Showing posts with label Abatis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Abatis. Show all posts

Monday, February 6, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Monday, April 10, 1865

All the Regts rec orders to be supplied with 5 days rations in their haver sacks. Capt Lacy was in our camp looking well & hearty. Mail is to go out at 10. a. m. until which time spend the time in writing. After dinner Templeton & I go out to see the fortifications, see many pools of blood. Can see Mobile from the forts & see some rebel batteries out in the Bay firing at our gunboats & shelling a pontoon bridge we have across Spanish river See a squad of rebs under guard taking up the torpedos which are thickly strewn, the roads are full, they uncover them & build a fire on them to explode them. the pieces fly about with a wicked noise. Saw one place where in the charge 4 men were Killed by the explosion of one torpdo. The Jonnies had extensive works laid off here which would have taken a year to complete but the works completed are ugly to get to over fallen timber & brush thick abbattis & dead loads of torpedos. About 150 of the men who had been at Spanish fort were captured this morning they not knowing this place had been taken were making their way up here. I was to see them & pronounce them the best looking confeds I ever saw, when the forts here were charged yesterday there were two Genls there, but one was taken & it is supposed the other escaped with some of his men who swam the river, but this evening he was captured. he had secreted himself in an commissary boat & undertook to get out & run for it but there were too many guards with muskets close by to allow that. It is rumored here this evening that about two hundred prisoners were taken, found in their holes close by Spanish fort think this not reliable. A supply train started to Thomas early this morning, saw a small detachment of cavalry from his army who say they saw no rebels between him & no report his men wanting grub. Genl Steeles command is ordered to be ready for a forward movement where to not known, the way to Mobile by land is 130 miles & there is a camp rumor that Steeles corps & Smiths corps are to go to the rear of Mobile & Grangers corps to Thomas Who will opperate somewhere above, heavy firing has been kept up all day in the bay but do not learn with what effect

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 588

Thursday, July 21, 2016

Lieutenant Colonel Charles Fessenden Morse: August 30, 1864

Near Railroad Bridge, C HattAhoochIe,
August 30, 1864.

We have changed our base, as you may perceive. On the night of the 25th, we learned that our corps was to go back to the river and hold a strong “tête du pont covering the bridges and ferries, while the remainder of the army made a grand movement towards the right to get position on the Macon Railroad. Our move was executed very well, all the caissons and wagons going to the rear on the night of the 25th, the troops remaining in position during the next day and moving back at night.

Our division holds a very strong line, covering the railroad bridge and two important wooden ones for wagons. We have made ourselves very strong here, with good earthworks and timber slashed into an impenetrable abattis for five hundred yards in our front, and are now ready for any part of the rebel army that sees fit to attack us. Hood will probably have all he wants on his hands, to look after Sherman and his communications. The 27th was a bright day in our calendar. On that day, General Slocum returned and took command; he rode along our position, and was received with the greatest enthusiasm by the whole line. I had a chance to shake hands with him and say a few words. He is looking finely. I set him down now as one of the very best generals in the whole army, and I think time will prove him so. He is, in every way, a good soldier, and what is better, a true man, devoid of humbug and “rich in saving common sense.” Professional bummers and loafers must make themselves scarce now, and men who do their duty will be recognized once more.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 186-7

Wednesday, June 29, 2016

Major Charles Fessenden Morse: July 9, 1864

Near Vining's Station, Ga.,
July 9, 1864.

The 2d of July, Saturday, I was Field Officer of the day, and had charge of the brigade picket. That night I received notice that the enemy were expected to leave very soon, and to watch them closely. I went out to the picket line, intending to stay there till morning; the night was pretty dark, and though only about three hundred yards of open field lay between our line and the rebels', yet nothing could be seen at that distance. Occasionally, shots were fired. At one in the morning I ordered three men and a corporal, whom I knew to be cool, brave men, to crawl up within a few yards of the nearest rebel picket post, if possible, and see if they were still there. In about an hour they returned, and reported that they had been near enough to hear the enemy talking, and had been fired upon twice; however, from general appearances, I made up my mind that they were going, and so reported.

