked A.

Don D. Goicouria (of the firm of D. D. Goicouria and Co., New St., N. Y.) has been here four months and has made about $200,000. He asks to continue trade with the enemy authorized by Gen'l. Butler. He has taken two thousand sacks salt to the confederate army. He made an arrangement with Gen. Butler and Benjamin (Rebel Secretary of War) to take salt to the enemy, bringing back cotton — in exchange, at the rate of ten sacks in one bale of cotton. He goes North next steamer, and will apply to Secretary of Treasury for permit to continue the trade. He has rec'd. here 200 bales cotton. His salt goes to the Confederate Army. He says, Col. Butler told him that he (Col. B.) had sent North 8,000 hogs, sugar of his own, worth in N. Y. $800,000 or $900,000. Besides salt, he has taken to the enemy large amount of other goods. In his interview with you he will be able to tell you everything about trade with the Rebels if disposed so to do.

A Roman Catholic Priest, from Bay St. Louis, told me yesterday that in his vicinity, Salt was selling for $3.50 per gallon — or $25. per bushel — and Flour at $55. per barrel.

(A Sack of salt contains about 4 bushels).

Mr. Lloyd applies for permit to trade. He states that Gen. B. granted him permit, to take effect whenever he pleased — and offered him Gunboats and soldiers. He declined such aid, preferring to make arrangements with Confederate authorities, which are now completed. That he promised to bring hither 5,000 bales cotton and sell them to Gen. Butler, at the market price. He insinuates that there is a further understanding between himself and Gen. Butler, but declines stating what it is. His agent's name is Burden and his application (with list of cargo) is enclosed herewith, marked B.

Another, application comes from Wm. Perkins and is enclosed herewith marked C.

E. H. Montgomery's vessels was stopped by me in New Canal on the 5th. October. His permit from Gov. Shepley and list of Cargo is enclosed herewith marked D.

All the vessels crossing the Lake since Sept. 23rd. have had Gen. Shepley's pass. The inspector has furnished a list of them with their cargoes — which list is enclosed herewith, marked E.

After receiving copy of your regulations, I told Gen. Butler that this trade gave aid and comfort to the enemy without benefit to the Gov't. — that it demoralized the army — disgusted loyal citizens — and degraded the character of the Gov't. He smilingly assented — said it ought to be stopped — that he didn't see why Shepley granted such permits — and that he was going to visit Ship Island, and when he returned would see me about it again!

The stringent blockade enhances prices in the Rebel States, and is a great thing for the military speculators of this Department — and their friends.

I know of 5,000 sacks being sent to the enemy, and I think more than 10,000 have been sent.

I suppose your regulations (28th. Aug.) apply equally to the portion of the State within our lines—as well as to that under insurrectionary control. That supplies can be sent anywhere to a loyal citizen for his own use, but not to sell to rebels, and that I am to control the whole matter. If I mistake please inform me.

Most of this trade can be stopped, but I believe the present military authorities are so corrupt that they will take all means to make money. The amount of goods smuggled from this point to the enemy, has been trifling. Gen. Butler has always been kind to me, and our personal relations are upon the most pleasant footing. He has great ability, great energy, shrewdness and activity, and industry, but he can never acquire a character here for disinterestedness. Many officers and soldiers want to go home, not wishing to risk their lives to make fortunes for others.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 320-5

Officers of the Thirteenth Connecticut Infantry

Connecticut Infantry Volunteers

New Haven, Conn., March 17, 1862

FIEI.D AND STAFF.

Colonel — Henry W. Birge, of Norwich.

Lieut. Colonel — Alexander Warner, of Woodstock.

Major — Richard E. Holcomb, of East Granby.

Adjutant — William M. Grosvenor, of New Haven.

Quartermaster — Joseph B. Bromley, of Norwich.

Surgeon — Benjamin N. Commings, of New Britain.

Assistant Surgeon — George Clary, of Hartford.

State Surgeon — Nathaniel P. Fisher, of Norwich.

Chaplain — Rev. Chas C Salter, of New Haven.

NON COMMISIONED STAFF.

Sergeant Major — George W. Whittlesey, of Norwich.

Quartermaster Sergeant — Andrew T. Johnson, of Montville.

Com. Sergeant — G. Tracy.

Hospital Steward — William Bishop.

Drum Major — Joseph Hadley, of New London.

LINE OFFICERS.

Co. A, (New Britain, 101 men) Capt. Henry I. Bidwell, 1st Lieut. John E. Woodruff, 2d Lieut, Chas. H. Cornwall.

Co. B. (Sharp Shooters, 108 men) Capt. Apollos Comstock, 1st Lieut. William E. Bradley, 2d Lieut. William C. Beecher.

Co. C, (Litchfield, 98 men) Capt. Charles D. Blinn, 1st Lieut. Isaac F. Nettleton, 2d Lieut. Charles C. Tibbetts.

