Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 8, 1864

Hot and dry.

There are rumors of battles near Winchester and in Georgia.

Mr. Benjamin writes the Secretary of War for a passport for who is going to New York, “for our service.” In the assault on the fortifications near Petersburg last week, it is said Hancock's (enemy's) corps lost half its men.

Watermelons have sold at $20 each; corn, $10 per dozen ears; and everything else in the markets in proportion.

My yellow tomatoes are just maturing. The dry weather has ruined nearly everything else in the garden.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 261-2

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Friday, July 17, 1863

After eating our scanty breakfast of hard-tack and coffee, the bugle is sounded and we saddle up and are on our way, taking the road towards Adamsville via Shiloh and Crump's Landing; about nine o'clock we pass a portion of the great battle-field of Shiloh, the place where the gallant General Prentiss stood so long fighting as it were against hope. A melancholy stillness pervades the whole command while passing this great battle field, for we remember that comrades sleep here. Oh! how vividly the day, the hour, the evening, comes to our minds when we saw them fall in the fierce struggle for the mastery. As we emerge from the dreary wilderness, where so many Union warriors lie sleeping, we are wont to say in the language of Tom Moore:

"Oh how blessed a warrior sleeps,

For whom a wondering world shall weep."

At noon we arrive at Adamsville, but no rebels are found; i. e. hostile ones. Everything seems quiet. We halt, feed, and eat our dinners. War has also made its mark here. From appearances this has been in former times a thriving little village; but alas! how different now. Three o'clock, we pass through Purdy and move on towards Corinth; we halt on Gravel Hill and go into camp for the night. The boys soon sally forth, and after being gone awhile return with plenty of oats and roasting-ears, upon which the mules and men make their supper.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 179-80

William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, April 15, 1860

LOUISIANA STATE SEMINARY, ALEXANDRIA, April 15, 1860.

This is Sunday. Some of the cadets have gone to church, some fishing and the balance are walking about. The Board of Supervisors are now sitting in a large room only two removed from me, and I hear them wrangling and quarreling over points of discipline and instruction which they have been now discussing for two days.

They have authorized me to make plans and estimates for the two houses. And I expect a builder to be out any moment to help me estimate. The Board approve my selection of the site for the two new houses, and I believe the one selected for ours the best, being on a fine high point, distant from the college building yet overlooking its grounds. There is a fine spring near by. The weather continues warm and excessively dry and all are praying for rain to bring up the corn and cotton which has been planted for a month.

I have your several letters asking the price of servants, etc., but I cannot answer as all servants here are scarce and most everybody owns their own. I suppose ten dollars a month will hire a black woman but it is impossible to hire a strong man fit for field work at less than $25 a month and board. If Emily and Gertrude come with you we will still need a man and maybe a black girl, as white girls won't work down here long. Still we can agree to pay them a bonus if they stay a year. But as I wrote you there is no chance of your coming down for a long time, may be November.

Dr. Smith one of the supervisors, a physician of long standing, says that October and November are the sickly months. July and August though hot are perfectly healthy. So that he favors those months as the vacation. So great is the variation of opinion that I let them fight it out as it is proper that they who have lived here all their lives should determine the question. I hope to get the builders to work in the course of a month but all such things proceed so slowly here that I doubt if we can finish this year. Nobody seems to pay any attention to time or appointments.

Red River too has already begun to fall and soon will be navigated only by the smallest kind of boats and it will be next to impossible to procure anything from New Orleans, the only point where furniture can be had. The stores in Alexandria contain nothing of the kind. Indeed California in its worst days had a better market than this country. There are no farmers here. The planters produce only cotton and sugar on a large scale and deem it beneath their dignity to raise anything for market. Some of the negroes raise a few sweet potatoes, corn, etc., which they sell about Christmas time, but all the year else everything must come from New Orleans. We are now paying for corn one dollar and ten cents a bushel and hay costs about forty-eight dollars a ton. Everything is proportional, so that I doubt if my four thousand dollars will more than barely maintain us.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 200-2