At a little before daylight, the whole picket line was ordered forward. We advanced and got into the enemy's works without opposition, taking quite a number of prisoners. These works were the most formidable I have yet seen, — more of the nature of permanent fortifications than ordinary field works. The breastworks were of the strongest kind; then about ten yards in front was a chevaux de frise of a double row of pointed rails, and in front of this, an almost impenetrable abattis about one hundred yards wide.

I got into Marietta among the first with my skirmishers. I found it to be a beautiful place, though now almost deserted by its inhabitants. We drove out the rear guard of cavalry and artillery; among them could be seen numbers of citizens, men and women, running off like fools, leaving their property to be destroyed. For the first time in the South, I saw here pretty, neat country places, like those of Jamaica Plain and Brookline, with green lawns and hedges, and ornamental shrubs and trees about them; the houses appeared to be well furnished, but I suppose before this, the riff-raff of the army has rifled them of all worth taking. The Military Academy was a fine building, with gymnasium, etc., about it; it has been converted into a hospital. By sunrise the whole army was moving and on the heels of Johnston. We were right on him when he got into another of his lines of works. My skirmishers took about fifty prisoners; judging from that, the army must have taken at least one or two thousand.

July 4th, nothing occurred except a few changes of position. On the morning of the 5th, the enemy were gone from our front; we followed them up, and found them in their next line, about three miles off.

From one part of our line I had a distant view of Atlanta, the spires and towers rising in plain sight above the everlasting forests, which seemed to extend without a break, excepting an occasional corn-field, from Tullahoma to this place. We are now in front of the rebel position, their two flanks resting on the Chattahoochie, as do ours. We are told that we shall be here a few days, so I suppose there can be no obstacle to the enemy crossing the river whenever they want to do so. In my limited sphere of observation, I can give you for facts only what I see; the causes are all beyond me, as I know nothing of any movements beyond our own corps.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 173-5

Saturday, February 28, 2015

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, October 11, 1864

October 11, 1864

Did I tell you of the two spies, last night? There is a redoubt on our line which had no garrison except a sergeant and two or three men. Towards sunset appeared two officers, who attracted attention, the one by having three stars on his coat arranged somewhat like those of a Rebel colonel, the other by being much concealed by a high collar and a flap hat. They asked a number of questions about the work, which so increased the suspicion that word was sent to General Meade, who ordered a regiment at once to proceed to the spot, and the sergeant to be arrested for not seizing the persons. Who do you think they were? Why, Captain Craig and Rosencrantz, taking an evening stroll! Craig has no circulation and turns up his collar whenever the mercury falls below 70 degrees. Rosie has a Swedish coat with three stars indicating a captain; hence the alarm! This morning arrived a passing visitor, Major-General Doyle, commanding in Nova Scotia. He is a Pat and is favorable to us, for a wonder; gave up the Chesapeake to us, you know. He looks as funny as Punch; indeed just like Punch — a very red edition of him, with a stiff throttled aspect, caused by an apoplectic stock, five inches high. He was a jolly old buck and much amused by a lot of civilians, who also had come up from City Point. He called them T.G.'s, signifying “travelling gents,” and, whenever we came on a redoubt, with a good abattis, he would say to the T.G's: “What do you think, hey? How would you like to attack that, hey?” Upon which the T.G's, whose pantaloons were somewhat up their legs, would look dubious. As he beheld the wonders of the land, he would exclaim: “Oh, bless my soul! why, you know, we have no idea of this at home. Oh, bless my soul!” On the road we met a Rebel deserter, who chanced to be an Irishman, whereat the Doyle was highly delighted and asked him if he got much whiskey the other side. To which Pat replied with regret, that that strengthening beverage cost $30 a quart in Secessia. After trotting him all over creation and giving him a lunch, we put him on top of the Avery house, and let him look at Rebs through a telescope; but I am sure he saw nothing, though he exclaimed, “Bless my soul!” a great deal.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 244-5

