Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: July 2, 1863

Borrowed one day's rations of the 12th R. I. Expecting a train for ourselves. Boys very accommodating. Regt. to be mustered out of service on the 13th. All very happy. It makes me almost homesick and still I am glad my time is not out. I could not be satisfied at home with this cruel war going on. Many will re-enlist. Boys went for forage.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 77

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: July 3, 1863

Mail came in afternoon. Merely a paper and note through Lu. The Proclamation also by Ampt. Shows a mean spirit, considerable wit. In the evening orders came to be saddled. Stood all night. Two detachments went out. One under Seward and another under a Ky. officer. Co. B in quite an engagement at Columbia. Lt. Bills slightly wounded, one man wounded in hip, another missing and one killed. Morgan across at Burksville with 4000, advancing seemingly towards Lebanon. Expecting orders. (This was the start of Gen. John Morgan's ill-fated raid through Ky., Ind. and Ohio.)

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 77

Emanuel T. White to William Still, July 29, 1857

SYRACUSE, July 29, 1857.

MY DEAR FRIEND, MR. STILL:— I got safe through to Syracuse, and found the house of our friend, Mr. J. W. Loguen. Many thanks to you for your kindness to me. I wish to say to you, dear sir, that I expect my clothes will be sent to Dr. Landa, and I wish, if you please, get them and send them to the care of Mr. Loguen, at Syracuse, for me. He will be in possession of my whereabouts and will send them to me. Remember me to Mr. Landa and Miss Millen Jespan, and much to you and your family.

Truly Yours,

MANUAL T. WHITE.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 154

John Brown: Old Brown’s Farewell, April 1857

OLD BROWN'S FAREWELL

To the Plymouth Rocks, Bunker Hill Monuments, Charter Oaks, and Uncle Tom's Cabins.

He has left for Kansas; has been trying since he came out of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other words, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping his regular minute-men, who are mixed up with the people of Kansas. And he leaves the States with a feeling of deepest sadness, that after having exhausted his own small means, and with his family and his brave men suffered hunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness, wounds, imprisonment in irons, with extreme cruel treatment, and others death; that after lying on the ground for months in the most sickly, unwholesome, and uncomfortable places, some of the time with sick and wounded, destitute of any shelter, hunted like wolves, and sustained in part by Indians; that after all this, in order to sustain a cause which every citizen of this “glorious republic” is under equal moral obligation to do, and for the neglect of which he will be held accountable by God, — a cause in which every man, woman, and child of the entire human family has a deep and awful interest, —  that when no wages are asked or expected, he cannot secure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and extravagance of this “heaven-exalted” people, even the necessary supplies of the common soldier. “How are the mighty fallen!”

I am destitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, harness, saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp equipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets, knapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, mattocks, crowbars; have not a supply of Ammunition; have not money sufficient to pay freight and travelling expenses ; and left my family poorly supplied with common necessaries.

Boston, April, 1857.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 508-9

Salmon P. Chase to Charles Sumner, December 14, 1849

Washington, Dec. 14,, 1849.

My Dear Sumner: I thank you for your argument in defense of equality before the law¹ for the colored people of Boston, in respect to public instruction. It is something more than reason — it is reason inspired by the sentiment of humanity. I take it for granted that it will be published in pamphlet form. When so published I hope you will send me a number of copies. It will give me real pleasure in aiding its circulation.

The papers show you the course of things here. Giddings, who is himself a living pillar, says there is less doublefacery here than at any former session. But the amount visible is disgusting. But for the presence of the Spartan Boss of Free Democrats, I have no doubt the South would have completely triumphed.

Yesterday was a day of great excitement. Discussion, speeches, and arrays of clippings, as in a theatre, was the programme of the Slaveholders, and for a time it frightened many Northern men. Judge Allen's speech reassured some of them. His illustration of the slaveholding demonstration by comparison with the arrangement of poor Goldsmith's friend to give eclat to the production of its first play was exceedingly well timed. And how admirably he exposed Winthrop. The political committees, he showed from W’s own admissions and statements were constituted for action— the Committees on the District, the Territories, and the Judiciary were constituted for inaction.