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Sunday, June 28, 1863

This morning companies F, G, H, I and K, mounted and equipped, under the command of Colonel Rowett leave Corinth. We move out on the Purdy road; our mules travel finely; at noon we halt and feed our mules out of a rebel wheat field, after which we pass on through Purdy. This town shows marks of change since we last passed through it. War's scourge has been felt here; some of the finest mansions have been laid in ruins, which is the legitimate vengeance of the loyal Tennessee cavalry. Passing on some miles farther, we are informed by our guide, Captain Aldridge, a loyal Tennesseean, that we are now two miles from Colonel Horton's, one of the guerrilla leaders of West Tennessee, and that in all probability he is now at home; therefore, Colonel Rowett, with an intent if possible to capture him, makes a disposition of the companies, directing them to file around in different directions and surround his house. The house is circumvented, but no Horton can be found. It is night now, and we go into camp on the plantation; a descent is made upon the corn pens, and also on the garden and chickens. These proceedings, of course, embitter the family against the soldiers. The old lady's ever ready weapon is soon plying; she talks bitterly, using the words "vandals," "ruffians,” and “black abolitionists,” freely. Finding that her invective tongue proves powerless, she gathers a hoe, attacks the men, and of course drives them from the yard ; then commences on the mules tied to the yard fence and after beating them awhile and seeing Colonel Rowett passing through the yard, she makes an assault upon him, attacking him simultaneously with her hoe and wrathful invectives. “You the leader of these vandals, clear out of my yard.” The affable Colonel soon succeeded in quieting her, and we believe he succeeded in persuading the old lady to give him his supper. After the camp fires had gone out, a company of volunteers, under the command of Captain Clark, of Company D, are sent out, and guided by Captain Aldridge, they visit every guerrilla house in the country and succeed in capturing a Captain from Bragg's army.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 174-6

Silas A. Hudson to Brigadier-General Grenville M. Dodge, July 11, 1863

Memphis Tennessee, July 11th, 186[3]*,

General Dodge:

I have just arrived here from Headquarters and am on my way home with Master Fred, the General's son, who will remain some time north for the benefit of his health.

Before leaving, I had a confidential interview with the General and it gives me pleasure to be able to inform you authoritively that your name will head the list to be sent forward by him for promotion to Major Generalship.  I am also authorized to say to you that his recent success gives him more real pleasure and gratification because it enable him to advance the interest of meritorious officers in his command who have nobly stood by him, and have so largely contributed to his present fame and position, than from any other consideration.  And although he has known you but little except in an official capacity, you have his full confidence, and he approves your management of the duty [assigned] you fully and completely.

We have taken 31,277 prisoners, one Lieut. Gen. and 14 Majors and Brig. Gen. and about 60 Cols. Etc.

So far as we are able to obtain record by actual count, we have 66,000 stands of arms, 173 Field and large guns, 660  bbls flour[,] corn in quantities, five million dollars in clothing—their invoice, 250,00 lbs. of sugar, large amou[n]ts of bacon, &c. &c. and ammunition sufficient for years, and of the best quality as are their arms, 30,000 of which have never been used, and which we will exchange our[s] for, and so make the caliber used by us uniform.

SOURCES: Grenville M. Dodge, Biography of Major General Grenville M. Dodge from 1831 to 1871: written and compiled by himself at different times and completed in 1914, p. 111 accessed on archive.org January 17, 2022. *General Dodge in this, his typewritten manuscript, misdates this letter as July 11, 1862.  John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 145 places this letter in 1863.

Lieutenant Colonel Samuel J. Nasmith to Lieutenant Colonel John A. Rawlins, July 1, 1863

HEADQUARTERS 25TH WISCONSIN VOLUNTEER INFANTRY,        

Snyder's Bluff, Miss., July 1, 1863.