Co. D, (Litchfield and New Haven, 87 men)  Capt. Cyrus E. Prindle, 1st Lieut. Perry Averill 2d Lieut. Joseph H. Meredith.

Co. E. (Hartford and Tolland, 93 men) Capt. Eugene Tisdale, 1st Lieut E. Emmons Graves, 2d Lieut. William P. Miner.

Co. F. (Norwich and Hartford, 90 men) Capt. James J. McCord, 1st Lieut. Charles J. Fuller, 2d Lieut. John C Abbott.

Co. G, (Windham, 102 men) Capt. Sylvester G. Gilbert, 1st Lieut. Dennison H. Finlay, 2d Lieut. Joseph S. A. Baker.

Co. H, (New Haven, 87 men) Capt. Homer B. Sprague, 1st Lieut. Jonah F. Clark, 2d Lieut. Julius Tobias.

Co. I, (New London and Litchfield, 100 men) Capt. Henry L. Schleiter, 1st Lieut. Frank Wells, 2d Lieut. Joseph Strickland.

Co. K, (New Haven, 80 men) Capt. Alfred Mitchell, 1st Lieut. Jared D. Thompson, 2d Lieut. William F. Norman.

Total number, 969.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 145-6

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant George G. Smith: April 23, 1864

On the march at six a. m. Rebels had crossed Caney river at the ford and taken possession of three high hills on the opposite bank, and planted a battery of six guns on the highest one, next to the ford, and our artillery were unable to dislodge them. So a force of infantry, one regiment of which was the First Louisiana, were ordered to move up the river, about two miles, cross over and threaten their left flank and rear. After crossing we passed through a deep swamp. On the first hill we saw nothing of the enemy until we came to the foot, where there was a wide field. We found the enemy here in force. A regiment of Zouaves from New York city charged on them and they retreated up the second hill followed by the pu[r]suing regements. Between this hill and the third one next the ford there was a narrow field through which ran a stream of water crossed by a bridge. General Birge ordered a company of mounted infantry, belonging to the thirteenth Connecticut Volunteers commanded by Lieutenant Mesner to cross the bridge and ride through the field and then followed with the Second brigade marching by the flank; the First Louisiana on the right. A short distance beyond the bridge to the left was a shallow ravine. As soon as the First Louisiana was across and filed to the left, toward the ravine, the rebels opened a destructive fire of grape and musketry into Lieutenent Mesner's company, and the First Louisiana from the opposite hill. The company of mounted infantry was literally cut to pieces, and Lieutenant Mesner was pierced with three bullets, and died soon after. The First Louisiana fell back into the ravine. General Birge came riding back, hatless, and ordered the men to lie down in the ravine. Captain Felton and myself, did not obey orders: we wanted to see what was going on, and the writer of this came very near paying the penalty for his curiosity with his life. There was a small hickory sapling about as large as ones arm, standing about three feet in front of us. A bullet struck it, about breast high, penetrating it about half way through, i stood just in line and had it not been for that sapling, these pages never would have been written. The Second and Third brigades were soon on the move, charging up the steep hill, but the birds had flown. A messenger came stating that the troops were crossing the ford, and we marched round the base of the hill to it, and encamped on the bank of the river. I have been told by those that were fighting by the ford, that they drove the enemy from the hill: but I always thought the Second and Third brigade, creeping around on their left flank, and threatening their line of retreat, had something to do with it: for their position above the ford and plain below, was so far above them that artilery must have been entirely ineffective, and musketry could not reach them: so that a flank movement was the only remedy as I believe. We lost one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded. The First Louisiana had six wounded, none killed.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 100-3

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant George G. Smith: April 12, 1864

Passed the mouth of Cane river at daylight. In the afternoon we were hailed at a plantation by a man wanting to sell cotton. The bait was a good one and the prow of the boat was soon pointing to the shore and our erst while planter walked leisurely up the bluff and took a position under an old shed on the bank and stood waiting results. Meanwhile Col. Fiske, and the Captain of the boat stood in conversation on the hurricane deck and at the same time watching events. I could not read their thoughts but suddenly one of the wheels stopped and begun to back and if ever I saw a steamboat turn round that one made the quickest time within my recollection and it did not stop after it got round either but made good time until we were well out of range of that boat landing. The getting of the old planter out of harms way probably saved us from being all cut to pieces, as the bluff was twenty feet high with the levy ten feet on top of it, behind which the enemy was undoubtedly concealed so that there would have been no show at all for us. The plan was well laid, if plan it was, but it did not work. At four p. m., we arrived at Grand Ecore. The First Louisiana and thirteenth Connecticut Volunteers landed on the left bank opposite the city. The Shinango got aground in trying to land and we were taken off by the “Ohio Bell”.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 94-5

