Monday, May 11, 2015

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Monday, July 11, 1864

A train load of the sick and wounded left today over the railroad for Rome, Georgia, where they are to go into the hospital. I stayed here at Marietta all day.2 The general quartermaster has his headquarters here now since the railroad is in running order to this point. The supplies for the army are being taken from here by wagon trains and distributed along the lines as needed. A great many citizens are coming into Marietta for the purpose of going North to get away from the war region.
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2 Mr. Downing thought that his fever was broken and that he might soon rejoin his company, yet he feared that he would have to go to Rome. There was some danger in going to Rome, because of a possible attack, and then he dreaded the thought of being confined in the general hospital. — Ed.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 204

John M. Forbes to William Henry Aspinwall, January 21, 1862


Boston, January 21, 1862.

My Dear Mr. Aspinwall, — Some of our infernally weak-backed bank men as soon as they had got back here went to overturning all the work they had done (under Gray's inspiration) in Washington, telegraphing in favor of the hundred millions legal tender. Many of the House committee were in favor of it before, Chase only half fixed in its favor, the horde of contractors, speculators, and debtors, headed by your Satanic “Herald,” pressed for it. It is my conviction that the Senate committee is the chief safeguard against its being passed, and they cannot stand alone. You must back them up by private letters and public opinion! Here our bankers are troubled by the demand notes, and, not content with having them made practically good by their restriction, want them made a legal tender under the delusion that this will make them better! Once abandon the sound principle, and the pressure will soon sink the restriction.

Cannot you rally the “Evening Post” and some other sound papers and get them to stand by their guns? I still wish you and Mr. Minturn and Green felt like going to Washington. It looks as if all our labor is likely to be thrown away unless some more is put in.

Truly yours in haste,
J. M. Forbes.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 286-7

Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis, Monday Evening, September 21, 1863

Shady Hill
Monday evening, 21 September, 1863.

. . . I was glad to see Olmsted,1 but I wish I had known him before he was just going to leave this quarter of the world. It is hard that he should have to give up the civilization that he likes for the barbarism that he does not like. All the lines of his face imply refinement and sensibility to such a degree that it is not till one has looked through them to what is underneath, that the force of his will and the reserved power of his character become evident. It is a pity that we cannot keep him here. Our society needs organizers almost as much as the Mariposa settlers, miners and squatters need one. However, thanks to the war, the Atlantic and the Pacific States have been bound far closer together than of old, and are every day drawn nearer and nearer. — A ring at the door bell is the occasion of that [ink spot], — and I hear William James's pleasant and manly voice in the other room from which the sound of my Mother's voice has been coming to me as she read aloud the Consular Experiences of the most original of consuls. To-night I am half annoyed, half amused at Hawthorne. He is nearly as bad as Carlyle. His dedication to F. Pierce, — the correspondent of Jefferson Davis, the flatterer of traitors, and the emissary of treason, — reads like the bitterest of satires; and in that I have my satisfaction. The public will laugh. “Praise undeserved” (say the copybooks) “is satire in disguise,” — and what a blow his friend has dealt to the weakest of ex-Presidents. . . .
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1 Frederick Law Olmsted, whose books on the South had already interested Norton deeply. Their immediate sympathy led to enduring bonds of friendship and cooperation in work for public good.

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 264-5

Sunday, May 10, 2015

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, December 16, 1861

Camp Hicks, Md., December 16, 1861.

I walked into Frederick yesterday to do some business pertaining to the company and a little for myself. It is rather a pretty city, about the size of Cambridge, with a number of very nice churches and private residences. The streets are full of officers and soldiers, and on the corner of every street, there is a sentinel posted; occasionally a patrol goes through the thoroughfare to seize any drunken soldiers or stop disturbances. However, their duties are light, as the soldiers find it very much for their interest to keep sober and quiet when they have passes. I was glad to get back to camp; if there is anything forlorn, it is to walk about in a city where you know nobody and have nothing particular to do. A camp becomes your whole world, bounded by a line of sentries, when you live in it as much as we have lived in ours. My visit to the city was, I believe, my fourth absence from camp since leaving Camp Andrew.