SIR: In compliance with orders dated Headquarters Department of Tennessee, June 25, 1863, addressed to "commanding officer of expedition against Greenville," I have the honor to report the following:

I started from Snyder's Bluff, in the afternoon of June 25, 1863, with the following troops, to wit: Twenty-fifth Wisconsin Infantry, 600 strong, four pieces Fourth Ohio Battery, and three companies Fifth Illinois Cavalry, 200 strong, under Major Farnan, and proceeded to Young's Point. Here I was joined by three gunboats and the John Raines, of the marine fleet, having on board 50 infantry and 100 cavalry. The boats were detained till noon the 26th to coal, when I proceeded up the river. Arriving at the foot of Island No. 82, the cavalry disembarked and proceeded by land to Greenville. Here I disembarked, and proceeded with the cavalry to the foot of Island No. 84, distant 21 miles by land. Searching the country to find signs of the enemy, I arrived at Carter's plantation June 27, evening. The transports, with the infantry and artillery, came around by water. Not being able to find or hear of any enemy on this side the river, I am satisfied, from information received from reliable sources, that there has been no enemy near Greenville, on the Mississippi shore, for nearly four weeks; previously to that time there was a small force encamped on Deer Creek, distant 10 miles from Greenville. We found at the foot of Island No. 83 embrasures cut in the levee for three guns, and across the point—3 miles distant—for two guns; that a road had been cut across the point, connecting the two places; that they were in the habit of running the guns across the point while the boats were going round, and firing on the same boat at the two points.

I embarked with the cavalry June 28, and proceeded across the river to Spanish Moss Bend, on the Arkansas shore. Arriving there, all the troops were ordered to disembark, and did so, with the exception of those on board steamer John Raines. Major Hubbard, commanding the troops on the boat, did not obey the order. I proceeded at 1 p.m., 28th, for Gaines' Landing, with the infantry, artillery, and 200 cavalry. I had heard firing the night before at Gaines' Landing, and supposed there was a force on the bend between there and where we had landed. The distance between the point where we had landed and Gaines' Landing is 10 miles. My object was to capture the force between us and Gaines' Landing, on the bend. We had proceeded but 3 miles when we encountered their pickets. We followed them, skirmishing, to Gaines' Landing, where they changed their course, proceeding back from the river. It then being dark, and learning from various sources that their force was largely superior to mine, having no guide and being unable to obtain one, and there being several roads, cut through the woods from the river, in our rear, my force not being large enough to guard the roads and attack the enemy in front, I thought it prudent to retire to our transports.

From what I deem reliable information, the enemy had at Cypress Bend and Gaines' Landing, and points in the vicinity, from 4,000 to 5,000 troops, with eight pieces of artillery, to wit, two pieces 9-pounder rifled Parrott guns, two 16-pounder rifled brass, two 12-pounder brass howitzers, one 6-pounder rifled brass, and one 6-pounder smooth-bore. They have no caissons with their cannon. They have two full regiments of infantry, and the balance of the force cavalry. Their main camp is back of Lake Chicot. Said lake, as nearly as I could ascertain, is 10 miles back and up the river from Gaines' Landing, and so situated that the forces at Cypress Bend or other point on the river can readily be re-enforced from this point. The distance from Gaines' Landing to Cypress Bend, by land, is variously estimated at from 15 to 30 miles; by water, it is 50 miles. I also learned from good authority that all the forces in Arkansas, under Generals Price, Marmaduke, and other commanders, are ordered to the vicinity of Milliken's Bend, and that on June 27 seven regiments passed through Monticello, Ark., about 40 miles from Gaines' Landing. The forces on the river in vicinity of Cypress Bend are under command of General Gorman [?] or Graham [?], and Colonels Clark and [George W.] Carter, of Cape Girardeau notoriety.

I caused to be destroyed on Spanish Moss Bend from 12,000 to 20,000 bushels of corn, one mill and cotton-gin, used by the rebels for grinding corn.