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant George G. Smith: March 28, 1864

After tying up to the bank all night for fear of sharp shooters along the shore in the woods; we passed Fort De Russey at Snaggy Point. This fort had the honor of being taken twice by our gun boats: the first time by Commander Farragut before the seige of Port Hudson, about May 1, 1863 and a few days before this, Snaggy Point is at a sharp bend in the river which is very shallow in low water on account of sunken logs in the stream. It has special advantages as a location for a fort mainly from the fact that it commands a view of the river for a long distance above and below. It was here we had such an interesting time going up the river in July of 1860 when I was on my way to Texas. We were on a small stern wheel boat named the “News Boy” with a cargo of grain. We were two days getting round this point. They unloaded the grain into lighters and snaked the boat over the logs by hitching to trees and winding the rope round the capstan. I never dreamed of seeing a fort here at that time but strange things happen in this world sometimes. Arrived at Alexandria at four p. m. and encamped on the same ground we did the year before, on the Rapides Bayou. The falls in the Red River at this place will not admit of navigation more than six months in the year and the river had begun falling at this early date in March so that the gun boats had difficulty in getting up over the falls and a noble large transport loaded with army stores and general merchandise was already hopelessly stranded on the rocks: so we had to witness the painful sight of her going up in smoke and flame with all her valuable cargo. When I went up that river in July of sixty alluded to before, there was hardly water enough going over these same falls to drive a saw mill, let alone floating all the United States Navy in the Western waters: and General Banks had it there at that time, all above the tails and as the sequel will show it cost us no little trouble to get the boats down again. We were here brigaded with the one hundred and fifty-ninth and ninetieth New Ycrk and the thirteenth Connecticut Volunteers, General Grover's Division.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 92-4

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: Sunday, June 14, 1863

We have now arrived through the vicissitudes and chances of this siege, to another day that will ever be memorable, not for the amount of good or for important victories gained on that day, but for reasons quite the contrary. It will be remembered by the actors in that drama for the desperate encounters of a “forlorn hope,” and for the terrible and useless slaughter of human lives. At 12 o'clock midnight, we were ordered in line of battle. The night was dark, but the soldiers groped their way through the forest, two miles and a half, towards the left. Here we found eight or ten regiments ready to move. But before we did so it had begun to be daylight. We passed over a bridge, across Thompson's creek, up the bluff, and halted. A line of skirmishers had been sent out to drive in the enemy's pickets, so that the infantry could pass through the trenches without annoyance or discovery. But while we were waiting for this the enemy opened on us from the fortress with heavy guns, firing every conceivable thing they could get into them — pieces of railroad iron, old horseshoes, nails, spikes, etc.—but they flew harmlessly over our heads. A bullet flew uncomfortably near me and wounded a man directly in my rear. It hit his leg, and I heard the bones crash.

But the order soon came to march. A road had been cut through the fallen timber for about half a mile. It wound among the hills in such a manner that no part of it was exposed to the fire from the fort. This was continued up to within two or three hundred yards of the works. The terminus was protected by a pile of cotton bales. To the left and running parallel to the enemy's breastworks, was a line of hills. We filed to the left and formed in line of battle behind these. During the whole of this time I was ignorant and so was everyone else around me, of what we were about to do. There was a vague notion, however, that there was to be a charge somewhere on the enemy's works. Whoever planned these defences seemed to have understood his business. The timber was cut back three-fourths of a mile from the embankments, tree tops interlacing with each other formed almost an impregnable barrier. Between us and the fortification was the hill or ridge of land, behind which the line of battle was formed, and a hollow between this and the fort. This last was full of deep gullies and fallen timber, rendering it almost impassable. Colonel Holcomb was acting Brigadier General that day. He was a brave man and a good officer. Our bayonets were fixed, and the Colonel gave the command, “Forward! double quick, march.” The first Louisiana gave a yell, and up the hill they went. But no sooner had they come in range of the guns on the breastworks than they were met by one of the most withering fires ever seen by mortal man. In crossing a level piece of ground on the top of the hill I cast my eye around and saw that almost every man had fallen. I halted, and thought, “Well, what does this mean? I do not believe I can take Port Hudson alone and guess I'll fall down too.” There was a white oak tree about a foot through lying on the ground in front of me, so I pitched down, and laid on my face as close to the log as I could get. And I did not get down any too soon, for the bullets began to come, cutting the bark on the top of the log, and striking the ground two or three feet beyond me, but they could not hit me; so I lay there until they got through firing. I then ventured to lift my head to see what was going on, as I supposed Colonel Holcomb would give the command to go forward again. The ground was covered with men as far as I could see, and it seemed as though it was a half a mile. Soon after falling down behind the log, I heard Col. Holcomb say, “13th Connecticut, why don't you move forward?” The 13th gave a faint yell, and came up the hill sharing the same fate as the First Louisiana did. They were on our left. Those were the last words I heard the Colonel speak. After looking as long as I dared, I laid my head down again behind the log: but the rebels had seen me, and began firing again, so I laid still till they got through, and then I gave another look. The men lay there just as they were when I looked before. I thought, “why don't they crawl down the hill and get out of the range of the rebel's guns?” I looked once more and the truth flashed on my mind, that they were all dead or wounded, and they could not get away.

