Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Again the blessings
of health and abundant harvests claim our pro-roundest gratitude to Almighty
God.
The condition of our
foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory. Mexico continues to be a theater of
civil war. While our political relations with that country have undergone no
change, we have, at the same time, strictly maintained neutrality between the
belligerents.
At the request of
the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent engineer has been
authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan and the port of San Juan. It
is a source of much satisfaction that the difficulties which for a moment
excited some political apprehensions, and caused a closing of the interoceanic
transit route, have been amicably adjusted, and that there is a good prospect
that the route will soon be reopened with an increase of capacity and
adaptation. We could not exaggerate either the commercial or the political
importance of that great improvement.
It would be doing
injustice to an important South American State not to acknowledge the
directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the United States of Colombia
have entered into intimate relations with this Government. A claims convention
has been constituted to complete the unfinished work of the one which closed
its session in 1861.
The new liberal
constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with the universal
acquiescence of the people, the Government under it has been recognized, and
diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a cordial and friendly spirit. The
long-deferred Aves Island claim has been satisfactorily paid and discharged.
Mutual payments have
been made of the claims awarded by the late joint commission for the settlement
of claims between the United States and Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship
continues to exist between the two countries, and such efforts as were in my power
have been used to remove misunderstanding and avert a threatened war between
Peru and Spain.
Our relations are of
the most friendly nature with Chili, the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Costa
Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti.
During the past year
no differences of any kind have arisen with any of those Republics, and, on the
other hand, their sympathies with the United States are constantly expressed
with cordiality and earnestness.
The claim arising
from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Macedonian, in 1821, has been paid in
full by the Government of Chili.
Civil war continues
in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently without prospect of an early
close.
Official
correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing
view of social and political progress in that Republic. It may be expected to
derive new vigor from American influence, improved by the rapid disappearance
of slavery in the United States.
I solicit your
authority to furnish to the Republic a gun-boat at moderate cost, to be
reimbursed to the United States by installments. Such a vessel is needed for
the safety of that State against the native African races; and in Liberian
hands it would be more effective in arresting the African slave trade than a
squadron in our own hands. The possession of the least organized naval force
would stimulate a generous ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which
we should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the
colony from all civilized nations.
The proposed
overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way of Behring's Straits
and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the last session, has
been undertaken, under very favorable circumstances, by an association of
American citizens, with the cordial good will and support as well of this
Government as of those of Great Britain and Russia. Assurances have been
received from most of the South American States of their high appreciation of
the enterprise, and their readiness to co-operate in constructing lines
tributary to that world-encircling communication. I learn with much
satisfaction that the noble design of a telegraphic communication between the
Eastern coast of America and Great Britain has been renewed with full
expectation of its early accomplishment.
Thus it is hoped
that with the return of domestic peace the country will be able to resume with
energy and advantage its former high career of commerce and civilization.
Our very popular and
estimable representative in Egypt died in April last. An unpleasant altercation
which arose between the temporary incumbent of the office and the Government of
the Pasha resulted in a suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly
corrected on the arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our relations
with Eygpt, as well as our relations with the Barbary powers, are entirely
satisfactory.
The rebellion which
has so long been flagrant in China has at last been suppressed, with the
co-operating good offices of this Government and of the other Western
commercial States. The judicial consular establishment there has become very
difficult and onerous, and it will need legislative revision to adapt it to the
extension of our commerce and to the more intimate intercourse which has been
instituted with the Government and people of that vast Empire.
China seems to be
accepting with hearty good will the conventional laws which regulate commercial
and social intercourse among the Western nations.
Owing to the
peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its Government, the
action of that Empire in performing treaty stipulations is inconstant and
capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been effected by the Western
powers, moving with enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary claims have been
allowed, or put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has been reopened
to commerce. There is reason also to believe that these proceedings have
increased rather than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the United
States.
The ports of
Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by proclamation. It is
hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether it is not safer and more
profitable to themselves, as well as just to the United States, to resort to
these and other open ports, than it is to pursue, through many hazards and at
vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports which are closed, if not by
actual military occupation, at least by a lawful and effective blockade.