Saturday, February 21, 2015

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, September 30, 1864

At 8.30 in the morning, the General, with the combative Humphreys and all the Staff, rode towards the left, stopping of course at the irresistible Hancock's. At noon we got to Globe Tavern, which is some six miles from our old Headquarters. Crawford's division still held the works on the Weldon road, while Warren, with two divisions, followed by Parke, with two divisions of the 9th Corps, had moved out to the west, and already we could hear the Rebel artillery shelling our advance.  . . . At the Poplar Grove Church the Rebels began to throw shells, with a good deal of accuracy, into the road; for they had the range, though they could not see for the woods. Near here was a swampy run, where our skirmishers drove those of the enemy across, and the division then got over and kept ahead. General Meade, meantime, staid at the Globe Tavern, waiting for the movement to develop. He sent out an aide or two, to tell Warren he was there and to bring news of the progress. Warren sent in word that; having got across the run, he would soon see what could be done. At 12.45 we could hear pretty brisk musketry, which continued a short time and then ceased. Some time after, an aide came in from General Warren, with news that Griffin had captured a strong line and a redoubt, in handsome style. Not long after, the General rode to the front, where we arrived at 2.45. Most of the road was through a pleasant wood, chiefly oak. Passing the “church” (a little, old, wooden building that might seat forty persons), we turned to the right and came out on a large, open farm. On a roll of land, just ahead, was the Peeble house (pretty well riddled with bullets), and hence you looked over more open land ending in a fringe of wood. Perhaps 400 yards in front was the captured line and the redoubt: the former very strongly and handsomely made; the latter not quite finished inside, wanting still the platforms for the guns; otherwise it was done, with a ditch outside and an abattis. So far as I can learn, the occupying force was about equal to the attacking; but they did not make as good a fight as usual. The two assaulting brigades advanced very handsomely and rushed over the works. The enemy began at once to draw off their cannon, but the horses of one piece were shot, and it fell into our hands. The loss was very small in the assault, not over 100, which shows how much safer it is to run boldly on: the enemy get excited and fire high. I went into the redoubt. A Rebel artillery-man lay dead on the parapet, killed so instantly, by a shot through the head, that the expression of his face was unchanged. In front they were burying two or three of our men and a corporal was marking their names on a headboard, copying from letters found in their pockets. Parke was now ordered to form on the left of Warren (Ayres being on the right of Griffin), and it was understood that the whole line would then advance from its present position, near the Pegram house, and see if it were practicable to carry the second line, which lay perhaps three fourths of a mile beyond. As I understand it, General Meade's orders were not properly carried out; for Griffin did not form, so as to make an extension of Parke's line. At 5.30 we were sitting in the Peeble house, waiting for the development of the attack, when we heard very heavy musketry beyond the narrow belt of the woods that separated us from the Pegram farm; there was cheering, too, and then more musketry, and naturally we supposed that Parke was assaulting. But presently there came from the woods a considerable number of stragglers, making their way to the rear; then came even a piece of a regiment, with its colors, and this halted inside the captured works. The musketry now drew plainly nearer, and things began to look ticklish. I watched anxiously a brigade of the 5th Corps that stood massed in the edge of the wood, beyond the redoubt. Suddenly it filed to the left, at a double-quick, the brigade colors trotting gaily at the head, then formed line and stood still. In another moment the men leveled their muskets, fired a heavy volley and charged into the wood. The musketry receded again; a battery went forward and added itself to the general crash, which was kept up till darkness had well set in; while we sat and watched and listened, in comparative safety, just beside the captured redoubt. Potter had been taken in the flank by the Rebels charging, and had been driven back in confusion. Griffin had advanced and restored the retired line. And who rides hither so placidly? It is General Humphreys: he has stolen off and, bless his old soul, has been having a real nice time, right in the line of battle! “A pretty little fight,” said he gingerly, “a pretty little fight. He! he! he!” Poor Potter! it wasn't his fault. Our extreme advance was driven back, but the day was a great success, with important strategic bearing.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 234-7

Thursday, November 27, 2014

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, May 18, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac
Wednesday, May 18, 1864

I have no right to complain: I have less hardship, more ease, and less exposure than most officers, and, if I must be with the army in the field, I have as good a place as one can well expect. I did hope (though there was no proper ground for it) that we might have the great blessing of an overwhelming victory. Such things you read of in books, but they do not happen often, particularly with such armies to oppose as those of the Rebels. . . .