The sun was awful hot, and I had played “hide and go seek” long enough with “my friends the enemy;” besides, I did not see any further prospect of taking Port Hudson that day, so I thought I might as well get out. In coming up the hill I noticed a deep gully on the right, with two logs across it. A young soldier, in a sargeant's uniform, stepped up on the logs, and was crossing, but all at once he stopped, turned round, and fell on his face. He lay there until we got by. Now I thought that would be a good place to get into out of the way of the sun and rebel bullets. So I crawled down the hill, keeping the log between me and my friends until out of the reach of the guns of the fort and got into the gully. The boy still lay there sleeping his last sleep, and I presume his mother never found out where he was. I found Lieut. Gardner in the gully with three or four more of Co. E, First Louisiana. It was quite cool and comfortable there, but the canteens were all empty and no water to be had. The wounded must have suffered terrible agonies lying there in the hot sun. If they stirred a hand or foot the rebels would shoot at them. The groans were something awful. “And there shall be the weeping,” came forcibly to me. It was sure death to undertake to bring one away.

We laid in the gully until 3 o'clock when Lieut. Gardner requested me to go to the rear and gather up the stragglers and bring them back to the gully, as we supposed we were to remain there over night. I thought it prudent to move as fast as convenient, for no sooner had I emerged from the cover than the bullets commenced to fly as thick as bees about a hive on a hot summer's day. I made some pretty long strides down the hill, and was soon out of harm's way. On the way to the bridge I found several of my company and took them along with me. I found the company's cook at the bridge with hot coffee, hard bread, and boiled salt junk. This was a source of rejoicing to the physical man; for the contents of my haversack and canteen of water, brought out at midnight, had been shared at early dawn with my less considerate comrades, and I had not seen food and but little water since that time. I dispatched some men with food to the men on the battle ground. While discussing my coffee I learned that Col. Halcomb, Lieut. Hill, of Co. H, and several other officers and men with whom I had been on terms of intimacy for months past, had been killed. Colonel Halcomb and Lieut. Hill fell nearly at the same time, — the former killed outright and the latter mortally wounded. The Colonel met his death at the moment he ordered the 13th forward, and the words I heard, as related above, were about the last he ever spoke He was struck twice, once in the breast and in the second the ball passed through the brain. This last, of course, was fatal; and I was told by those near him when he was killed, that as soon as the ball struck him he threw up his hand exclaiming, “Oh, G—” (the power of utterance ceasing before the words were articulated) and fell. His body was taken from the field and sent to his family in Connecticut. Lieut. Hill was wounded in the breast and died several weeks later in the hospital at New Orleans. On the way through the woods in the morning his manner was singular. He conversed with me much, and it was about his people at home, and it was of a melancholy nature. He was a brave officer and everybody loved him.

The news I learned that night was sad indeed. We dispatched our supper as soon as possible and started on the return. We had not gone far, however, when we met some men of our regiment who reported that the troops were all coming out. On hearing this we halted by the roadside, and soon Major Grosvenor appeared at the head of all that remained of the First Louisiana. We fell in and marched back to the bridge. Here we compared notes, and while some were lamenting the noble slain others were rejoicing that some were left alive. The night was dark, and Lieut. Jenner and I sat on the ground talking over the events of the day. We did not observe that our companies had gone, but they had, so we started in pursuit, but so many paths led through the woods that we soon discovered that we were lost — lost in the woods in face of a mortal foe, in the night. “All right, let it be so. But I'll tell you what I am going to do. I am going to camp right here. If we wander around here in the dark we will run on to the rebel pickets, and fetch up in Andersonville prison.” Lieut. Jenner agreed I was right. So, happening to be under a large Magnolia tree, I selected a big root for a pillow, and we went to bed. I believe I exchanged the root for my canteen during the night, otherwise the night passed without any molestation.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 69-77

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: October 24, 1862

Embarked on board the Empire Parish at Carolton, the Iberville with the Nineth New Hampshire preceded by gun boat number 3, were in the advance. Then the Empire Parish with the First Louisiana came next, followed by the General Williams with the 13th C.V. Then the 12th C. V. and 75th New York, on two other transports. Three gun boats were in the expedition. Early the following morning the whole brigade disembarked at a plantation six miles below Donaldsonville, La. As soon as the troops were in line they were put in motion. The infantry saw no rebels: but the cavalry in advance reported seeing the coat-tails of some mounted infantry streaming in the wind, in mad flight down the Bayou Lafourche road for dear life, and that was all the enemy seen by the expedition that day.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 29-30