We had services this morning; Mr. Quint conducted them, as usual. I think it is getting rather cold weather for outdoor preaching, and shall not feel very badly for stormy Sundays. The last fortnight has been remarkably pleasant, the weather generally quite warm; the nights are cold. Imagine yourself going out before sunrise and washing your face and hands, with the mercury standing in the thermometer at twelve degrees, as it was here two or three days ago. Captain Tucker's resignation has been accepted and Harry Russell is now assigned to the command of Company H. George Bangs is now first on the list of first lieutenants and I am second.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 33-4

Major Wilder Dwight: August 18, 1861

Camp Below Sandy Hook, August 18, 1861.

Progress is the law of life. Therefore retreat is I abnormal and depressing. When I looked at Harper's Ferry drifting again under bare poles into secessionism, I felt low. There was the flagstaff in the silent town, — the flag had just been hauled down. The last flat-boat, with its last company, was coming across the river. On Friday evening the orders came to strike tents, leave a force on the Heights, and for the regiment to be ready to move. Colonel Gordon left me, with three companies, on our old ground. He took the rest below and waited the crossing of the river by Colonel Andrews.

It was just at dusk when the regiment moved off. The mists were drifting thickly down the mountain sides as the men wound off into the woods. I posted a new guard, got the men under cover as well as I could, and awaited the inevitable rain. We were without tents and without huts. The night passed wearily in a driving rain. The bands were playing confusedly on the other side of the mountain, as the forces were moving down the river. At last came light enough to call it Saturday morning. I was up and out agitating the breakfast question. By good luck I got hold of some stores accidentally left by the Quartermaster, and distributing them, succeeded in getting a hot breakfast into my three wet companies. Then I waited orders. At last Colonel Andrews brought them. I got the men in marching order, and in the blue rain we started. I got my command safely down to the river, and rejoined the regiment in Sandy Hook, where I found it just ready to march. Then again came orders to remain to hold Sandy Hook, and to send a force over to Harper's Ferry to seize all the flour in Herr's mill. Colonel Andrews returned to the Ferry with five companies. All last night the flour was coming across the river in boats. Our friend Mr. Herr was treated very unceremoniously, but he liked it. He seemed to think it a choice between secession bonds and Union gold; and if he could get the latter for his flour, he would be content. So the troops seized his premises and took his flour, and he acquiesced with a good grace. The rest of the regiment came down two miles below Harper's Ferry, and here we are, this Sunday morning, waiting to be joined by Colonel Andrews's companies, who have recrossed the river this morning, with all their flour safe on this side. I am scribbling this letter in the Doctor's tent, interrupted by questions, and bothered by difficulties of commissariat. These sudden moves and this detached service are hard tests of ingenuity. You see all the army conveniences move with the army. The regiment that is left behind is ill provided. We have been using the telegraph, and killing fresh beef, and seizing flour, and I think we shall not go hungry. The impression seems to be, that an attempt will be made by the Rebels to reach Baltimore, or get round Washington. That is thought to be the cause of our movement. If such an attempt is made, it will fail. My baggage is all gone.

I have nothing but a tent and a blanket, and so am free from care. Colonel Gordon is just galloping into camp. Orders are out for striking tents. We shall soon be in the midst of the work of getting into shape in a new camp nearer Harper's Ferry.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 75-7

George L. Stearns to Henry H. Van Dyck, December 18, 1856

Boston, Dec 18, 1856.
H. H. Van Dyck, Esq.

Dear Sir, — Since my return I have received a letter from Governor Robinson, a copy of which is enclosed. In Connecticut they are ready to form a strong State committee to co-operate with New York and Massachusetts, but, like you, are waiting for light. In Philadelphia they have a very large committee, and are taking measures for the ultimate formation of a State committee. We are taking measures to have a petition to our legislature signed in every town in our State, and find it meets the general approval of our citizens. We have also taken measures to get full information from Chicago and Kansas as to the past, which, when sent us, we will forward to you. Please let me know how you progress in the work, and believe me.