The great feature of this campaign is the extraordinary use made of earthworks. When we arrive on the ground, it takes of course a considerable time to put troops in position for attack, in a wooded country; then skirmishers must be thrown forward and an examination made for the point of attack, and to see if there be any impassable obstacles, such as streams or swamps. Meantime what does the enemy? Hastily forming a line of battle, they then collect rails from fences, stones, logs and all other materials, and pile them along the line; bayonets with a few picks and shovels, in the hands of men who work for their lives, soon suffice to cover this frame with earth and sods; and within one hour, there is a shelter against bullets, high enough to cover a man kneeling, and extending often for a mile or two. When our line advances, there is the line of the enemy, nothing showing but the bayonets, and the battle-flags stuck on the top of the work. It is a rule that, when the Rebels halt, the first day gives them a good rifle-pit; the second, a regular infantry parapet with artillery in position; and the third a parapet with an abattis in front and entrenched batteries behind. Sometimes they put this three days' work into the first twenty-four hours. Our men can, and do, do the same; but remember, our object is offense — to advance. You would be amazed to see how this country is intersected with field-works, extending for miles and miles in different directions and marking the different strategic lines taken up by the two armies, as they warily move about each other.

The newspapers would be comic in their comments, were not the whole thing so tragic. More absurd statements could not be. Lee is not retreating: he is a brave and skilful soldier and he will fight while he has a division or a day's rations left. These Rebels are not half-starved and ready to give up — a more sinewy, tawny, formidable-looking set of men could not be. In education they are certainly inferior to our native-born people; but they are usually very quick-witted within their own sphere of comprehension; and they know enough to handle weapons with terrible effect. Their great characteristic is their stoical manliness; they never beg, or whimper, or complain; but look you straight in the face, with as little animosity as if they had never heard a gun.

Now I will continue the history a little. But first I will remark that I had taken part in two great battles, and heard the bullets whistle both days, and yet I had scarcely seen a Rebel save killed, wounded, or prisoners! I remember how even line officers, who were at the battle of Chancellorsville, said: “Why, we never saw any Rebels where we were; only smoke and bushes, and lots of our men tumbling about”; and now I appreciate this most fully. The great art is to conceal men; for the moment they show, bang, bang, go a dozen cannon, the artillerists only too pleased to get a fair mark. Your typical “great white plain,” with long lines advancing and manoeuvring, led on by generals in cocked hats and by bands of music, exist not for us. Here it is, as I said: “Left face — prime — forward!” — and then wrang, wr-r-rang, for three or four hours, or for all day, and the poor, bleeding wounded streaming to the rear. That is a great battle in America.

Well! to our next day — Saturday, May 7th. At daylight it would be hard to say what opinion was most held in regard to the enemy, whether they would attack, or stand still; whether they were on our flanks, or trying to get in our rear, or simply in our front. However, it was not long before they were reported as fallen back — a good deal back from the left and right and somewhat from our centre on the pike. Reconnaissances were at once thrown out; and the General sent me to the front, on the pike, to learn how matters stood; where I found, on the most undoubted evidence, that we were throwing solid shot and shell at the rebels, and they were throwing solid shot and shells at us. . . .

There was heavy skirmishing, with some artillery, all that morning, until we determined that the enemy had swung back both wings; and shortened and straightened his line. There lay both armies, each behind its breastworks, panting and exhausted, and scowling at each other. At five this morning a novel sight was presented to the Potomac Army. A division of black troops, under General Ferrero, and belonging to the 9th Corps, marched up and massed in a hollow near by. As I looked at them, my soul was troubled and I would gladly have seen them marched back to Washington. Can we not fight our own battles, without calling on these humble hewers of wood and drawers of water, to be bayonetted by the unsparing Southerners? We do not dare trust them in the line of battle. Ah, you may make speeches at home, but here, where it is life or death, we dare not risk it. They have been put to guard the trains and have repulsed one or two little cavalry attacks in a creditable manner; but God help them if the grey-backed infantry attack them! . . .