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: August 30, 1862

Generals Butler and Dudley reviewed the brigade. After the review General Butler had the First Louisiana drawn up in close column by divisions. After complimenting them for their soldierly appearance he gave them a lecture on military discipline, closing his remarks with this sentence, “The lightnings of heaven do not fall more swiftly than will justice overtake the evil doer.” We found Camp Williams not the healthiest place in the world. Lake Ponchartrain opening out to sea, was of course affected by the tides. When the tides were in the marshes would be full of water, but when they were out the contrary would be the result, and the portions exposed covered with ooze and silt would fester and ferment in the burning sun: while on the other side was the swamp, furnishing prolific breeding grounds for the festive mosquito: It is not strange that the result should prove to be what it was. In less than a week fully one half the regiment was at the surgeons tent on sick call in the morning; there were from two to four funerals in a day. Most all the time officers were sick so that the non commissioner officers were in command of companies. The writer of this was put in command of Company A. When it left the recruiting camp, a little over four weeks before it numbered 112 enlisted men. One night, a few days before we left, but four men turned out for dress parade and other companies were in a similar condition. The First Louisiana 12th and 13th C. V., the 75 N. Y., a company of Louisiana cavalry and two batteries were brigaded, General Weitzel commanding.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 27-9

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: August 30, 1862

Generals Butler and Dudley reviewed the brigade. After the review General Butler had the First Louisiana drawn up in close column by divisions. After complimenting them for their soldierly appearance he gave them a lecture on military discipline, closing his remarks with this sentence, “The lightnings of heaven do not fall more swiftly than will justice overtake the evil doer.” We found Camp Williams not the healthiest place in the world. Lake Ponchartrain opening out to sea, was of course affected by the tides. When the tides were in the marshes would be full of water, but when they were out the contrary would be the result, and the portions exposed covered with ooze and silt would fester and ferment in the burning sun: while on the other side was the swamp, furnishing prolific breeding grounds for the festive mosquito: It is not strange that the result should prove to be what it was. In less than a week fully one half the regiment was at the surgeons tent on sick call in the morning; there were from two to four funerals in a day. Most all the time officers were sick so that the non commissioner officers were in command of companies. The writer of this was put in command of Company A. When it left the recruiting camp, a little over four weeks before it numbered 112 enlisted men. One night, a few days before we left, but four men turned out for dress parade and other companies were in a similar condition. The First Louisiana 12th and 13th C. V., the 75 N. Y., a company of Louisiana cavalry and two batteries were brigaded, General Weitzel commanding.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 27-9

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 29, 1862

Re-enlisted in the 1st Louisiana Regiment as Orderly Sergeant of Company E. The regimental officers were Colonel Richard E. Holcomb, formerly Major of the 13th C. V., Lieutenant Colonel Henry H. Elliot, Major William O. Fisk, and Adjutant Charles H. Grosvenor, formerly sergeant of Company H, 13th C. V. The line officers of Company E were, Captain Louis A. Solomon, 1st Lieutenant Rudolph Krause, Second Lieutenant James M. Gardner, formerly 2d Sergeant Co. K, 13th C. V.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 25

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 16, 1862

I received it.¹

_______________

¹ His discharge from the 13th Connecticut Infantry.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 25

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 4, 1862

Ladies of New Orleans presented the 13th Conn. Vols, with a beautiful flag. Many of the rebel army paroled at Fort Jackson and St. Philip came into the city of New Orleans and were there without means of support, no alternative was open to them but to enlist in the Union armies. So General Butler issued an order to any of the Northern troops that wanted to go home to put in an application for a discharge and it would be granted, their places to be filled with paroled rebel prisoners. Recruiting offices were also opened for two new regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. I did not see any very early opportunity for promotion in the 13th, and there was a possible chance in one of the new regiments, so I put in an application for a discharge.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 24-5

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 2, 1862

Company K of the 13th moved from the Custom House to No. 190 St. Charles street, to act as body guard to General Butler.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 24

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: June 16, 1862

Newton Craig, (first mate of the City of New York), Stanislaus Ray and William M. Clary, were hung at the Parish Prison for robbery.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 24

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: June 26, 1862

Visited Lake Ponchartrain, had a bath and oyster supper. Found the water in the lake to be fresh. Decay died of wounds received at Baton Rouge.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 24

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: Capture and Occupation of New Orleans.