Your sincere friend,
George L. Stearns.
Chairman M. S. K. Committe.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 356

Major-General Jeb Stuart to Captain John S. Mosby, March 25, 1863

HDQRS. CAV. DIV., ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA
March 25, 1863.
[Capt. JOHN S. MOSBY:]

DEAR CAPTAIN: I inclose your evidence of appointment by the President in the Provisional Army of the Confederate States. You will perceive by General Lee's accompanying instructions that you will be continued in your present sphere of conduct and enterprise, and already a captain, you will proceed to organize a band of permanent followers for the war, but by all means ignore the term “Partisan Ranger.” It is in bad repute. Call your command “Mosby's Regulars,” and it will give it a tone of meaning and solid worth which all the world will soon recognize, and you will inscribe that name of a fearless band of heroes on the pages of our country's history, and enshrine it in the hearts of a grateful people. Let “Mosby's Regulars” be a name of pride with friends and respectful trepidation with enemies.

You will have to be very much on your guard against incorporating in your command deserters from other branches of the service. Insist upon the most unequivocal evidence of honorable discharge in all cases. Non conscripts under and over age will be very advantageous. Their entry into service must be unconditional, excepting that you are their captain, and their lieutenants to be chosen by the men, provided no unworthy man be so chosen. As there is no time within which you are required to raise this command, you ought to be very fastidious in choosing your men, and make them always stand the test of battle and temptation to neglect duty before acceptance.

I was greatly obliged to you for the saddle of Stoughton. I wish you would send me whatever evidence you may be able to furnish of Miss Ford's innocence of the charge of having guided you in your exploit at Fairfax, so that I can insist upon her unconditional release.

We must have that unprincipled scoundrel Wyndham. Can you catch him? Do not get caught.

I send you an order about our fight at Kellysville. It was a hard fight, and a glorious one for us, but the loss of the “gallant Pelham" has thrown a shadow of gloom over us not soon to pass away. Beckham will succeed him. Be vigilant about your own safety, and do not have any established headquarters anywhere but “in the saddle.”

I hope Mrs. Mosby reached you in safety. My regards to her if still with you. Your praise is on every lip, and the compliment the President has paid you is as marked as it is deserved.

Very truly, yours,
J. E. B. STUART,
Major-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 25, Part 2 (Serial No. 40), p. 857-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, August 9, 1863

Centreville, Aug. 9, 1863.

After I reached camp at Fairfax Station, I was busy all the evening with parties after Mosby, who again made his appearance capturing wagons, — we retook them all, but didn't take Mosby, who is an old rat and has a great many holes; on Friday moved camp to Centreville, and am not half established yet; my tents are not here. Did I write you, that in our skirmish with Mosby ten days ago, we lost two more men killed and two wounded, also two prisoners, but we followed him so far that we recaptured these and eight others whom he had taken from a Pennsylvania regiment. I dislike to have men killed in such an “inglorious warfare” as Cousin John calls it, — but it's not a warfare of my choosing, and it's all in the day's work.1
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1 As, for the following twelve months, the energies of Lowell and the officers and soldiers of his brigade were kept on the strain by day, and more often by night, by the dangerous activity of the guerrilla chief Mosby and his band, it seems well to give some account of them here. By a strict construction of the laws of war, the practices of this and similar bands then operating within our lines would probably have outlawed them. The Administration, however, did not take this stand, probably from the fear of provoking endless retaliation.

John Singleton Mosby, born in Virginia, a lawyer by profession, was a man of intelligence, daring, and great energy, which gifts he devoted to the service of the Southern cause, but in an irregular channel. His first military service was as a private in the First Virginia Cavalry, where he attracted the attention of Colonel, afterwards General J. E. B. Stuart. Seeing the advantage which the operations of a mounted guerrilla force would have, operating within the lines of the armies of the United States in the neighbourhood of the national capital, their main source of reenforcement and supplies; also the romantic and material attraction that such service would offer to young men, in contrast to army discipline and hardship for precarious pay, Mosby drafted a bill authorizing such a force, which was passed by the Confederate Congress in March, 1863.

I quote, with the publisher's permission, from Mosby's War Reminiscences, the following passages as to this bill and the principles (if one may so call them) on which he recruited his command and waged war: —

“The Partisan Ranger Law was an act of the Confederate Congress, authorizing the President to issue commissions to officers to organize partisan corps. They stood on the same footing with other cavalry organizations in respect to rank and pay, but, in addition, were given the benefit of the law of maritime prize. There was really no novelty in applying this principle to land forces. England has always done so in Her Majesty's East India service. . . . Havelock, Campbell, and Outram returned home from the East loaded with barbaric spoils. As there is a good deal of human nature in people, and as Major Dalgetty is still a type of a class, it will be seen how the peculiar privileges given to my men served to whet their zeal. I have often heard them disputing over the division of the horses before they were captured, etc.”