For myself, I have
no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive, under the law of nations, to
exclude enemies of the human race from an asylum in the United States. If
Congress should think that proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law,
or ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for
effectually preventing foreign slave-traders from acquiring domicile and
facilities for their criminal occupation in our country.
It is possible that,
if it were a new and open question, the maritime powers, with the lights they
now enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval belligerent to the
insurgents of the United States, destitute as they are and always have been
equally of ships of war and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been
neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were
before that time in their efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil
our country in foreign wars. The desire and determination of the Governments of
the maritime states to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as and
cannot be more earnest than our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political
difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports and on the
northern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are likely to
continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and a just and
conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States as well as of the nations
concerned and their governments.
Commissioners have
been appointed, under the treaty with Great Britain, on the adjustment of the
claims of the Hudson's Bay and Puget's Sound Agricultural Companies, in Oregon,
and are now proceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them.
In view of the
insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent to the Canadian border,
by reason of recent assaults and depredations committed by inimical and
desperate persons who are harbored there, it has been thought proper to give
notice that after the expiration of six months, the period conditionally
stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the United States
must hold themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament upon the
lakes, if they shall find that proceeding necessary. The condition of the
border will necessarily come into consideration in connection with the question
of continuing or modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United
States, as well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily
established by the reciprocity treaty of the 5th of June, 1854.
I desire, however,
to be understood, while making this statement, that the colonial authorities of
Canada are not deemed to be intentionally unjust or unfriendly toward the
United States; but, on the contrary, there is every reason to expect that, with
the approval of the Imperial Government, they will take the necessary measures
to prevent new incursions across the border.
The act passed at
the last session for the encouragement of immigration has, so far as was
possible, been put into operation. It seems to need amendment which will enable
the officers of the Government to prevent the practice of frauds against the
immigrants while on their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to
secure them here a free choice of avocations and places of settlement. A
liberal disposition toward this great national policy is manifested by most of
the European States, and ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the
immigrants effective national protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the
principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the
ravages of internal war, and its wastes of national strength and health. All
that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness,
and to that end the Government must, in every way, make it manifest that it
neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who
come from other lands to cast their lot in our country.
The financial
affairs of the Government have been successfully administered during the last
year. The legislation of the last session of Congress has beneficially affected
the revenues, although sufficient time has not yet elapsed to experience the
full effect of several of the provisions of the acts of Congress imposing
increased taxation.
The receipts during
the year, from all sources, upon the basis of warrants signed by the Secretary
of the Treasury, including loans and the balance in the Treasury on the 1st day
of July, 1863, were $1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate disbursements, upon
the same basis, were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the Treasury, as
shown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73.
Deduct from these
amounts the amount of the principal of the public debt redeemed, and the amount
of issues in substitution therefor, and the actual cash operations of the
Treasury were: Receipts, $884,076,646.57; disbursements, $865,234,087.86; which
leaves a cash balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71.
Of the receipts,
there were derived from customs $102,316,152.99; from lands, $588,333.29; from
direct taxes, $475,648.96; from internal revenue, $109,741,134.10; from
miscellaneous sources, $47,511,448.10; and from loans applied to actual
expenditures, including former balance, $623,443,929.13.
There were disbursed
for the civil service, $27,505,599.46; for pensions and Indians, $7,517,930.97;
for the War Department, $690,791,842.97; for the Navy Department,
$85,733,292.77; for interest on the public debt, $53,685,421.69; making an
aggregate of $865,234,087.86, and leaving a balance in the Treasury of
$18,842,558.71, as before stated.
For the actual
receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the estimated receipts and
disbursements for the three remaining quarters of the current fiscal year and
the general operations of the Treasury in detail, I refer you to the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury. I concur with him in the opinion that the
proportion of moneys required to meet the expenses consequent upon the war
derived from taxation should be still further increased, and I earnestly invite
your attention to this subject, to the end that there may be such additional
legislation as shall be required to meet the just expectations of the
Secretary.
