Tuesday, August 4, 2015

Francis Lieber to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, September 1, 1864

New York, September 1, 1864.

My Dear Friend, — I write, but do not know very well why, unless it be that a sad heart will run over as well as a joyous one. Things look very, very gloomy. The shameless, disgraceful, and treasonable proclamation of the McClellan convention, with the universal support it finds with high and low of all anti-administration people, and the utter apathy of the loyal people for Lincoln, are fearful. There are but two things that could save us — a telling victory, or rather the taking of Richmond, and Mr. Lincoln's withdrawal. The first will not take place with our decimated army; the other will not occur. Mr. Lincoln might withdraw very patriotically and gracefully, but he would hardly do it individually, and certainly not be allowed to do it by his cabinet. A new convention would take up Grant, I dare say.  . . . All this is nothing necessarily against Mr. Lincoln; but individuals wear out quickly in revolutionary times, were it for no other reason than that familiarity with a name takes from it the enthusiasm. Even Napoleon would not have been able to mount and bridle the steed of revolution, had he come in at first. The fact is — no matter what the reason — the fact is, that there is no spark of that enthusiasm or inspiriting motive-power, call it what you may, for Mr. Lincoln, without which you cannot move so comprehensive an election as that of a president. We must have a new man against a new man, and we cannot have him without Mr. Lincoln's withdrawal. Oh, that an angel could descend and show him what a beautiful stamp on his name in history such a withdrawal would be! He could say in his letter that it is a universal law that names wear out in revolutions and civil wars, and that he withdraws, &c. I do not know that history would record a nobler act than this would be. If he does not speedily withdraw we are beaten; if we are beaten, our country is extinguished, and loathsome disgrace is our children's inheritance.  . . . If this country gets ultimately through, safe and hale, no matter with how many scars, a great civil war with a presidential election in the very midst of it (while the enemy has to stand no such calamity), I shall set it down as the most wonderful miracle In the whole history of events. Sometimes I feel as if I should write to the President; but then, how would he listen to a private individual in a matter of such moment? Rulers do not divest themselves of crowns by being piped to on a single flute. Would to God you could write to me more cheerfully!

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 350-1

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 11, 1861

Several of Gen. Winder's detectives came to me with a man named Webster, who, it appears, has been going between Richmond and Baltimore, conveying letters, money, etc. I refused him a passport. He said he could get it from the Secretary himself, but that it was sometimes difficult in gaining access to him. I told him to get it, then; I would give him none.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 99

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 12, 1861

More of Gen. Winder's men came with a Mr. Stone, whom they knew and vouched for, and who wanted a passport merely to Norfolk. I asked if it was not his design to go farther. They said yes, but that Gen. Winder would write to Gen. Huger to let him pass by way of Fortress Monroe. I refused, and great indignation was manifested.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 99

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 13, 1861

One of the papers has a short account of the application of Stone in its columns this morning. One of the reporters was present at the interview. The article bore pretty severely upon the assumption of power by the military commander of the department. Gen. Winder came in during the day, and denied having promised to procure a passport for Stone from Gen. Huger.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 99-100

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 14, 1861

Nothing.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 100

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 15, 1861

The President's private secretary, Capt. Josselyn, was in to-day. He had no news.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 100

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 16, 1861

We hear to-day that the loyal men of Kentucky have met in convention and adopted an ordinance of secession and union with our Confederacy.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 100

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 31, 1864

Met Preston Hampton. Constance Cary was with me. She showed her regard for him by taking his overcoat and leaving him in a drenching rain. What boyish nonsense he talked; said he was in love with Miss Dabney now, that his love was so hot within him that he was waterproof, the rain sizzed and smoked off. It did not so much as dampen his ardor or his clothes.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 301

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: April 1, 1864

Mrs. Davis is utterly depressed. She said the fall of Richmond must come; she would send her children to me and Mrs. Preston. We begged her to come to us also. My husband is as depressed as I ever knew him to be. He has felt the death of that angel mother of his keenly, and now he takes his country's woes to heart.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 301-2

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: March 20, 1863

Severe snow-storm. This will retard the attack upon Fredericksburg, if the enemy designed it. We spent the morning in the parlour. N. P. read aloud the old-fashioned but amusing novel, "Pride and Prejudice," in very spirited style. The event of the day was the arrival from Alexandria of a bundle, filled with useful articles for a lady, who, not wanting them all herself, allowed us to help ourselves at the price which they cost her in Alexandria. It was amusing to see with what avidity the girls seized on a calico dress at only seventy-five cents per yard (Confederate money); every thing was in such demand, that I only got a tooth-brush, at one dollar; they are two dollars and fifty cents in Richmond.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 201