*      *      *      *      *      *      *      *      *

“To destroy supply-trains, to break up the means of conveying intelligence, and thus isolating the army from its base, as well as its different corps from each other, to confuse their plans by capturing despatches, are the objects of partisan war. . . . The military value of a partisan's work is not reckoned by the amount of property destroyed, but by the number he keeps watching.  . . . I endeavoured, as far as possible, to diminish the aggressive power of the Army of the Potomac, by compelling it to keep a large force on the defensive. . . .

“My men had no camps. If they had gone into camp, they would soon have all been captured. They would scatter for safety, and gather at my call like the Children of the Mist. . . .

“I often sent small squads at night to attack and ran in the pickets along a line of several miles. Of course these alarms were very annoying, for no human being knows how sweet sleep is but a soldier. I wanted to use and consume the Northern Cavalry in hard work. It has always been a wonder with people how I managed to collect my men after dispersing them. The true secret was, that it was a fascinating life, and its attractions far more than counterbalanced its hardships and dangers. They had no camp duty to do, which, however necessary, is disgusting to soldiers of high spirit.”2

General J. E. B. Stuart, the brilliant cavalry leader, a friend and admirer of Mosby, shows, in a letter to him on his appointment to the new command, that he thought it well not to be quite frank as to this new kind of soldier. “Already a Captain,” he writes, “you will proceed to organize a band of permanent followers for the war, but by all means ignore the term ‘Partisan Rangers.’ It is in bad repute. Call your command ‘Mosby's Regulars,’ and it will soon give it a tone of meaning and solid worth which all the world will soon recognize, and you will inscribe that name of a fearless band of heroes on the pages of our country's history and inshrine it in the hearts of a grateful people. Let ‘Mosby's Regulars’ be a name of pride with friends and of respectful trepidation with enemies.” (Rebellion Record.)

Colonel Mosby has the virtue of frankness. He says in his book: “In one respect the charge that I did not fight fair is true. I fought for success, and not for display. There was no man in the Confederate Army who had less of the Spirit of Knighthood in him or who took a more practical view of war than I did. . . . There is no authenticated act of mine which is not perfectly in accordance with approved military usage.”

I am also allowed to quote the following extracts from Major John Scott's Partisan Life with Mosby, partly for the information they give concerning the method of warfare, and partly for their interesting rhetoric and ethics.

“The principle which distinguishes the Partisan Ranger service is the distribution, among the officers and men, of the spoil captured from the enemy, and, though Mosby refuses to avail himself of it, for his own enrichment, he yet values it as a powerful magnet to attract and bind adventurous spirits to his standard. The dreaming statesman may indulge the reverie that, in republics, the patriotic principle is sufficient to impel men to the discharge of military duty, but the practical and clear-sighted genius of Mosby knows that mankind are governed by the grosser motive of immediate self-interest and, impressed by this belief, he made the strenuous effort of which I have told you to construct his command on this basis.”

For the honour of American manhood one wishes here to enter a protest, and call to mind the sufferings and sacrifices of brave Confederate soldiers of the line, by tens of thousands, for their cause.

Major Scott goes on: —

“This system of warfare, defensive in its object, yet aggressive in its principle, has baffled all these attempts [of Federal officers to suppress him], because, as soon as the blow is inflicted, the assailants are at once scattered before time is afforded to strike them in return. The angry cloud gathers, the thunders roll through the sky, the fatal flash is emitted, and the discharged vapours roll into the air.