On the morning of the 30th, I proceeded down the river. Hearing in the afternoon that they were fighting at Lake Providence, and needed help, I reported myself to the general commanding, who wished me to lie over night, fearing another attack in the morning. In the morning the cavalry marched through to Goodrich's Landing, seeing no enemy, but noticing the effects of what had been done the day before, the enemy having gone.

Major Farnan, commanding the cavalry, reports that the scenes witnessed by him in marching from Lake Providence to Goodrich's Landing were of a character never before witnessed in a civilized country, and the rebel atrocities committed the day before were such as the pen fails to record in proper language. They spared neither age, sex, nor condition. In some instances the negroes were shut up in their quarters, and literally roasted alive. The charred remains found in numerous instances testified to a degree of fiendish atrocity such as has no parallel either in civilized or savage warfare. Young children, only five or six years of age, were found skulking in the canebreak pierced with wounds, while helpless women were found shot down in the most inhuman manner. The whole country was destroyed, and every sign of civilization was given to the flames.

The cavalry embarked at Goodrich's Landing, and the expedition, except the marine boat, came to Chickasaw Landing. The battery was debarked there and was ordered to join its command. The two boats, with cavalry and infantry, came to Snyder's Bluff, and to camp. The boats were ordered to report to master of transportation, at the landing.

Before closing this report, it is proper that I should say that the portion of the Marine Brigade which accompanied me proved to be entirely worthless. At no time were my orders obeyed willingly, and the officer in command was disposed to find fault and cavil when any real service was required of them. They failed me altogether when most wanted, and, instead of being any assistance to me, they were, to use no harsher language, a positive injury to the expedition.

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant,

SAMUEL J. NASMITH,        

Lieut. Col. Twenty-fifth Wisconsin Infantry, Comdg. Expedition.

Lieut. Col. JOHN A. RAWLINS,
        Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 2 (Serial No. 37), p. 516-8

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Tuesday, December 30, 1862

This morning Companies H and I, under the command of Captain Johnson, are sent on a foraging expedition, taking with them the Division train. They go within six miles of Purdy, making a general sweep of every thing that would in any way serve to satisfy the "inner” of both man and mule.

Wednesday morning they start back with the train loaded down with corn, hogs, sheep, chickens, and geese, and arrive in camp about noon. The Seventh is well supplied, having plenty to eat now though they are minus the half rations due from the government, and we conclude to-night "that Mr. rebels are robbing Paul to pay Peter.”

Another year is now closing—another child of time passing away. Soon turbulent and boisterous sixty-two's death-knell will be sounded, and while she is slowly dying, we trace its history, and behold that great events have transpired since it first walked forth. America has been in commotion, a great people engaged in civil strife. The force of law and the power of republican freedom have been arrayed against ignorance, rebellion, and mad ambition. May this force and power in its mighty march sweep from this land every vestage of marshaled opposition ere the death doom of another year is spoken. Would that this year of war would roll out and a year of peace come in; that no more hecatombs of loyal dead might be reared in the southland; but that harmony, quiet and fraternal love might reign where the beautiful magnolia and citron bloom.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 125-6

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Wednesday, January 7, 1863

Last night a train arrived from Memphis bringing provisions, but not sufficient to relieve us from half rations. Things look gloomy in and around Corinth. The troops are compelled to subsist in part on corn obtained by the foraging parties. The Seventh is now shelling corn for the purpose of making hominy. Should the rebels make a raid now upon Corinth (for which the soldiers al hope and pray) we dare say they would be met in a becoming manner, and somebody would be made sick-we are strongly of the opinion that it would not be the Union soldiers.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 127-8

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Friday, January 9, 1863

This morning the boys are busy shelling corn to make hominy, and while we walk through the camp of the Seventh we are reminded of the stories told of our revolutionary fathers, in their struggle for independence.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 128

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 30, 1864

Federal papers now admit that Gen. Banks has been disastrously beaten in Louisiana. They also admit their calamity at Plymouth, N. C. Thus in Louisiana, Florida, West Tennessee, and North Carolina the enemy have sustained severe defeats: their losses amounting to some 20,000 men, 100 guns, half a dozen war steamers, etc. etc.