As General Grant sat under a pine tree, stoically smoking his briarwood pipe, I heard him say: “To-night Lee will be retreating south.”1 Ah! General, Robert Lee is not Pemberton; he will retreat south, but only far enough to get across your path, and then he will retreat no more, if he can help it. In fact, orders were out for the whole army to move at dark on Spotsylvania Court House. But Lee knew it all: he could see the waggons moving, and had scouts besides. As night fell, his troops left their works and were crowding down the Parker's Store road, towards Spotsylvania — each moment worth untold gold to them! Grant had no longer a Pemberton! “His best friend,” as he calls him. And we marched also. . . .

We [Headquarters] did not start till nearly nine o'clock.  . . . It was a sultry night — no rain for many days; the horses' hoofs raised intolerable clouds of dust, which, in this sandy region, is fine almost like flour. I never saw — nobody could well see — a more striking spectacle than that road as we passed slowly along. All the way was a continuous low breastwork behind which lay crowded the sleeping infantry. They were so close as almost to be on top of each other; every man with his loaded musket in his hand, or lying at his side. A few yards outside stood a line of sentries, their muskets cocked, and others sat on top of the breastwork. Few of the officers allowed themselves any rest, but paced up and down, in their great coats and slouched hats, looking sharply after the sentries. That looked like war, I do assure you. By the roadside was Gibbon, and a tower of strength he is, cool as a steel knife, always, and unmoved by anything and everything. There we lay down, literally in the dust, after a drink of iced water (for all the farms have ice-houses in this region, which our men are not slow to hunt out), and then we waited for General Meade, who had waited behind to speak with Hancock. By and by he came, with more clouds of dust, and then on again, past more sleeping men, and batteries in position, losing the road, finding it again, tearing our clothes among trees and bushes, then coming to cavalry pickets and finally to Todd's Tavern, where General Gregg had his Headquarters, with his division of cavalry camped about there. . . . There was a porch in front with a dirt floor, and there I lay down, with my head on a timber, and got some sleep. On Sunday morning, May 8th, — it was not much like a Sabbath, — we were all staring sleepily about us, forlorn with dust and dirt. The road was full of the infantry, passing at a rapid rate; in light order they were, many without knapsacks, or coats: most had thrown away all baggage but a blanket and haversack. Then came batteries, then more infantry, all of the 5th Corps; the Second had not yet begun to pass.  An old nigger made us some coffee and hoe-cake — very acceptable. . . .
_______________

1 The day before, “Grant told Meade that Joe Johnston would have retreated after two such days' punishment. He recognized the difference of the Western Rebel fighting.” — Lyman's Journal, May 6.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 99-104

Sunday, June 29, 2014

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, May 23, 1863

Headquarters Second Brigade, Second Div.,
Fifteenth A. C.
Camp Near V-burg, Walnutt Hills in The Rear
And Before Fortifications, May 23, 1863.
My Dear Mother:

“The bugles sing truce, and the night cloud has lowered,” and I have brief season to say that I am alive and unscathed, though since Thursday last, this being Saturday at one, I have been in a slaughter pen. I have this moment come from my hospital in the rear — my first duty after putting my troops under some sort of protection from fire, such as the ravines could give, was there. God help us — a fearful, fearful sight. I have seen agony and death in all its phases, but never before have as many of my own, my own good, true, leal hearts, draining off drop by drop their best blood in mortal agony, been bared before me. One of my pet colonels is shot through, maimed for life, if life is saved at all. Captains, lieutenants, non-commissioned officers, and so many private soldiers. My official reports are not all in, but I must lose out of my own command nearly three hundred, and these my bravest and best. God! what a charge it was! Talk of Balaklava — it sinks into insignificance. And they went on horseback, while we had to work in on foot, over tangled abattis, up precipitous hills, and against ramparts bristling with cannon and rifle; the pits behind filled with soldiers ready with the hand grenade, and under a constantly enfilading fire. You have read of hurling masses of men. I wish I could write — language utterly fails me. Not now at least. You will read I suppose something of it. We have been in battle for days, but the charges, the attempts to carry the place by assault, — then was the very pitch, the culminating grand climax and fever drama of battle, only horses were wanting. My men came on so gallantly; not one to falter. I turned back to see them swept down in ranks. Their comrades rushed over the bodies of the dead. I planted two stands of colors on the outer verge; these stand upon the crest . . . just behind. Men could not scale a perpendicular wall of fifteen feet. Men could not have gone up without guns in their hands and with no enemy in front. We did all mortal man could do — but such slaughter! Our division lost six hundred and eighty the first day; yesterday probably a thousand. We shall certainly lose fifteen hundred, and of those our bravest and best. My men are so gallant. I haven't a coward in my brigade. But if you could see their ghastly wounds, the faces of the dead. I have been on many battlefields, none like this, no such slaughter in so brief a space of time; not so many of my own to mourn. I ought not to write you now; ought not to write to any one in my present frame of mind, but I have an opportunity to send. I have just unbuckled my sword, and in the unnatural calm succeeding a bloody, bloody battle, pencil to you that I am well. Tomorrow, perchance, the jest and the wine cup, maybe the grave. I hope not the hospital. Oh, that horrid, horrid, damnable hospital! Rather a thousand deaths in the glorious enthusiasm of battle than an hour's torture on that table.

We cannot take Vicksburg by assault upon the rear through these fortifications. They are masterpieces of skill in military engineering. We shall approach by parallels, sap and mine. Our other great victories before reaching here you have heard of. If I can possibly get the leisure you shall have a detailed account of my march, and engagements up to the time of forming the first line of battle before the fortifications. God has spared my life. I hope for some good purpose. I cannot understand it. I have passed through a rain of bullets. Why is it? All around me have been cut down. So many, so much more valuable lives sacrificed and mine spared. I am ripe; I could go now. Oh! if I could only have got in the devils would have fled; they can't fight in open field; it is only behind breastworks and intrenchments. God help Vicksburg now, if our soldiers do get in, I shall be deaf and blind and one city will be sacked. We wax hot; the battle is not to the strong. I am running away in rhapsody. I am well, unhurt. I stand at the head of what is left of as brave a brigade as America can boast. It is known as the “fighting brigade,” and well has it sustained its reputation. I am proud; not quite exulting in victory, though we have driven the enemy to his stronghold. We have desolated his towns and villages, and of pleasant places have made a wilderness. He has fled before us like chaff before the wind; this is enough for you all to know now. I am well, exultant, my armor on, my face to the foe; even as I write bullets whistle and shells hurtle about me. To-morrow, if it comes to me, or the next day, I will write you in detail. I am writing very hurriedly now, in the midst of much excitement, perhaps not lucidly. I am sitting among the dead and must bury my dead, no shrift or shroud, and shallow grave. I only write to let you know I am safe and well. There are brigadier-generals here, with bright, new stars upon their shoulders, but without command, who are doubtless eagerly seeking my place. Perhaps I shall be compelled to give way to some one of them; if not, before I put my sword away something may be accomplished. So much of myself. You are this night reading the papers and trembling for my fate, so I write, and of myself, to stay your grief and apprehension. I am quite well. God grant you all are well. Pray for me now. My spirit is proud and high; it goeth before destruction; I cannot subdue. God bless you all.

Your affec. Son,
Tom.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 295-7

Monday, November 11, 2013

Major General William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, June 11, 1863

WALNUT HILLS, June 11, 1863.