“Mosby, in an open country, finds security in dispersion among a friendly and chivalrous people. With them the members of the battalion live as boarders and friends; the farmers, for a moderate compensation, and sometimes without compensation at all, providing food and shelter for the soldier and his horse. This familiar association between the soldiers and the citizens has developed a very pleasant and romantic state of society, and its elevating effects on the former are very marked. . . . From their boarding-houses, the men called at various places of rendezvous, which are always selected with reference to the vicinity of a blacksmith's shop. From these places issue, daily, detachments varying in strength.  . . . In addition to his [Mosby's] proper command, there is another element composed of loose and unemployed material, which Mosby is now able to combine and hurl against the invaders of his country. His custom is to advertise about a week in advance a meeting to be held at one of the rendezvous, and to it repair those who love adventure and plunder. But the most abundant and useful source from which these temporary recruits are derived, is from the members of the regular cavalry at home on detail or furlough. . . . Convalescents from the hospitals also will sometimes join him for a single raid; but when the Yankees come in pursuit, . . . they will find them languidly stretched upon their pallets.  . . . You ask if it is by love he controls his men? No, he is not weak enough to be cheated by that fallacy.  . . . Fear and Confidence are the genii he invokes, and, united to a conviction of his incorruptible integrity, they have enabled him to enchain his followers to his standard.”3

Mosby's sphere of operations included these four counties of Virginia, — Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, and Prince William; a region south of the Potomac and east of the Blue Ridge, as large as Worcester County in Massachusetts, lying between Washington and the Army of the Potomac, hence constantly travelled by supply-trains. It was overwhelmingly Confederate in its sympathies. Colonel Lowell, with his small brigade, had the principal responsibility of defending this, picking up such information as he could from the few brave Union farmers, and helped by a few daring local scouts.

2 Mosby's War Reminiscences. Boston: George A.Jones &Co., 1887.

3 Partisan Life with Mosby, by Major John Scott. New York : Harper and Brothers, 1867.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 294, 434-9

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, November 29, 1861

Fayetteville, Virginia, November 29, 1861.

Dear Uncle: — We have just got our orders for the winter. We are to stay here, build a little fort or two, keep here fifteen hundred men or so — sixty horsemen, a battery of four or six small cannon, etc., etc. We shall live in comfortable houses. The telegraph will be finished here in a day or two. We shall have a daily mail to the head of navigation — sixteen miles down the Kanawha. On the whole a better prospect than I expected in western Virginia. Our colonel will command. I am consequently in command of the Twenty-third Regiment. This is the fair side. The other side is, sixteen miles of the sublimest scenery to travel over. We get supplies chiefly, and soon will wholly, by pack mules. We have a waggon in a tree top ninety feet high. If a mule slips, good-bye mule! This is over the “scenery,” and where there is no scenery, the mud would appal an old-time Black Swamp stage-driver. If rations or forage give out, this is not a promising route, but then we can, if forced, march the sixteen miles in one day — we have done it — and take the mouths to the food if the food can't be carried to the mouths.

If the river gets very low, as it sometimes does, the head of navigation will move thirty or forty miles further off; and if it freezes, as it does once in six or eight years, there will be no navigation, and then there will be fifteen hundred souls hereabouts anxiously looking for a thaw.

You now have the whole thing. I rather like it. I wish you were in health. It would be jolly for you to come up and play chess with the colonel and see things. As soon as we are in order, say four or five weeks, I can come home as well as not and stay a short time. . . .

Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes.
S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 151-2