The public debt on
the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of the Treasury, amounted to
$1,740,690,489.49. Probably, should the war continue for another year, that
amount may be increased by not far from $500,000,000. Held as it is, for the
most part, by our own people, it has become a substantial branch of national,
though private, property. For obvious reasons, the more nearly this property
can be distributed among all the people the better. To favor such general
distribution greater inducements to become owners might perhaps, with good
effect and without injury, be presented to persons of limited means. With this
view, I suggest whether it might not be both competent and expedient for
Congress to provide that a limited amount of some future issue of public
securities might be held by any bona fide purchaser exempt from taxation
and from seizure for debt, under such restrictions and limitations as might be
necessary to guard against abuse of so important a privilege. This would enable
every prudent person to set aside a small annuity against a possible day of
want.
Privileges like
these would render the possession of such securities, to the amount limited,
most desirable to every person of small means who might be able to save enough
for the purpose. The great advantage of citizens being creditors as well as
debtors, with relation to the public debt, is obvious. Men readily perceive
that they cannot be much oppressed by a debt which they owe to themselves.
The public debt on
the 1st day of July last, although somewhat exceeding the estimate of the
Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at the commencement of the last
session, falls short of the estimate of that officer made in the preceding
December, as to its probable amount at the beginning of this year, by the sum
of $3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and conduct of
the operations of the Treasury.
The national banking
system is proving to be acceptable to capitalists and to the people. On the
25th day of November 584 national banks had been organized, a considerable
number of which were conversions from State banks. Changes from State systems
to the national system are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon
there will be in the United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress
and no bank-note circulation not secured by the Government. That the Government
and the people will derive great benefit from this change in the banking
systems of the country can hardly be questioned. The national system will
create a reliable and permanent influence in support of the national credit and
protect the people against losses in the use of paper money. Whether or not any
further legislation is advisable for the suppression of State bank issues it
will be for Congress to determine. It seems quite clear that the Treasury
cannot be satisfactorily conducted unless the Government can exercise a
restraining power over the bank-note circulation of the country.
The report of the
Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will detail the campaigns of
the armies in the field since the date of the last annual message, and also the
operations of the several administrative bureaus of the War Department during
the last year. It will also specify the measures deemed essential for the
national defense, and to keep up and supply the requisite military force.
The report of the
Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and satisfactory exhibit of the
affairs of that Department and of the naval service. It is a subject of
congratulation and laudable pride to our countrymen that a navy of such vast
proportions has been organized in so brief a period and conducted with so much
efficiency and success.
The general exhibit
of the Navy, including vessels under construction on the 1st of December, 1864,
shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying 4,610 guns, and of 510,396 tons, being
an actual increase during the year, over and above all losses by shipwreck or
in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons.
The total number of
men at this time in the naval service, including officers, is about 51,000.
There have been
captured by the Navy during the year 324 vessels, and the whole number of naval
captures since hostilities commenced is 1,379, of which 267 are steamers.
The gross proceeds
arising from the sale of condemned prize property thus far reported amount to
$14,396,250.51. A large amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and
yet to be reported.
The total
expenditure of the Navy Department of every description, including the cost of
the immense squadrons that have been called into existence from the 4th of
March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, is $938,647,262.35.
Your favorable
consideration is invited to the various recommendations of the Secretary of the
Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and suitable establishment for the
construction and repair of iron vessels and the machinery and armature for our
ships, to which reference was made in my last annual message.
Your attention is
also invited to the views expressed in the report in relation to the
legislation of Congress at its last session in respect to prize on our inland
waters.
I cordially concur
in the recommendation of the Secretary as to the propriety of creating the new
rank of vice-admiral in our naval service.
Your attention is
invited to the report of the Postmaster-General for a detailed account of the
operations and financial condition of the Post-Office Department.
The postal revenues
for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to $12,438,253.78, and the
expenditures to $12,644.786.20, the excess of expenditures over receipts being
$206,539.42.
The views presented
by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special grants by the Government in
aid of the establishment of new lines of ocean mail steamships, and the policy
he recommends for the development of increased commercial intercourse with
adjacent and neighboring countries, should receive the careful consideration of
Congress.
It is of noteworthy
interest that the steady expansion of population, improvement, and governmental
institutions over the new and unoccupied portions of our country have scarcely
been checked, much less impeded or destroyed, by our great civil war, which at
first glance would seem to have absorbed almost the entire energies of the
Nation.