Gen. Burnside has left Annapolis and gone to Grant—whatever the plan was originally; and the work of concentration goes on for a decisive clash of arms in Virginia.

And troops are coming hither from all quarters, like streamlets flowing into the ocean. Our men are confident, and eager for the fray.

The railroad companies say they can transport 10,000 bushels corn, daily, into Virginia. That will subsist 200,000 men and 25,000 horses. And in June the Piedmont connection will be completed.

The great battle may not occur for weeks yet. It will probably end the war.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 195-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 13, 1864

A clear, but cool day. Again planted corn, the other having rotted.

There is an unofficial report that one of our torpedo boats struck the Federal war steamer Minnesota yesterday, near Newport News, and damaged her badly.

I learn (from an official source) to-day that Gen. Longstreet's corps is at Charlottesville, to co-operate with Lee's army, which will soon move, no doubt.

Gen. Bragg received a dispatch yesterday, requesting that commissary stores for Longstreet be sent to Charlottesville, and he ordered his military secretary to direct the Commissary-General accordingly. To this Col. Northrop, C. G. S., took exceptions, and returned the paper, calling the attention of Gen. B.'s secretary to the Rules and Regulations, involving a matter of red tape etiquette. The C. G. S. can only be ordered or directed by the Secretary of War. Gen. B. sent the paper to the Secretary, with the remark that if he is to be restricted, etc., his usefulness must be necessarily diminished. The Secretary sent for Col. N., and I suppose pacified him.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 186

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 19, 1864

Cloudy and cold.

We have no authentic war news, but are on the tip-toe of expectation. The city is in some commotion on a rumor that the non-combating population will be required to leave, to avoid transportation of food to the city. Corn is selling at $1.25 per bushel in Georgia and Alabama; here, at $40—such is the deplorable condition of the railroads, or rather of the management of them. Col. Northrop, Commissary-General, said to-day that Gen. Lee and the Secretary of War were responsible for the precarious state of affairs, in not taking all the means of transportation for the use of the army; and that our fate was suspended by a hair.

The President returned the paper to day, relating to the matter of etiquette between Col. Northrop and Gen. Bragg's military secretary. The President says that Gen. B. certainly has the right to give orders—being assigned to duty here, and, I presume, representing the President himself; but that any one of his staff, unless directing those of inferior rank, ought to give commands “by order” of Gen. Bragg. Col. N. says that don’t satisfy him; and that no general has a right to issue orders to him!

The famine is becoming more terrible daily; and soon no salary will suffice to support one's family.

The 1st and 2d Auditors and their clerks (several hundred, male and female) have been ordered to proceed to Montgomery, Ala. Perhaps the government will soon remove thither entirely. This is ill-timed, as the enemy will accept it as an indication of an abandonment of the capital; and many of our people will regard it as a preliminary to the evacuation of Richmond. It is more the effect of extortion and high prices, than apprehension of the city being taken by the enemy.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 188-9

Major Charles Wright Wills: March 8, 1865

Five miles north of Laurenburg, N. C., Laurel Hill,

March 8, 1865.

One hundred and twelve miles of steady rain, and the best country since we left Central Georgia. Looks real Northern like. Small farms and nice white, tidy dwellings. Wheat fields look very well. In the cornfields rows are five feet apart, and one stalk the size of a candle, in a hill. But at every house there were from 200 to 1,000 bushels of corn and an abundance of fodder. Sherman said yesterday that our campaign is over, and to-day Howard issued an order that all foraging for provisions shall cease, there being enough rations in the wagons to last us through. I dreamed last night of being at home on leave and seeing you all, and starting back to the army again. Only 90 miles yet to mail.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 358-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 15, 1864

A clear, cool morning; but rained in the evening.