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, March 30, 1865


March 30, 1865

I take advantage of a rainy morning to draw you a map and start a letter, to explain and recount the deeds of yesterday.  . . . The day before, a part of the Army of the James had crossed to us, from Bermuda Hundred, and, under the sure conduct of Rosie, had relieved the 2d Corps in their part of the line. At daylight the 5th Corps moved from our extreme left, crossed the stream at the Perkins house and marched along the stage road. Somewhat later the 2d Corps crossed directly by the Vaughan road and marched down it as far as Gravelly Run, then faced to the right and formed from east to west. It was like to the ruins of Carthage to behold those chimneys, which, since October last, have been our comfort at Headquarters, now left lonely and desolate, deprived of their tents, which seemed to weep, as they were ruthlessly torn down and thrown into waggons. At 7.30 A.M. we all got on the chargers and wended toward the left. The fancy huts of the 2d Corps were all roofless, and their Headquarters were occupied by General Gibbon, of the other side of the river. The 1st division was crossing the Hatcher's Run bridge, as we got to it, the two others being already over. Near Gravelly Run we came on the sturdy Humphreys, who was gleaming through his spectacles with a fun-ahead sort of expression and presently rode away to get his men “straightened out,” as Pleasonton used to say. Bye-and-bye he came jogging back, to say his Corps was now in position, running from near Hatcher's Run, on the right, to near Quaker Road Church on the left. Whereupon we rode off to see General Warren, who had arrived at the Junction of the Vaughan and Quaker roads. As soon as we got there, Griffin's division was sent up the Quaker road, to join the left of Humphreys', and to be followed by most of the rest of the Corps.  . . . At 1.30 P.M. we went up the Quaker road to see General Griffin, being somewhat delayed by Gravelly Run, a brook too deep for fording and whereof the little bridge had been broken by the Rebs. The country is much more variegated over here. There are some rocks and high ground, and the runs are quite picturesque, with steep banks. One pretty sight was a deserted farmhouse quite surrounded by peach trees, loaded with blossoms. In the distance it seemed covered with pink clouds. After starting Griffin's line forward, we rode along the line of battle of Miles (who had the left of the 2d Corps), where we found General Humphreys. The right of his line had sent out a party which took possession of Dabney's Mill, driving out a few Rebels. The whole force from one end to another was ordered to go forward at once, Griffin being, from the nature of the ground, somewhat in advance. All went on without anything more than scattered skirmishing till near five P.M., when Griffin was struck by a part, or the whole, of two Rebel divisions. But G. is a rough man to handle, and, after a sharp fight, drove them back and followed them up, taking a hundred prisoners. Our losses were some 400 altogether in this affair. Of the enemy we buried 126; so that their total loss, including prisoners, must be, say, 800. The Griffin was in great spirits at this affair and vowed he could drive the enemy wherever he found them. Their object in attacking us was to delay our advance, and to get time to man their works. As soon as Warren got up the rest of his Corps, he pushed on the attack, but John had got enough and had fallen back to his parapets, and thus the day ended. Riding back to the Vaughan road, we found General Grant, who had come up with his Staff, and who camped near us last night, 29th. . . .

[To-day] nothing to note, but that there was a steady and drenching rain the whole livelong day, which reduced these sandy, clayey roads to a pudding or porridge, as the case might be. The chief Quartermaster told me it was the worst day for moving trains he ever had had in all his experience. A train of 600 waggons, with the aid of 1000 engineer troops, was fifty-six hours in going five miles!

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 328-30

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 13, 1861


The President sent to the department an interesting letter from Mr. Zollicoffer, in Tennessee, relating to the exposed condition of the country, and its capacities for defense.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 72

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: June 29, 1862

A telegram from my husband of June 29th from Richmond: “Was on the field, saw it all. Things satisfying so far. Can hear nothing of John Chesnut. He is in Stuart's command. Saw Jack Preston; safe so far. No reason why we should not bag McClellan's army or cut it to pieces. From four to six thousand prisoners already.” Doctor Gibbes rushed in like a whirlwind to say we were driving McClellan into the river.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 198

Diary of Mary Brockenbrough Newton: May 27, 1862

Last night I could not sleep, in consequence of a threat made by one of the Yankee soldiers in our kitchen. He said that 30,000 soldiers had been ordered to the Court-House to-day, to “wipe out” our people. Were our people ignorant of this, and how should we let them know of it? These were questions that haunted me all night. Before day I formed my plan, and awakened S. to consult her on the subject. It was this: To send W. S. to the Court-House, as usual, for our letters and papers. If the Yankee pickets stopped him, he could return; if he could reach our pickets, he could give the alarm. She agreed to it, and as soon as it was day we aroused the child, communicated to him our plan, (for we dared not write;) he entered into the spirit of it, and by light he was off. I got up and went down to the yard, for I could not sit still; but what was my consternation, after a short time had elapsed, to see at the gate, and all along the road, the hated red streamers of our enemy, going towards the Court House! S. and myself were miserable about W. M. and C. gave us no comfort; they thought it very rash in us to send him — he would be captured, and “Fax” (the horse) would certainly be taken. We told them that it was worth the risk to put our people on their guard; but, nevertheless, we were unhappy beyond expression. Presently a man with a wretched countenance, and, from his conversation, an abolitionist of the deepest dye, rode in to inquire if the artillery had passed along. My fears about W. induced me to assume a bland countenance and manner, and I told him of having sent a little boy for the mail, and I wanted him to see that he came home safely; he said that the boy would not be allowed to pass, and promised, gruffly, to do what he could for him; but at the same time made such remarks as made our blood boil; but, remembering W's danger, we made no reply. He said he was aid to General Warren. Before he left our gate, what was our relief to see W. ride in, escorted by fourteen lancers, he and his horse unmolested! The child had gone ahead of the Yankees, reached our picket, told his story, and a vidette had immediately been sent with the information to head-quarters. I then for the first time took my seat, with my heart full of gratitude for W's safety, and feeling greatly relieved that I had done what I could. At three o'clock the firing commenced; it was very heavy for some hours; we knew they were fighting, and knew, too, that our force at the Court-House was not large. Oh, what anxious moments we have experienced this day! The firing has now ceased, and the Yankees are constantly straggling in, claiming a great victory; but we have learned to believe nothing they say.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 138-9