General Rober E. Lee to Louis T. Wigfall, September 21, 1862

head Quarters Army, W. Va.,
Near Martinsburg,
Sept. 21st, 1862.
gen. Louis T. Wigfall,

Genl.:

I have not yet heard from you with regard to the new Texas Regiments which you promised to endeavor to raise for this Army. I need them much. I rely upon these we have in all tight places and fear I have to call upon them too often. They have fought grandly, nobly, and we must have more of them. Please make every possible exertion to get them in, and send them on to me. You must help us in this matter. With a few more such regiments as those which Hood now has, as an example of daring and bravery, I could feel much more confident of the results of the campaign.

Very respectfully yours,
Official.
R. E. Lee,
Genl.
C. S. Venable,
Maj. and A. D. C.

SOURCE: Louise Wigfall Wright, A Southern Girl in ’61, p. 94

Diary of Sarah Morgan: June 19, 1862

Miriam and I have disgraced ourselves! This morning I was quietly hearing Dellie's lessons, when I was startled by mother's shrieks of “Send for a guard — they've murdered him!” I saw through the window a soldier sitting in the road just opposite, with blood streaming from his hand in a great pool in the dust. I was downstairs in three bounds, and, snatching up some water, ran to where he sat alone, not a creature near, though all the inhabitants of our side of the street were looking on from the balconies, all crying “Murder!” and “Help!” without moving themselves. I poured some water on the man's bloody hand, as he held it streaming with gore up to me, saying, “The man in there did it,” meaning the one who keeps the little grog-shop, though it puzzled me at the time to see that all the doors were closed and not a face visible. I had hardly time to speak when Tiche called loudly to me to come away, — she was safe at the front gate, — and looking up, I found myself in a knot of a dozen soldiers, and took her advice and retreated home. It proved to be the guard Miriam had roused. She ran out as I did, and seeing a gentleman, begged him to call the guard for that murdered man. The individual — he must have been a “patriot” — said he didn't know where to find one. She cried out they were at Heroman's; he said he didn't believe they were. “Go! I tell you!” she screamed at last; but the brave man said he didn't like to, so she ran to the corner and called the soldiers herself. O most brave man! Before we got back from our several expeditions, we heard mother, Lilly, Mrs. Day, all shouting, “Bring in the children! lock the doors!” etc. All for a poor wounded soldier!

We after discovered that the man was drunk, and had cursed the woman of the grog-shop, whereupon her husband had pitched him out in the street, where they found him. They say he hurt his hand against a post; but wood could never have cut deep enough to shed all that gore. I don't care if he was drunk or sober, soldier or officer, Federal or Confederate! If he had been Satan himself lying helpless and bleeding in the street, I would have gone to him! I can't believe it was as criminal as though I had watched quietly from a distance, believing him dying and contenting myself with looking on. Yet it seems it was dreadfully indecorous; Miriam and I did very wrong; we should have shouted murder with the rest of the women and servants. Whereas the man who declined committing himself by calling one soldier to the rescue of another, supposed to be dying, acted most discreetly, and showed his wisdom in the most striking manner.

May I never be discreet, or wise, if this is Christian conduct, or a sample of either! I would rather be a rash, impetuous fool! Charlie says he would not open his mouth to save a dozen from being murdered. I say I am not Stoic enough for that. Lilly agrees with him, Miriam with me; so here we two culprits stand alone before the tribunal of “patriotism.” Madame Roland, I take the liberty of altering your words and cry, “O Patriotism! How many base deeds are sanctioned by your name!” Don't I wish I was a heathen! In twenty-four hours the whole country will be down on us.

O for a pen to paint the slaves
Whose "country" like a deadly blight
Closes all hearts when Pity craves
And turns God's spirit to darkest night!
May life's patriotic cup for such
Be filled with glory overmuch;
And when their spirits go above in pride,
Spirit of Patriotism, let these valiant abide
Full in the sight of grand mass-meeting — I don't
Want you to cuss them,
But put them where they can hear politics,
And yet can't discuss them!

(I can't say worse than that!)