The organization and
admission of the State of Nevada has been completed in conformity with law, and
thus our excellent system is firmly established in the mountains, which once
seemed a barren and uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those
which have grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
The Territories of
the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity and rapid growth. Idaho
and Montana, by reason of their great distance and the interruption of
communication with them by Indian hostilities, have been only partially
organized; but it is understood that these difficulties are about to disappear,
which will permit their governments, like those of the others, to go into
speedy and full operation.
As intimately
connected with, and promotive of, this material growth of the Nation, I ask the
attention of Congress to the valuable information and important recommendations
relating to the public lands, Indian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral
discoveries contained in the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is
herewith transmitted, and which report also embraces the subjects of patents,
pensions, and other topics of public interest pertaining to his Department.
The quantity of
public land disposed of during the five quarters ending on the 30th of
September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614 acres were entered under
the homestead law. The remainder was located with military land warrants,
agricultural scrip certified to States for railroads, and sold for cash. The
cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446.
The income from
sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was $678,007.21, against
$136,077.95 received during the preceding year. The aggregate number of acres
surveyed during the year has been equal to the quantity disposed of, and there
is open to settlement about 133,000,000 acres of surveyed land.
The great enterprise
of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States by railways and telegraph
lines has been entered upon with a vigor that gives assurance of success,
notwithstanding the embarrassments arising from the prevailing high prices of
materials and labor. The route of the main line of the road has been definitely
located for 100 miles westward from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebr., and
a preliminary location of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from
Sacramento eastward to the great bend of Truckee River, in Nevada.
Numerous discoveries
of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been added to the many heretofore
known, and the country occupied by the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and
the subordinate ranges now teems with enterprising labor which is richly
remunerative. It is believed that the product of the mines of precious metals
in that region has during the year reached, if not exceeded, $100,000,000 in
value.
It was recommended
in my last annual message that our Indian system be remodeled. Congress at its
last session acting upon the recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the
system in California, and it is believed that under the present organization
the management of the Indians there will be attended with reasonable success.
Much yet remains to be done to provide for the proper government of the Indians
in other parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing settler,
and to provide for the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his
recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is invited.
The liberal
provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid soldiers and sailors
of the Republic, and to the widows, orphans, and dependent mothers of those who
have fallen in battle, or died of disease contracted or of wounds received in
the service of their country, have been diligently administered. There have
been added to the pension rolls during the year ending the 30th day of June
last the names of 16,770 invalid soldiers and of 271 disabled seamen, making
the present number of army invalid pensioners 22,767 and of navy invalid
pensioners 712.
Of widows, orphans,
and mothers, 22,198 have been placed on the army pension rolls and 248 on the
navy rolls. The present number of army pensioners of this class is 25,433 and
of navy pensioners 793. At the beginning of the year the number of Revolutionary
pensioners was 1,430; only twelve of them were soldiers, of whom seven have since
died. The remainder are those who, under the law, receive pensions because of
relationship to Revolutionary soldiers. During the year ending the 30th of
June, 1864, $4,504,616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes.
I cheerfully commend
to your continued patronage the benevolent institutions of the District of
Columbia which have hitherto been established or fostered by Congress, and
respectfully refer, for information concerning them, and in relation to the
Washington Aqueduct, the Capitol, and other matters of local interest, to the
report of the Secretary.
The Agricultural
Department, under the supervision of its present energetic and faithful head,
is rapidly commending itself to the great and vital interest it was created to
advance. It is peculiarly the people's department, in which they feel more
directly concerned than in any other. I commend it to the continued attention
and fostering care of Congress.
The war continues.
Since the last annual message all the important lines and positions then
occupied by our forces have been maintained, and our arms have steadily
advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky,
Tennessee, and parts of other States have again produced reasonably fair crops.
The most remarkable
feature in the military operations of the year is General Sherman's attempted
march of 300 miles directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a
great increase of our relative strength that our General-in-Chief should feel
able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to
detach a well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result
not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.
Important movements
have also occurred during the year to the effect of molding society for
durability in the Union. Although short of complete success, it is much in the
right direction, that 12,000 citizens in each of the States of Arkansas and
Louisiana have organized loyal State governments, with free constitutions, and
are earnestly struggling to maintain and administer them. The movements in the
same direction, more extensive, though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of
complete success. Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future.
The genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit,
being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more.
At the last session
of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery
throughout the United States, passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the
requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Representatives. Although the present
is the same Congress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the
wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend
the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of
course, the abstract question is not changed, but an intervening election
shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if this
does not. Hence, there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment
will go to the States for their action. And as it is to so go, at all events,
may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the
election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any
further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be
affected by it. It is the voice of the people now, for the first time, heard upon
the question. In a great national crisis, like ours, unanimity of action among
those seeking a common end is very desirable—almost indispensable. And yet no
approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to
the will of the majority simply because it is the will of the majority. In this
case the common end is the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to
secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in
favor of such constitutional amendment.
The most reliable
indication of public purpose in this country is derived through our popular
elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its results, the purpose of the
people within the loyal States to maintain the integrity of the Union, was
never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness
and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls
give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union
ticket, so-called, but a great majority of the opposing party also, may be
fairly claimed to entertain, and to be actuated by, the same purpose. It is an
unanswerable argument to this effect that no candidate for any office whatever,
high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up
the Union. There has been much impugning of motives and much heated controversy
as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause, but on the
distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians have shown their
instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording
the people the fair opportunity of showing, one to another and to the world,
this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to
the national cause.
The election has
exhibited another fact not less valuable to be known—the fact that we do not
approach exhaustion in the most important branch of national resources—that of
living men. While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many
graves, and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to know that,
compared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few. While corps, and
divisions, and brigades, and regiments have formed, and fought, and dwindled,
and gone out of existence, a great majority of the men who composed them are
still living. The same is true of the naval service. The election returns prove
this. So many voters could not else be found. The States regularly holding
elections, both now and four years ago—to wit, California, Connecticut,
Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio,
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin—cast
3,982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate now of
3,982,011. To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas
and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860, thus swelling the aggregate to
4,015,773 and the net increase during the three years and a half of war to
145,551. A table is appended showing particulars. To this again should be added
the number of all soldiers in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New
Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who, by the laws of those
States, could not vote away from their homes, and which number cannot be less
than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in organized Territories is triple
now what it was four years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as
the national arms press back the insurgent lines. So much is shown,
affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not material to inquire
how the increase has been produced, or to show that it would have been greater
but for the war, which is probably true. The important fact remains
demonstrated, that we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we
are not exhausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength,
and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men.
Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever.
The national
resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe, inexhaustible. The public
purpose to re-establish and maintain the national authority is unchanged, and,
as we believe, unchangeable. The manner of continuing the effort remains to
choose. On careful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me
that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any
good. He would accept nothing short of severance of the Union—precisely what we
will not and cannot give. His declarations to this effect are explicit and
oft-repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to
deceive ourselves. He cannot voluntarily reaccept the Union; we cannot
voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and
inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war and decided by
victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the Southern people fail him, he is
beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is
true however, of him who heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily true of
those who follow. Although he cannot reaccept the Union, they can. Some of
them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The number of such may
increase. They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms
and submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. After so much,
the Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal
people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain we would adjust
them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes,
operating only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and other
possible, questions are, and would be, beyond the Executive power to adjust;
as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress, and whatever might
require the appropriation of money. The Executive power itself would be greatly
diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of
forfeitures, however, would still be within Executive control. In what spirit
and temper this control would be exercised can be fairly judged of by the past.
A year ago general
pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all, except certain
designated classes; and it was at the same time made known that the excepted
classes were still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year
many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only
that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as rendered
the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time, also,
special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and
no voluntary application has been denied. Thus, practically, the door has been,
for a full year, open to all except such as were not in condition to make free
choice—that is, such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so
open to all. But the time may come—probably will come—when public duty shall
demand that it be closed, and that, in lieu, more rigorous measures than
heretofore shall be adopted.
In presenting the
abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the
insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of
the Government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the
declaration made a year ago, that "while I remain in my present position I
shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall
I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation,
or by any of the acts of Congress." If the people should, by whatever mode
or means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and
not I, must be their instrument to perform it.
In stating a single
condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of
the Government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
SOURCES: The War
of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 972-82; Roy
P. Basler, Editor, Collected Works of
Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 8, p. 136-52