Of course I have not the time and space to give an account of the passing of the forts as it was described in the papers at that time and as I have seen it since, but two or three incidents are interesting to me and may be to the readers of this diary. One of these is the part Commodore Boggs took in the fight:

“He was in command of the Varuna, originally a passenger steamer transformed into a gunboat. It was frail, but a fast vessel. He saw it would not stand much pounding before the forts, so he requested the Admiral to let him run past the fort and fight the enemy's fleet above. He received permission on condition that he would not sink any gunboats in the channel so as to obstruct the river. Boggs had the barrels of pork that were on board for rations, placed in the boiler room, and soon some of it was hissing on the hot coals under the boilers, and the boat started up the river. Opposite the fort he poured in a broadside and then fired grape and canister as fast as the guns could be worked. The Varuna was soon above the fort without a shot hole in her. The shores seemed lined with rebel gunboats on both sides of the river. He opened his batteries on both sides, as well as his stern and bow guns. One vessel seemed to be loaded with soldiers. He sent a shot into that which struck the boiler and blew her up. It ran ashore in flames. Three other vessels soon ran ashore in the same condition. At daylight he saw an iron clad bearing down on him. It struck the Varuna in the side crushing in her timbers. It backed out and came on again striking her in the same place Boggs ordered the engineer to go ahead up stream. This turned the ironclad around exposing her wooden side, when he poured in five shells in quick succession. This fixed her and she ran ashore in flames. As soon as this was done another ironclad struck her in the side crushing it in so the water poured in in torrents. He then turned her prow to shore, working his guns until the trucks were under water. As soon as her prow struck the bank he ordered a chain cable ashore and wound it around a tree, keeping her bow above the water and the crew all escaped. Captain Bailey said, ‘He saw Boggs bravely fighting the wounded thing until her guns were level with the water.’ That made five vessels he put hors de combat with his wooden tub. Down the river opposite the forts the fight was raging fiercely. The white smoke rolled and heaved in vast volumes along the shuddering waters, and one of the wildest scenes in the history of the war now commenced. The fleet with full steam on was soon abreast the forts, and its rapid broadsides mingling in with the deafening explosions on shore turned night into fiery day. Louder than redoubled thunders the heavy guns sent their deafening roar through the gloom, not in distinct explosions, but in one long wild, protracted crash, as though the ribs of nature were breaking in final convulsions. Amid this hell of terror, a fire raft, pushed steadily forward by the ram Manassas, loomed through the smoke like a phantom from the unseen world. As if steered by adverse fate it bore straight down on the Hartford. Farragut sheered off to avoid the collision, and in so doing ran aground where the fire ship came full against him. In a moment the hungry flames leaped up the rigging and darted along the smoking sides of the Hartford. It seemed all up with the gallant Farragut, but for that stern discipline which he always maintained his fate would have been sealed. There was no panic on board at this awful catastrophe, every man was in his place, and in a moment the hose was unwound and a stream of water turned on the flames. The powerful engines were reversed, and soon forced the vessel off into deep water, though all aflame. The firemen cool and collected, plied their hose, while the gunners still stood to their guns, and poured in their broadsides, and still the signal ‘close action’ flamed above the staggering ship. The fire was at length got under, and Farragut again moved at the head of his column. And now came down the rebel fleet of thirteen gunboats and two ironclad rams to mingle in the combat, Broadside to broadside, hull crashing against hull, it became a gladitorial combat of ships. Farragut found himself at last past all the forts with thirteen out of seventeen vessels of the fleet. The Varuna, Commodore Boggs, was sunk. The Itasca, Winona, and Kennebec, were disabled so they had to turn back and float down the river. Thirteen out of the seventeen enemy's gunboats he had brought down to assist the forts in demolishing our fleet were driven ashore or wrecked or captured.” — [From “Farragut and Our Naval Commanders.” by J. T. Headley.

Farragut now proceeded up the river with his fleet to New Orleans, on the way silencing a powerful battery at English Town. That city was now at his mercy. Lovell commanding the rebel troops there had taken himself away and left the affairs of the city in the hands of the mayor, Monroe. Farragut sent Captain Bailey and demanded the surrender of the city, and that the United States flag be hoisted on the City Hall, Mint and Custom House. Monroe sent a long winded reply containing this wonderful piece of bombast: “As to the hoisting of any flag other than the flag of our adoption and allegiance, let me say to you that the man lives not in our midst whose hand and heart would not be paralyzed at the thought of such an act.” And then wound up with an appeal to be very careful of the feelings of his gallant constituency, assuming an air of superiority and injured innocence I should style preeminently foolish. The reply of Admiral Farragut was so cool and to the point I cannot refrain from giving it here:

U. S. Flagship Hartford, Off City at New Orleans, April 26.

To His Honor the Mayor of New Orleans:

Your Honor will please give directions that no flag but that of the United States will be permitted to fly in the presence of this fleet so long as it has the power to prevent it; and as all display of that kind may be the cause of bloodshed, I have to request that you will give this communication as general a circulation as possible. I have the honor to be very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

D. G. Farragut.

Refusing to confer further with the impudent mayor he sent Captain Morris to hoist the flag on the Mint. The latter sent a party on shore and “soon the old flag swung once more to the breeze in sight of the enraged population.” The officer in charge warned the spectators that if any one attempted to haul it down the building would be fired upon, and returned to the ship, leaving no guard to protect it, but directed the howitzers in the maintop of the Pensacola to be loaded with grape and trained upon it.