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 84-6

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, October 16, 1864

We left bivouac early this morning and marched eight miles. We passed through Gooseneck Gap, about four miles long and quite narrow. The rebels did not take time to block this gap. The Fifteenth Corps being in the advance, came upon the rebels and engaged them in some skirmishing. The rebels are still falling back to the north. We are now in a mountainous country, and thinly settled, as it is so rough and rocky. The timber here is of chestnut and all varieties of oak.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 222

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Monday, October 17, 1864

We lay in bivouac all day, but at dark moved on about four miles and again went into bivouac. The weather has been very pleasant for some days. The muster rolls of the non-veterans of our regiment were made out today. They received their discharge papers, as their three years' service will be up tomorrow. There are twelve from our company: Albert Allee, John L. Ayers, John Ford, George Eicher, Padenarin McCarty, Ebenezer Rankin, George Mooney, Hugh C. McBirney, Joseph McKibben, Thomas R. McConnoll, Samuel Metcalf and Albert B. Stiles.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 222

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Tuesday, October 18, 1864

We started early this morning and reached Lafayette at 9 o'clock. We lay there for two hours when we took up our march for Summerville, Georgia, and went into bivouac within four miles of the town. The rebels are still moving to the north through the Blue mountains. We had two days' rations left in our haversacks this morning, when we received orders from the quartermaster that they would have to run us four days, as we could not draw any before that time. No news from the Eastern army.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 223

William Barton Rogers to Henry Darwin Rogers, November 29, 1859

Boston, November 29, 1859.

. . . The doings at Harper's Ferry have made an impression which will long be felt. The execution of Brown, to take place on Friday, will sadden and embitter the hearts of the great majority north of the Potomac. The conduct of Wise has been, I think, weak and absurd; the course of the Court of Appeals, harsh if not iniquitous. I know well the horrors of an apprehended insurrection,1 and I can make large allowance for those who are affected by them, for I remember the morbid fears which prevailed after the Southampton tragedy. But it amazes me to find Governor Wise surrounding the helpless prisoner by a cordon of more than one thousand soldiers, and forbidding, as he has done, all approach to the place of execution.

I shall write you, dear Henry, by the steamer of Saturday. We are all well. Mr. Savage, who has been slightly lamed, now walks out. Hillard, since his return, has been suffering the effects of his very boisterous passage. Charles Sumner looks well, but I think his disease is rather healed over than eradicated. . . .

Congress is about to organize, and I fear with the prospect of a session of extraordinary turbulence. Already Mason and other extreme men of the South are applying the match to the magazine of combustibles gathered in Washington, by calling for an investigation by Congress of the Harper's Ferry invasion, as they call it. Throughout the Northern States, especially New England and the Northwest, the effect of Brown's mistaken enterprise, with the revelation of heroic self-renunciation which has accompanied it, has been to deepen and extend the hostility to the slave power. The contrast between the trembling fears of a whole State and the resolute bravery, for principle's sake, of one man is most impressive. The purpose of Brown seems to have been to liberate a large number of the slaves and assist them in escaping from the State. But he forgot the horrors and crimes of a servile revolt, to which his effort, if successful, would surely have led, and he must have been strangely ignorant, or deceived, to believe that he could aid the general emancipation of the slaves by such an attempt. He might have given occasion to an appalling loss of life, perhaps almost to the extermination of the blacks in Virginia. Perhaps the impression he has made in the South may hasten in Virginia, at least, the adoption of some prospective cure for this most perilous evil. The whole matter is full of sad suggestions to me. . . .
_______________

1 Of the slaves.

SOURCE: Emma Savage Rogers & William T. Sedgwick, Life and Letters of William Barton Rogers, Volume 2, p. 16-7

Monday, August 3, 2015

A. B. Plimpton: August 8, 1863

Ashdale, Near Beaufort, S. C., August 8th, 1863.