It is impossible now to foresee how all will end. But we hope the best. Certainly great advantages have been gained, and the Free Soilers have made by every point so far.

Most Cordially yours,

[SALMON P. CHASE.]

_______________

¹ This phrase so familiar to-day seems to have been introduced into English by Sumner. It represents the French “Egalite devant la loi.” “Equality before the law” is not denned nor is any example of its use cited in the New English Dictionary edited by J. A. H. Murray and others. Cf. Pierce's Sumner, Vol. III, p. 40.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 188-9

Gideon Welles to William H. Seward, July 31, 1863

Navy Department,

31 July, 1863.

Sir,

On the 13th of May last I had the honor to receive a note from you enclosing the copy of a communication addressed to Lord Lyons, under date of the 7th of May, relative to the seizure of the British schooner Mont Blanc, at Sand Key, Bahama Banks.

In that communication, and in personal interviews, I was informed that it had been admitted by our government that Commander Collins had been guilty of “inconsiderate conduct,” and that “compensation ought to be made for the wrong done.” I was requested also to designate some person at or near Key West to ascertain the damage to be paid, and in view of these facts, the President directed that the attention of the officers of the Navy shall be distinctly called to certain instructions in a note of yours of the 8th of August last, — alluding I presume to certain suggestions communicated through you to this Department on that day, which eventuated in the instructions to Naval Officers on the 18th of August, 1862. I was moreover directed to make known to Commander Collins that by “seizing the Mont Blanc in British waters and at anchor, he had incurred the disapprobation of the President, and that any repetition will be visited with more severe and effective censure.”

In carrying into effect these views, I took occasion to express to you, as I had on other occasions, the opinion that the subjects involved belonged to the courts rather than the Departments, and that with all the facts and circumstances before them, the judicial tribunals would arrive at more correct conclusions than we could with only limited and ex-parte information. As requested, however, I designated Acting Rear Admiral Bailey to adjudicate or pass upon the question of damages and informed Commander Collins that he had incurred the displeasure of the President. That officer, feeling that he was reproved for an honest and vigilant discharge of a difficult and responsible duty, and sensitive on a point touching his professional reputation, has procured and forwarded to the Department the final order of the Court at Key West, in the case of the Mont Blanc, a copy of which I have the honor to transmit herewith. From this final order of Judge Marvin it will be seen that, although by consent of all the parties in interest, the vessel and cargo were restored to the claimants, yet it was decided by the Court “that there was probable cause for the capture and detention of the vessel and that each party pay its own costs.”

The judgment of the Court, having the parties before it and all the facts in the premises, is an exculpation of Commander Collins, who nevertheless stands reproved and censured for doing that which the Court declares he had probable cause for doing, and would therefore allow no costs, much less damages.

I have felt it my duty to call your attention to this fact, not only to vindicate the opinion which I have so frequently expressed, that all matters of prize should be left to the Courts for adjudication, without prejudice or pre-judgment from the Departments, but in justice to a meritorious officer who has been censured for what he believed a faithful discharge of his duty, and who is acquitted by the legal tribunal for his act in seizing the Mont Blanc.

I apprehend Her Majesty's representative will scarcely insist on damages because, in his correspondence with the government, an incautious admission may have been made, while the court, the proper tribunal, has investigated the case and come to a different conclusion.

I think, moreover, it is an act of simple justice to Commander Collins that the censure upon him should be removed and that his record should remain unstained by the capture of the Mont Blanc.

Very respectfully,

Gideon Welles,

Secty. of Navy.

HON. WM. H. SEWARD,

Secty. of State

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 417-8

Isaac Scott Cook

A homestead with many interesting family associations is the Willow Branch Farm in Union Township. It has been owned by members of the Cook family for more than a century. It has responded to their care and management, and is not only a landmark but for generations has been a center for some of the most productive farm and stock raising operations in the county. Its present owner is Isaac Scott Cook, who was born there, and who since an early age has been identified with its active management.