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: Sunday, November 8, 1863

But little like the day of sacred rest. Last night, after dark, and just after I had heard that 14,000 of the enemy were advancing, and there had been two days' fighting near Huntersville, or rather, twelve miles this side, and when my mind was filled with discouragement, G., who had gone out, was heard to exclaim, “Here is Papa!” Yes! to my joy — but he had hardly drawn off his gloves, had certainly not been one minute in the house, before he was sent for to receive a dispatch brought by a courier, summoning the cadets to Covington. He started out at once, but came back and stayed until morning, when he hastened on to join the corps, and march towards Covington. We went to church, but the services were interrupted by the announcement that the ladies must go home and make instantly 250 haversacks. All was commotion and anxiety. The congregation had been anxious before; it was composed wholly of females, and a few old men and boys; but all anxiety was heightened. Met Mr. Middleton as I came home, who was just returning to hurry on provisions. All the force of the county is ordered to Clifton Forge for the present. The whole available force is so small, that if there are 14,000 of the enemy near Lewisburg, pushing on eastward, this handful can't keep them back. The reason Imboden sent Mr. P. the dispatch yesterday to send the corps back, was because he said he was moving so rapidly that only mounted men would avail him any thing. But now infantry and, everything is desired.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 169-70

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, July 10, 1864

The sick and wounded were all moved today from the division hospital to Marietta. This could safely be done, now that the rebels have fallen back across the river. Marietta is not likely to be within the lines of a fierce battle, in case the rebels should come around on either flank of our army. It is very quiet all along the lines today.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 204

Saturday, May 9, 2015

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: November 6, 1863

A lovely day, and in contrast to the feelings of the whole population. Last night I became uneasy at Mr. P.'s not coming home from the Institute till near ten o'clock, so I went out to meet him, taking Johnny along. After waiting a half hour on the street, he came at last, but with the alarming tidings that a courier had come in from the West, asking that the cadets and the Home Guard should be forthwith sent to the assistance of Col. Jackson1 and Imboden; that 7000 of the enemy were between Jackson and the Warm Springs. So we were up before day this morning; I with a heavy heart. The cadets have gone, and the Home Guard from the various parts of the country. Mr. P. gone too; I feel very desolate. Bro. Eben2 stopped to dinner; on his way his horse fell with him and hurt him considerably, but he will try to go on. The whole town is in commotion; no men left in it; even those over sixty-five have gone. I can't help hoping they may not have to stay any time or fight a battle.
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1 This was Colonel William L. Jackson, a cousin of Stonewall Jackson, and a former lieutenant-governor of Virginia. His men nicknamed him " Mudwall" Jackson, a play upon the sobriquet of his more famous kinsman. — E. P. A.

2 The Rev. Eben D. Junkin, then pastor of New Providence church, about sixteen miles from Lexington.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 168-9

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, July 9, 1864

The rebels left their rifle pits in the night and crossed the Chattahoochee river.1
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1 General Sherman always moved his army by the right or left flank when he found the Confederate fortifications in front too strong to make a charge, and in that way the enemy had to fall back, leaving their strong position. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 204

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Friday, July 8, 1864

The weather is quite pleasant today. Wounded men are coming in from the front every day. Our men are strongly fortified in front of the rebel works, and within about a mile of the Chattahoochee river.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 203

Thursday, May 7, 2015

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, August 4, 1863 – P. M.