By the correspondence of the department, I saw to-day that 35,000 bushels of corn left North Carolina nearly a week ago for Lee's army, and about the same time 400,000 pounds of bacon was in readiness to be shipped from Augusta, Ga. At short rations, that would furnish bread and meat for the army several weeks.

We hear nothing additional from the enemy on the Peninsula. I doubt whether they mean fight.

We are buoyed again with rumors of an intention on the part of France to recognize us. So mote it be! We are preparing, however, to strike hard blows single-handed and unaided, if it must be.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 172

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 29, 1864

 Raining moderately.

There is a rumor that Frederick's Hall, between this city and Fredericksburg, was taken to-day by a detachment of the enemy's cavalry, an hour after Gen. Lee passed on his way to the army. This is only rumor, however.

A dispatch from Gen. Lee's Chief Commissary, received to-day, says the army has only bread enough to last till the 1st of March, to-morrow! and that meat is getting scarce again. Col. Northrop, the Commissary-General, indorses on this, that he foresaw and frequently foretold that such a crisis would come. He says transportation sufficient cannot be had, and that he has just heard of an accident to the Wilmington Railroad, which will diminish the transportation of corn one-half; and he says a similar accident to the Charlotte Road would be fatal. Comfortable! And when I saw him afterward, his face was lit up with triumph, as if he had gained a victory! He predicted it, because they would not let him impress all the food in the country. And now he has no remedy for the pressing need. But the soldiers won't starve, in spite of him.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 161

Captain Charles Wright Wills: December 6, 1864

Eden Ferry, Ogeechee river, 

December 6, 1864. 

We lay in camp until 1 p. m. when we suddenly pulled out and made this point, and had works up by dark. There was a good wagon bridge over the river at this point, which the Rebels partially destroyed. But a portion of our 3d Brigade, which had the advance, got across on the remains and stirred up a little skirmish. Killed four Rebels without any loss to us.

Our ad Division got across three miles below. The 3d, I guess is with them. Hear nothing of the other corps. In the swamps to-day I saw more of the “barren lemon tree.” We were talking over last night what this army had cost the Confederacy since the 4th of October last, when we started from Eastpoint after Hood. We all agree that the following estimate is not too high in any particular: 100,000 hogs, 20,000 head of cattle, 15,000 horses and mules, 500,000 bushels of corn, 100,000 of sweet potatoes. We are driving with us many thousand of the cattle. The destruction of railroad property has been complete whenever within our reach. I can learn nothing of the prospect of a fight at Savannah, or whether we are going there. All think, though, that we will see tide-water this week. People here say they often hear the firing both at Savannah and Charleston. 

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 332

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, January 30, 1863

ALBERTI's Mills, 40 miles from FERNANDINA.

January 30, 1863. 

This river is rebellious to the last degree. It is very crooked and sluggish and black and got us aground so many times in the long, sleepless night that rebel pickets might have picked off many of our men and officers. Again and again we had to turn points at right angles and we were never more than two rods from one or the other shore. Often the sides of our boat were swept by the boughs of the mournful looking trees. The shores are generally low and marshy, and the moss droops so low as to give the appearance of weeping willows. It is now eleven, A.M. and we are starting homeward. Oh, it is a queer night, so queer that more than once I laughed outright, when I thought of the curious fact that T. W. H. and I were so industriously trying to get a peep at real rebels, while they would undoubtedly do something to get a peep at us. In my time I have seen considerable mismanagement of one kind and another, but do not remember that I ever dreamed that so much of that article could be employed in one night on board a steamboat. Among the boat's officers there was no mutual understanding, and it is fortunate for us that the rebels did not know it. But at daylight we did reach Alberti's Mills, and then came for me an hour of fitful, dreamy sleep. I had made three vigorous efforts to sleep during the night, but enjoyed the calm moonlight and strange scenery and spice of danger too much for drowsiness. We passed picket fires and felt the possibility that our return might be obstructed, or greatly harassed. Very few officers have voluntarily dared such a responsibility as that resting on our Colonel, but he patiently and vigilantly met all the obstacles and had his pickets and skirmishers so arranged. . . .