The colored people are doing well generally. They are quite industrious, and well informed in all that appertains to raising the cotton and all the other productions of the soil. They are very much interested in all those products that form the means of their subsistence. They are laboring assiduously to procure in the coming harvest sufficient to supply all the wants of the body, with some amount to sell. The Governor of this department in the spring cut off the clothes and rations from all the people that were able to labor in the fields, and it has proved one of the most efficient means of promoting industrious habits among them. So long as they saw before them a source from which they could draw food and clothes, they were contented, and these contributions had a deleterious effect upon them. Now they are aware that if they do not produce sufficient to support themselves and purchase their clothes, they must suffer, and they are quite ambitious to get as much as possible. It is quite surprising to see the ingenuity and tact which many of them exhibit to accomplish that end. They certainly have imbibed largely the spirit of trade and commerce, by which they increase their revenue. Their little fields are guarded with the strictest care, and the growth of all the products watched with much eagerness, and the profits calculated by them, as much as the cargo and the profits to accrue therefrom are, by the great shippers of our commercial marts. They are fast learning the value of money, and are acquiring an idea of property, whether it be in a horse or land. There is a growing desire among them to become owners of land. Hundreds of them are guarding their little stores with jealous care, and adding to their stock all they can, in order to have sufficient to make purchases at the next sales of land. To be able to receive all the proceeds of their labors, is one of the heights of their ambition. The adjoining plantation to the one where I live, was purchased last year by the negroes. They have worked it themselves without any direction from white people. They have exhibited ail the skill, thus far, of those that have been worked by the Government. They have a large field of cotton, and larger field of corn. I see them frequently, and converse with them about it. They are as proud of their labors as are any of the farmers of the North when success follows a period of industry. They have planted and brought to good growth by the necessary working three acres of cotton, each of which is, I am told, the maximum of one person's allotment, when other crops are worked by the same hand to the maximum. This condition of that plantation excites the emulation of all the surrounding people, and they frequently say that if they could work this land in the same way we could see some great crops. I have no doubt that if the negroes owned the land and could work it with the expectation of receiving all the proceeds, the cotton crop would have been increased one-third, if not one-half.

So far as the question of subsistence is involved with these people, there is not the least doubt about it . They are abundantly competent, and able and willing, to support themselves, and in a short time many of them will acquire a competence that will enable them to demand and supply themselves with many of the comforts of civilized life.

A. B. Plimpton.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 6

Edward Everett Hale to Charles Hale, March 24, 1861

March 24.
dear Charles:

I have just sent your name to Cabot as a member of the drill club. You will have to pay Salignac six dollars; there is a fee of twenty-five cents a month to the man who cleans the guns, hence called quartermaster. If it is convenient for you to come round at 11 tomorrow (over Jones, Louis, & Ball's, No. 20) or a few minutes before eleven, I will meet and introduce you. But you cannot take your first drill at that hour, — and if you are pressed for time, I will find what the hour for the new comers is, and let you know. We are to move this week to a hall in Sudbury St., because the floor where we are is not safe.

SOURCE: Edward Everett Hale Jr., The Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, Volume 1, p. 324-5

Diary of Laura M. Towne: April 17, 1862

Beaufort, S.C., April 17, 1862.

At Mrs. John Forbes',1 formerly Mr. Tripp's house,— a modern built new building with expensive sea wall and other improvements. The wind blows freshly nearly all day and the tide rises over sandy, grassy flats on three sides of the house. These sands are full of fiddler-crab holes, and are at low tide the resort of negro children with tubs on their heads, crabbing. Soldiers, fishermen, and stragglers also come there, and we see not a little life. Boats frequently pass by, the negro rowers singing their refrains. One very pretty one this morning Moses told me was: —

“De bells done rang
An' we goin' home —
The bells in heaven are ringing.”

Every now and then they shout and change the monotony by several very quick notes, or three or four long-drawn-out ones. One man sings a few words and the chorus breaks in, sometimes with a shout or interjecttional notes. Another song was, “We're bound to go” — to heaven, I suppose. Another had a chorus of “Oh yes, ma'am,” at every five or six bars.

Yesterday Caroline2 took us to her mother's house. They were expecting us and were neatly dressed, and elegantly furnished indeed was their room. It had straw matting and a mahogany bureau, besides other things that said plainly “massa's” house had contributed to the splendor, probably after the hasty retreat of “massa's” family. The two women there were both of the colored aristocracy, had lived in the best families, never did any work to speak of, longed for the young ladies and young “mas'rs” back again, because April was the month they used to come to Beaufort and have such gay times. But if their masters were to come back they wanted to go North with us. They begged us to stay, for “seemed like they couldn't be happy widout white ladies ‘roun’.” They hoped it would be healthy so that we could stay, but they thought it would not be so, because the city is not cleaned as it used to be. They would have gone with their masters, both of them, but they had relations whom they did not want to be parted from, “except by death,” who were not going. One of them had gone at first, but ran away and found her way back here, “by de direction of de Lord.” They were both nice women. In the quarters we afterward went to, we saw a dirty family and two horribly ugly old women. They had got a lesson from some one and said, “We got to keep clean or we'll all be sick.” They were not putting their lesson to use.