Washington, Aug. 4, P. M.

With what you say about Negro Organization west of the Mississippi I entirely agree; it is a more aggressive movement than the Army of the Potomac has ever ventured upon, and in a larger view, it is incomparably important; every black regiment is an additional guarantee for that settlement of these troubles which we regard as the only safe one, and will continue to be a guarantee for the permanency of that settlement when made. Mr. Sumner has told me some of the difficulties in finding the man. I do not know any General who has the stuff in him, who is not too much tied up. Would it be impossible to get Mr. J. W. Brooks made Major-General and appointed to that Department, — he is so peculiarly the right man, — that is, if there is a chance of getting him? It ought to be tried. He is almost the only man I know who has the grasp and the originality for so large and so novel a work. Convince Stanton of his fitness, and by next December Brooks would have convinced everybody.1 Military knowledge is the only thing he lacks, and that is the least of the things required. Brigadiers enough can be found to supply it; for a start, I would suggest General George L. Andrews; he is very strong on drill and discipline and minor organizations. He is already in the Southwest, and has probably lost by nine months' men the best part of his command.2 Harry knows about him. Others could be found in the West and, when the fighting time comes, Barlow and many others would jump at the chance. In selecting officers from the Western Army, Brooks would have peculiar advantages, — he knows so many people there who would assist him in his inquiries. If there is to be cavalry (and of course there should be) I shall be very glad, if no better officer can be found, to try my hand under any General commanding. I shall probably never be so much with my regiment as I have been — I am now in command of the Cavalry of this Department (not very much), and if we go to the Army of the Potomac shall undoubtedly have a Brigade. This in reply to your remark about my leaving the Second.

Since Rob's death I have a stronger personal desire to help make it clear that the black troops are the instrument which alone can end the rebellion; he died to prove the fact that blacks will fight, and we owe it to him to show that that fact was worth proving, — better worth proving at this moment than any other. I do not want to see his proof drop useless for want of strong men and good officers to act upon it. I did what little I could to help the Fifty-Fourth for his sake and for its own sake before, but since July 18th, I think I can do more.

N. B. I have no wish to be made a Brigadier for any specific purpose, — when I am promoted I wish to be Brigadier for blacks, whites and everybody, and wherever I go. I am sure that will come in good time, but I shall be very glad to assist in the organization of black cavalry — if I am wanted.
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1 Mr. John W. Brooks left Massachusetts as a youth to begin life as a civil engineer on the New York Central, and, later, the Michigan Central Railroad. He had grown in power even more rapidly than these growing roads, and was occupying an important position in the management of the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad. He had no military experience whatever except as having helped Governor Andrew by his advice in the purchase, through Mr. Forbes, of English cannon. Yet Lowell, a soldier, who knew Brooks's powers and intelligence, recommends him for a major-general, in a place where his administrative powers would be worth more than one or two battles gained. Mr. Forbes, in the spring of the same year, writing to Governor Andrew, had said of him, “Brooks is more than engineer or man of business: he has that wonderful combination which seems to me to amount almost to Genius; his mind is both microscopic and telescopic, according as the valves are pulled, and, above all, is sound at the medium, every-day insight which makes common sense; just as Napoleon could make parties and command armies while reforming his code of laws in detail. In fact, Brooks is more like Napoleon I than anybody else. Now, on all matters relating to the handling of men, Brooks has had great experience, and on any questions that come up about managing the draft, or giving bounties, or getting men, . . . nobody's judgment will be as good as his.”

2 General George L. Andrews, an officer in the Regular Army, had been the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Massachusetts Infantry, which he had helped to raise.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 292-4, 433-4

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Thursday, November 28, 1861

Fayetteville, Virginia. — Thanksgiving at home. Dear boys and wife! I hope they are enjoying a happy dinner at home. Here it is raining and gloomy. We do not yet know where we are to winter; men are growing uneasy and dissatisfied. I hope we shall soon know; and if we are to stay here I think we can soon get into good case again. — Decided that we are to stay here for the winter. Wrote to Uncle and Laura humorous letters — attempts — describing our prospects here. Two small redoubts to be built soon. Quarters to be prepared. Rain, mud, and cold to be conquered; drilling to be done, etc., etc.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 151