At eleven o'clock this morning the admiral ordered the church pennant to be hoisted on every vessel of the fleet, and that their crews assembled in humiliation and prayer, should make their acknowledgements to Almighty God for his goodness and mercy in permitting us to pass through the events of the last two days with so little loss of life and blood. The solemn service had progressed but a few minutes when the silence was broken by the discharge overhead of the howitzers by the lookout left in the maintop to watch the flag. It at once aroused every man from his devotions and all eyes turned towards the Mint. They saw four men on the roof of the building tearing down the flag. Instantly the gunners without waiting for orders sprang to the guns and pulled the lanyards. The next moment a whole broadside was expected to pour into the city, but not a gun went off. As it looked like rain the gunners had removed the wafers by which they were discharged, before the service commenced, so that only the click of the locks was heard. But for this a fearful destruction would have ensued. It is not altogether clear that this was not a providential circumstance, for after the warning Farragut had given him, it was clearly the duty of Monroe if he was going to pull down the flag, to warn the people in time to get out of the way. But still there was ground for fault finding. As it was the commander of a French war vessel in the harbor growled, and said Farragut’s note was virtually a threat for immediate bombardment. Neither England or France were very friendly to the United States at that time. Both were jealous of our growing power, and the Monroe doctrine was distasteful to every monarchy in Europe, and especially so to France; for she had already set up a kingdom in Mexico and placed a scion of the house of Hapsburg on the throne, and the stability of his government rested entirely on the success of the Confederate arms. So it is not surprising that they would like to see this fair fabric of ours crumble and fall into harmless fragments. Hence it was good policy that no act of vandalism could be construed in such a way that it would place blame at our doors. Farragut was disgusted with the wordy jangle and turned it over to Butler and went on up the river. We shall hear more of the flag incident anon.

On May the 6th, the 1st Louisiana was again on board the City of New York bound for New Orleans. We passed the Chandaleur group of islands. Next day ran in among rocks and had to drop anchor. In the afternoon a breeze sprang up and the ship was again on her course, entering the southwest pass on the 8th an ironclad nondescript lay partly submerged at the bar. The pilot boat Matansas came down from the lighthouse and took us in tow, and on the 10th of May we anchored off Fort Jackson. The fort bore marks of a terrible pounding. At this point we took in a supply of coal and started up stream. Next day took Yankee Blade in tow. Passed many beautiful and costly buildings, made possible by human slavery. John Smith, from Woodstock, fell overboard. A boat was lowered and he was picked up. On May 12, 1862, tied up to the wharf in New Orleans. Next day disembarked and was quartered in a cotton press. Unloaded ship stores, and on the 15th moved into the Custom House. In passing through the aristocratic St. Charles street but few people were seen and these did not seem at all glad to see us, although the regiment was in its best attire: shoulder scales, arms and equipments burnished for the occasion. But nobody vouchsafed us a smile, except when we passed the Clay monument the iron features of that old veteran statesman seemed to smile on us as if well pleased with the gentle visit. It seemed refreshing.

The 13th Conn. Vols. remained here doing guard duty at the Custom House and General Butler's headquarters in the St. Charles Hotel until July 4, 1862. The duties were quite arduous as we had to go on guard about every other day. It was the duty of the sergeant of the guard to examine passes. As the post office and General Butler's court were in this building, a continual stream of citizens was going in and coming out all day. Each relief was on two hours and off four. It was somewhat galling to some of the citizens to be obliged to go between a cordon of hated Yankee soldiers with a pass to get to the post office. This was particularly distasteful to the ladies, but there did not seem to be any other way. General Butler came down every morning with a pair of big bay horses and a barouche, and the guard must fall in before the entrance, open ranks, and present arms as he passed in.