Evening and Ben Deford again, thank God!

 I had written thus far when the rebels began firing from the shore and I found myself among our soldiers, who replied with spirit and precision that sent more than one poor fellow to the dust.

Captain Clifton of the John Adams was shot through the head and died instantly. The Major's [J. D. Strong] head escaped by about two inches.

Strange to say no other accidents occurred in this nor in the subsequent firing from the bluffs on the Florida shore. The first attack was from the Georgia bluffs. They were both desperate, but of short duration. One fellow actually jumped on the flat-boat in tow, and was immediately shot by one of our soldiers. I afterwards asked Robert Sutton what he himself was about during the conflict, and found that he was deliberately shooting from the pilot house, with two guns, having a man to load one while he fired the other. But now I will go back to the sunrise. As I was saying, the pickets and skirmishers were so placed that there was no escape for the white families at Alberti’s Mills. The Colonel had gone ashore and a little after sunrise sent for me to go off and take with me some copies of the President's proclamation. I found a little village, all included in the A. estate, and the mansion was occupied by Madame A. and her family. She was a New Yorker by birth and her deceased husband was a native of Philadelphia. Mr. B., former business partner of his - A.'s was at the house on a visit, ill with chronic bronchitis. He, being an important person, must be made prisoner, unless too feeble to be removed from the house. I found, on examination, that he could be taken with us without danger to himself. Madame A. spent much time trying to convince me that she and her husband had been wonderfully devoted to the interests of their slaves, especially to the fruitless work of trying to educate them. The truth of these assertions was disproved by certain facts, such as a strong slave jail, containing implements of torture which we now have in our possession, (the lock I have), the fact that the slaves have “mostly gone over to the Yankees,” and the yet other fact that Robert Sutton, a former slave there, said the statement was false. The statement of a black man was lawful in Dixie yesterday. I called Madame A.'s attention to a former slave of hers, whom she remembered as “Bob,” but never before knew as Robert Sutton, corporal in the army of the United States. Robert begged me to forgive him for breaking through my order that he should not exert himself at all till the danger of inflammation of the brain should be averted. The white bandage about his head was conspicuous at the points of danger through all the twenty-four eventful hours of our expedition. It finally devolved upon him and Sergeant Rivers¹ to examine the persons of our six rebel prisoners, for concealed weapons of defense. This last process was so very anti-slavery, that I fancied the rebels enjoyed it somewhat less than I.

I am told that thirteen riderless horses went back to camp after that fight in the woods the other night; that the lieutenant [Jones] in command and five others were killed and many others wounded. Could our party have known the exact state of affairs, the camp might have been destroyed and many prisoners taken. But it was safer and wiser for infantry not to follow cavalry in the night. Our comrades on the Ben Deford greeted us heartily and the Provost Marshal was in readiness to take charge of our prisoners. We shall probably take Mr. B. to Beaufort with us. He is a wealthy and influential rebel and may become a very important hostage when Jeff Davis begins to hang us. We brought off two or three negroes, and rice, corn, sheep and other valuable things, strictly contraband of war. I wanted the Colonel to take a piano already boxed, and in a store-house at the wharf, but we had no room for it. I thought it would especially please Miss Forten to have it in her school.

_______________

¹ Prince Rivers.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 352-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 16, 1864

A plan of invasion. Gen. Longstreet telegraphs that he has no corn, and cannot stay where he is, unless supplied by the Quartermaster-General. This, the President says, is impossible, for want of transportation. The railroads can do no more than supply grain for the horses of Lee's army—all being brought from Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, etc. But the President says Longstreet might extricate himself from the exigency by marching into Middle Tennessee or Kentucky, or both.