. . . I don't believe I can give you an idea of matters here. You will read so much about Vicksburg and the people now gathered about it that you will get bewildered, and I will wait till maps become more abundant. I miss Pitzman very much. I feel his loss just as I did that of Morgan L. Smith at Chickasaw, both wounded in the hip, reconnoitering. So far as Vicksburg is concerned the same great features exist. The deep washes and ravines with trees felled makes a network of entangled abattis all round the city, and if we had a million of men we would be compelled to approach it by the narrow heads of columns which approach the concealed trenches and casemates of a concealed and brave and desperate enemy. We cannot carry our men across this continuous parapet without incurring fearful loss. We have been working making roads and paths around spurs, up hollows, until I now have on my front of over two miles three distinct ways by which I can get close up to the ditch, but still each has a narrow front and any man who puts his head above ground has his head shot off. All day and night continues the sharp crack of the rifle and deep sound of mortars and cannon hurling shot and shell at the doomed city. I think we have shot twenty thousand cannon balls and many millions of musket balls into Vicksburg, but of course the great mass of these bury into the earth and do little harm. We fire one hundred shot to their one, but they being scarce of ammunition take better care not to waste it. I rode away round to McClernand's lines the day before yesterday, and found that he was digging his ditches and parallels further back from the enemy than where I began the first day. My works are further advanced than any other, but still it will take some time to dig them out. The truth is we trust to the starvation. Accounts vary widely. Some deserters say they have plenty to eat, and others say they are down to pea bread and poor beef. I can see horses and mules gently grazing within the lines and therefore do not count on starvation yet. All their soldiers are in the trenches and none know anything but what occurs close to them. Food is cooked by negroes back in the hollows in rooms cut out of the hills and carried to them by night. The people, women and children, have also cut houses underground out of the peculiar earth, where they live in comparative safety from our shells and shot. Still I know great execution must have been done, and Vicksburg at this moment must be a horrid place. Yet the people have been wrought up to such a pitch of enthusiasm that I have not yet met one but would prefer all to perish rather than give up. They feel doomed, but rely on Joe Johnston. Of him we know but little save we hear of a force at Yazoo City, at Canton, Jackson and Clinton. . . .

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 266-7.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 2/05.

Tuesday, April 23, 2013

Fort Donelson: Historical Marker


C. S. A.
FORT DONELSON

The Confederate defenses consisted of this fort, two water batteries, and the line of rifle pits enclosing these and the town of Dover.  The garrison of the fort proper consisted of the

30th Tennessee, Colonel John W. Head
49th Tennessee, Colonel James E. Bailey
50th Tennessee, Colonel Cyrus A. Sugg

This force was organized by General Pillow upon his arrival on February 9, 1862, as a brigade under Colonel Head.

On February 12, Colonel Head’s regiment was ordered to a position in the outer defenses and the immediate command of the fort passed to Colonel Bailey.  The artillery armament of this fort consisted of one 8-inch Howitzer and two 9-pounder guns under Lieutenant P. K. Stankiewicz.

The Main line of resistance consisted of the line of trenches which extend from Hickman Creek over a distance of approximately two miles along the crest of the hills and envelop the town of Dover.  At some points in front of the intrenchments felled trees formed an abatis and presented a difficult obstacle in the path of the attacker.

Fort Donelson

Fort Entrance
Confederate soldiers and slaves built this 15-acre earthen fort over a period of seven months, using axes and shovels to make a wall of logs and earth ten feet high.  While a more permanent fort of brick or stone would have been more desirable, earthen walls were much quicker to build.  Properly constructed earthworks can provide better protection than brick or stone.  The fort’s purpose was to protect the Cumberland River batteries from land attack. At the time of the battle, all trees within 200 yards of the fort were felled, clearing the fields of fire and observation.  Tree branches were sharpened and laid around the outside of the fort to form obstacles called abatis.

SOURCE: 2010 Fort Donelson National Battlefield park brochure: Tour Stop 2.

Exterior of the Fort's Walls.
Exterior of the Fort's Walls.
Interior of the Fort's Walls.
Interior of the Fort's Walls

Sunday, April 7, 2013

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, June 15, 1862

There were five hundred men from the Sixth Division detailed to go out and cut down the timber in front of the fortifications around the camp. The trees are cut so as to make them fall outward toward the approach of an enemy; the branches are then sharpened, making what is called an abatis.

The trees in a space six hundred feet wide and twenty miles long are being felled. We had company inspection at 5 o'clock in the evening.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 53-4