Quite a number of events worth relating happened while we were on duty there. Somehow Butler found out who tore down the flag Admiral Farragut had raised over the United States mint the day the city was captured, and he had him arrested and put under guard in the Custom House. He was tried and sentenced to be hung at the Mint directly under the place where he tore down the flag. I visited him two or three times in his place of confinement and conversed with him. He was a man of diminutive size, dark hair and whiskers, wearing the latter quite long. He was a shoemaker by trade, I should say of French origin, but spoke quite good English. From what I could learn there were others more to blame than he. They simply made a catspaw of him and they kept out of harm's way. His name was William B. Mumford. The story I learned was that after the citizens got the flag they formed a procession and dragged it through the streets in the mud for awhile, and then divided it up as trophies. But if Farragut's guns had gone off when the lanyards were pulled there would have been no hoodlums to drag the flag, or Mumford to hang. At sunrise on the morning of June 7th, Mumford was led out between two lines of soldiers, placed in a common army wagon and seated on his coffin, a plain, unpainted pine box, guarded in front and rear and or. either side. The cavalcade started towards the Mint led by the band playing the Dead March. I was on duty that day as sergeant of the guard and so could not go, but from the top of the Custom House I saw them start off. His wife and two young daughters stood in the street below, and to see their grief was enough to wring tears from a stone. A beam was run out of a window directly under where the flag hung, and William B. Mumford paid the penalty of his crime with hanging by the neck thereon until he was dead.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 12-24

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: April 17, 1862

Took a squad of 14 men and went on an expedition to the East end of the island, and a short description of it at this time, perhaps, will not be out of place. It is about seven miles long from east to west and about a mile wide, lying along the southern shore of Mississippi about twelve miles from the mainland. The center is narrow, and when the tides are in the water breaches clean across the island. The surface is somewhat undulating owing to the shifting of the sands by the action of the winds and water. There is but little vegetation on the west end of the island, but on the east end, which is much the widest, there is a stunted grove of yellow pines and shrub oaks, with some other shrubs and plants indigenous to the climate. But what is peculiar and perhaps the main reason for its being chosen for the quartering of troops is the fact that good, cool, fresh water can be had in any part of the island by digging anywhere from eighteen inches to two feet in the sand. I never knew of any scientific reason for it, but I suppose the salt water of the ocean is made fresh by leaching through the sand. We started from the west end of the island, where the troops are quartered, at 9 a. m. On reaching the center of the island we found the water breaching over for about a mile, and this we waded. After this our course lay along the south shore to the further extremity of the island. We found many curious shells, nuts, fruit, and branches of trees washed from the surrounding islands. Many pieces of wrecks lay along the beach embedded in the sand, and some almost whole skeletons of vessels lay rotting on the shore. These told sad tales of anguish and death in ages past. From the extremity of the island the southern shore of Mississippi could be seen quite plain. Some porpoises were sporting in the water and many birds were seen. Some of the men caught a few fish. Ripe blackberries were found among the pines. An alligator had been imprudent enough to show himself in a small pond of fresh water, and several officers and soldiers were watching for him with guns, but he was too cunning for them and they did not get him. After wandering about the island until about 4 p. m. all hands collected as many fan palms as they could carry and bent their steps for camp. The water had receded from the island so that it was dry ground all the way. The palms made a good floor for our tents. Next morning I was foot sore and weary. From this time until May 4 drilling and inspections were the order of the day. Heavy cannonading was heard more or less every day in the direction of Fort Jackson until the early morning of April 26, when at about 2 a. m. the most fearful cannonading ever heard on this continent broke loose. Ship Island shook as with an earthquake from the terrific explosions which continued until daylight. On the second of May a steamer from New Orleans came in, giving an account of the capture of that city and all the forts below.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 9-12

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: April 12, 1862

Twenty-six days from New Haven, Conn.

On the two following days we were employed in laying out streets, leveling ground and putting up tents. On the 13th I was detailed to get guns off the ship. A squad of 25 or 30 men were detailed to do the work. The guns were the Enfield rifles, made in England, and were said to be captured from blockade runners, and were in the original packafies [sic], 12 in a box. They were in the hold of the ship some 35 or 40 feet below the upper deck and of course had to be lifted Out with blocks and pulleys, as gasolene engines were unknown in those days. We found James Underwood dead on board the ship. He was Fife Major of the 13th Conn. Vols, from Thompson. In the old training days, in my boyhood, he with his fife would always march at the head of the column. I believe the poor man died purely of homesickness, as 1 had conversed with him many times during the voyage and he was very sad, his conversation being always of his home and old friends. Stayed on board all night, and by noon of the 16th had all the guns on board a schooner and came ashore. I was satisfied with sea life for the present and had no regrets.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 8-9

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: April 11, 1862

At 10 a. m. Pensacola, Fort Pickins and Santa Rosa Island in sight. Did not communicate with the shore. At 3 p. m. passed blockading fleet off Mobile. During the night a heavy thunder storm, lightning, wind and rain, terrific. In the morning we passed Horn Island, becalmed a few hours, but at 6 p. m. the City of New York anchored off Ship Island.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 8

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: April 8, 1862

Sergeant of the guard. Benjamin Jones of Company H, and Charles F. Cleveland of Company B, died and were buried in the ocean. Next day spoke ship Black Prince, of Boston, from Ship Island, who reported that a large fleet of gunboats left that island a day or two before she sailed. It was generally supposed they were bound for Forts Jackson and St. Philip.

SOURCE: George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 7-8