Soon after this document came in, another followed from the Tennessee and Kentucky members of Congress, inclosing an elaborate plan from Col. Dibrell, of the Army of Tennessee, of taking Nashville, and getting forage, etc. in certain counties not yet devastated, in Tennessee and Kentucky. Only 10,000 additional men will be requisite. They are to set out with eight days' rations; and if Grant leaves Chattanooga to interfere with the plan, Gen. Johnston is to follow and fall upon his rear, etc. Gen. Longstreet approves the plan—is eager for it, I infer from his dispatch about corn; and the members of Congress are in favor of it. If practicable, it ought to be begun immediately; and I think it will be.

A bright windy day—snow gone.

The Federal General Sherman, with 30,000 men, was, at the last dates, still marching southeast of Jackson, Miss. It is predicted that he is rushing on his destruction. Gen. Polk is retreating before him, while our cavalry is in his rear. He cannot keep open his communications.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 150-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, July 18, 1864

I yesterday went with my sons and Dr. Horwitz to Silver Spring, passing over the ground of the late fight. The chimneys of the burnt houses, the still barricaded road, the trampled fields, and other evidences bear testimony to what had occurred. The Blairs were absent from Silver Spring, but we turned down the lane which leads to it and went to the walls of Montgomery Blair's house, situated pleasantly on a little wooded eminence. But all was silent. Waste and war. Judge B. tells me the house and furniture cost him just about $20,000. The Rebels have done him this injury, and yet some whom they have never personally harmed denounce him as not earnest in the cause, as favoring the Rebels and their views. We went through the grounds to the mansion of the elder Mr. Blair. The place was less injured than I had supposed, and there must have been extra pains taken for the preservation of the shrubbery and the growing crops. Fields of the best corn I have seen this year were untouched. What depredation or plunder had been committed in the house I could not tell, for it was closed. My son, who led our pickets, was the first to enter it after the Rebels left. He found some papers scattered over the floor, which he gathered up. There had been crowds of persons there filling the house, sleeping on the floors, prying into the family privacy, but not more rudely, perhaps, than our own soldiers would have done, had the place been in their power.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 80-1

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 30, 1864

The Senate has passed a new Conscription Act, putting all residents between the ages of eighteen and fifty-live in the military service for the war. Those over forty-five to be detailed by the President as commissary quartermasters, Nitre Bureau agents, provost guards, clerks, etc. This would make up the enormous number of 1,500,000 men! The express companies are to have no detail of men fit for the field, but the President may exempt a certain class for agricultural purposes, which, of course, can be revoked whenever a farmer refuses to sell at schedule prices, or engages in speculation or extortion. Thus the President becomes almost absolute, and the Confederacy a military nation. The House will pass it with some modifications. Already the Examiner denounces it, for it allows only one owner or editor to a paper, and just sufficient printers,— no assistant editors, no reporters, no clerks, etc. This will save us, and hasten a peace.

Mr. G. A. Myers, the little old lawyer, always potential with the successive Secretaries of War, proposes, in a long letter, that the Department allows 30 to 40 foreigners (Jews) to leave the Confederate States, via Maryland, every week!

Mr. Goodman, President of the Mississippi Railroad, proposes to send cotton to the Yankees in exchange for implements, etc., to repair the road, and Lieut.-Gen. (Bishop) Polk favors the scheme.

Commissary-General Northrop likewise sent in a proposal from an agent of his in Mississippi, to barter cotton with the Yankees for subsistence, and he indorses an approval on it. I trust we shall be independent this summer.

To-day it is cool and cloudy, but Custis has had no use for fire in his school-room of nights for a week—and that in January. The warm weather saved us a dollar per day in coal. Custis's scholars are paying him $95 the first month.

I shall hope for better times now. We shall have men enough, if the Secretary and conscription officers do not strain the meshes of the seine too much, and the currency will be reduced. The speculators and extortioners, in great measure, will be circumvented, for the new conscription will take them from their occupations, and they will not find transportation for their wares.

The 2000 barrels of corn destroyed by the enemy on the Peninsula, a few days ago, belonged to a relative of Col Ruffin, Assistant Commissary-General! He would not impress that—and lo! it is gone! Many here are glad of it.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 138-9