The little cook-house belonging to this fine mansion is dark and dirty, but nearly empty. Cut-glass tumbler and flower glass on the mantelpiece spoke of the spoliation. Caroline, who escorted us, walked a little distance behind, without bonnet or any outdoor garment. She, however, wore a silver thimble very ostentatiously and carried a little bit of embroidered curtain for a pocket handkerchief, holding it at the middle with her hand put daintily at her waist. We passed a soldier — they are at every corner — and he said something rather jeering. Caroline stepped up, grinning with delight, and told us he said, “There goes the Southern aristocracy with their nigger behind them.” She seemed to be prouder than ever after this. She is rather pretty, very intelligent and respectful, but not very industrious, I fancy.
The walk through the town was so painful, not only from the desertion and desolation, but more than that from the crowd of soldiery lounging, idling, growing desperate for amusement and occupation, till they resort to brutality for excitement. I saw a soldier beating a horse so that I think it possible he killed him. Others galloped past us in a most reckless, unconscionable manner; others stared and looked unfriendly; others gave us a civil military salute and a look as if they saw something from home gladly. There are two Pennsylvania regiments here now, I think. The artillery is encamped near here.

Besides soldiers the streets are full of the oddest negro children — dirty and ragged, but about the same as so many Irish in intelligence, I think, though their mode of speaking is not very intelligible.

The streets are lovely in all that nature does for them. The shade trees are fine, the wild flowers luxuriant, and the mocking-birds perfectly enchanting. They are so numerous and noisy that it is almost like being in a canary bird fancier's.

This morning we went — Mrs. Forbes, Mr. Philbrick,3 and I — to two of the schools. There are not many pupils now, as the General is sending all the negro women and children to the plantations to keep them away from the soldiers. They say that at Hilton Head the negroes are getting unmanageable from mixing with the soldiers, and this is to be prevented here. Women and children, some with babies, some with little toddling things hanging about them, were seated and busily at work. We saw in the school Mrs. Nicholson, Miss White, and Mr. Nichols, who was teaching the little darkies gymnastics and what various things were for, eyes, etc. He asked what ears were made for, and when they said, “To yer with,” he could not understand them at all. The women were given the clothes they make up for their children. I saw some very low-looking women who answered very intelligently, contrary to my expectations, and who were doing pretty good sewing.

There are several very light children at these schools, two with red hair, and one boy who has straight black hair and a head like Andrew Jackson, tall and not wide, but with the front remarkably developed so as to give it an overhanging look. Some, indeed most of them, were the real bullet-headed negroes.

In Miss White's school all of them knew their letters, and she was hearing a class spell words of one syllable.

I have seen little, but have had two talks with both Mr. Pierce4 and Mr. French,5 and have heard from Mrs. Forbes much of what has been going on as she sees it. Mr. Hooper6 also enlightens me a little, and Mr. Philbrick. They all say that the cotton agents have been a great trouble and promise still to be, but Mr. French says we have gained the victory there. There seems to me to be a great want of system, and most incongruous elements here. Some of the women are uneducated and coarse in their looks, but I should think some of them at least are earnest and hard workers. Perhaps they are better fitted for this work than people with more refinement, for it certainly takes great nerve to walk here among the soldiers and negroes and not be disgusted or shocked or pained so much as to give it all up.

The Boston and Washington ladies have all gone to the plantations on the islands near here, where I am also going, and that leaves Mr. French and the New York party for the mainland, or I mean for Beaufort and this island. . . .

I have felt all along that nothing could excuse me for leaving home, and work undone there, but doing more and better work here. Nothing can make amends to my friends for all the anxiety I shall cause them, for the publicity of a not pleasant kind I shall bring upon them, but really doing here what no one else could do as well. So I have set myself a hard task. I shall want Ellen's7 help. We shall be strong together — I shall be weak apart.

I think a rather too cautious spirit prevails — antislavery is to be kept in the background for fear of exciting the animosity of the army, and we are only here by military sufferance. But we have the odium of out-and-out abolitionists, why not take the credit? Why not be so confident and freely daring as to secure respect! It will never be done by an apologetic, insinuating way of going to work.

I wish they would all say out loud quietly, respectfully, firmly, “We have come to do anti-slavery work, and we think it noble work and we mean to do it earnestly.”

Instead of this, they do not even tell the slaves that they are free, and they lead them to suppose that if they do not do so and so, they may be returned to their masters. They keep in the background with the army the benevolence of their plans or the justice of them, and merely insist upon the immediate expediency, which I must say is not very apparent. If they do not take the  higher ground, their cause and reputation are lost. But the work will go on. May I help it!
_______________

1 Mrs. John M. Forbes. Mr. Forbes had rented a house in Beaufort for a short time.

2 A negro servant.

3 Edward S. Philbrick, of Brookline, Massachusetts, who had volunteered for service in the Sea Islands, and been given charge of three plantations.

4 Edward L. Pierce, the government agent.

5 Rev. Mansfield French.

6 Edward W. Hooper, later Treasurer of Harvard College.


7 Miss Ellen Murray.

Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 3-9

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Lou Thompson, September 21, 1861

Headquarters 79TH Regiment,
Camp Advance, Va. Co. K.
September 21st, 1861.
Dear Cousin Lou:

Let me see — it is a long time since I wrote you, but I am not forgetful. I must thank you many times for your kindness in writing me away off here. Perhaps you think it not very far, only four miles off from Washington; yet it is so, for we are quite shut off from all communication with the outer world. My goodness, how I did cheer Mrs. Gen. Smith the other day on passing her carriage as the Regiment was returning from the field where its colors had been restored!

I am not quite certain that Mrs. Brigadier-Gen. Smith was beautiful, yet I thought her so, for she had little hands, white teeth, and was not shouldering a musket. If you will visit camp, Cousin Lou, I'll crown you Queen of Beauty and vote you lovelier than a thousand Mrs. Brigadier-Gen. Smiths. Tell Cousin Henry and Dr. Grant that their visit to me, while on Kalorama Heights, first taught me that there was still remaining communication with the world. The result of the lesson was, that I bought a looking-glass and combed the snarls out of my hair.

It is raining to-night, so I am shut in my tent. Field life agrees with me excellently, so that as yet I have hardly had an ill day. Our Regiment has been unusually healthy, there having been no deaths from sickness in it since it first left New-York. A captain of the 19th Indiana Regiment was telling me that they had lost 25 of their number from disease already, although they have not been out here so long as we by two months. This I suppose is partly owing to the fact that the city soldiers endure change of climate better than country ones; and something I believe is due to our surgeon Dr. McDonald. The Doctor says that you are one of the few women for whom he has an unbounded admiration.

You would laugh if you could hear the conversations between our Chaplain and the profane physicians. Our parson is a love of a little man from some back country village, accustomed to be kissed (?), admired, and petted by the ladies of his congregation, and to be regarded as a model of eloquence by the men. Fired with patriotic zeal he volunteered his services on the opening of the war, to his country, and left the peace of home for the horrid din of Mars. But the horrid din of Mars he finds to his astonishment, not nearly so agreeable as being kissed (?) and petted in his own quiet village. So he has grown petulant, thinks himself unappreciated, and calls all the men hardened sinners, because they sometimes look incredulous when he answers their “Why?” with, “It is so for I say so.” Shocking unbelievers! Dear little parson tells us weekly not to fear to die, but to face death bravely, as we are certain of being transported instantly to scenes of heavenly joy. Yet our little parson whenever an alarm occurs, rushes to his tent, secures his bag, and trots off in all haste to the nearest place of shelter. Taking advantage of this little weakness, the Doctor is in the habit of explaining to him in a horridly lucid way, the dreadful nature of gunshot wounds. Then some one will suddenly jump up, assume a listening attitude and cry: “Hark! Was that a gun?” The comical aspect of terror which is thus elicited, forms an inexhaustible source of amusement to us all. He reminds me of the Chaplain of the story, who bade the soldiers before the battle, not to fear, as they would assuredly that night, if they fell, sup in Paradise. He himself however ran away when the first shot was fired. An indignant hearer of his morning discourse reminded him of his encouraging promises. “No thankee,” said he, “don't talk to me, I never did like suppers.” All of which story you can anywhere find better told in the newspapers.

Next to the parson, our greatest source of entertainment is the article called “nigger,” a thing I never saw until I came to "Ole Virginny." We own an African of the Pongo species, a sort of half idiotic monkey-man, partially possessing the gift of speech, and totally possessing the gift of doing nothing. I consider it a curious study to see how, when he is ordered to perform any service, he manages most ingeniously not to do it at all. You should see the Pongo though in the Highland costume. “The What Is It?” will have to retire from business.

Good-bye dear Cousin Lou.

Very affec'y.,
W. T. Lusk,
Lieut. Co. K. 79th Regt.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 82-5