Mr. Cook is a descendant of the Connecticut branch of the Cook family. His first American ancestor was Henry Cook, who came to Plymouth, Massachusetts, before 1640, from Kent, England. Two of Henry Cook's sons, Henry and Samuel, settled at Wallingford, Connecticut, and became the ancestors of most of the Connecticut branch of the family. In the next generation was Samuel Cook, who was born in March, 16—. and married Hope Parker. Isaac, a son of Samuel, was born January 10, 1681, and died at Wallingford, Connecticut, in 1712. He was married in 1705 to Sarah Curtis. One of their children was also named Isaac and was born July 22, 1710, at Wallingford, and died March 16, 1780. He married Jerusha Sexton, of Wallingford.

A son of Isaac and Jerusha was Colonel Isaac, who was born July 28, 1739, and died in 1810. He served with distinction in the Revolutionary war. His wife's name was Martha. They were the great-grandparents of Isaac S. Cook, of Ross County.

The founder of the family in Ohio was Judge Isaac Cook, who was born in Wallingford, Connecticut, in 1768. Soon after his marriage he started with his wife and household goods in wagons to find a home in the great unclaimed West. They went as far as Pittsburgh, and leaving his wife there, Isaac Cook continued on a prospecting trip to the Northwest Territory in 1795, going as far as Greenville. He was present there when General Wayne made his treaty with the Indians. After seeing peace secured with the Indians he returned, and in the following year settled in the rich and beautiful valley of the Scioto. He had taken with him from Pittsburgh a commission from General Neville to sell the latter's land grant in the Virginia Military District. This trust he performed with such satisfaction to his employer that the latter presented him with 400 acres of land which had been unsold. Judge Cook added to his nucleus by purchase, and developed a splendid estate before his death. He named the old farm the Willow Branch Farm and by that name it is still called. Under his energetic management the soil yielded of its fruits and the log cabin home was soon supplanted by a two-story frame house. Judge Cook was one of the very able men in the early life of Ross County. He was appointed associate judge of the Court of Common Pleas in 1803, and filled that position with splendid dignity for twenty-seven consecutive years. He was also elected several times as a member of the State Legislature, and while in the Legislature was a member of the committee on legislation and introduced the bill for the establishment of a public school system in Ohio. Another fact of interest concerning him is that he was a pioneer advocate of temperance at a time when little thought was given to such a cause. He drew up a pledge for his own children and that pledge contained the names of all his grandchildren, their respective parents vouching for them. Judge Isaac Cook was a resident of Ross County upwards of half a century, and died in 1842.

In 1792 ha married Margaret Scott of Shippensburg, Pennsylvania, a daughter of Capt. Mathew and Elizabeth (Thompson) Scott, Mathew Scott was first lieutenant in Miles Pennsylvania Regiment in 1776, and a captain in the Pennsylvania State Regiment in 1777. Judge Isaac Cook and his wife, Margaret, reared eight children: Isaac, Mathew Scott, Elizabeth, William, Joseph, Lucy, Maria and Margaret. The oldest daughter, Maria, married Dr. James Webb, of Kentucky, and was the mother of Lucy Webb, who subsequently became the wife of Rutherford B. Hayes, afterwards President of the United States. After the death of Doctor Webb, his widow and her three children lived at the old homestead. Willow Branch Farm, in Ross County.

On the Willow Branch Farm, William Cook, father of Isaac S., was born in 1807. He grew up on that farm, and eventually succeeded to its ownership. He was a man of fine character, of great industry, and his tastes and inclinations led him to spend his years in the quiet pursuits of agriculture. Very successful as a farmer, he at one time owned 1,500 acres. A desire for public office never came to him, and he was content to do his duty as a private citizen. He was first a Whig and afterwards a Republican. His death occurred September 4, 1892, at the age of eighty-five years. Many years ago he erected a substantial brick house on the Willow Branch Farm and it is still the residence of his son, Isaac S. William Cook married Mary G. Hough. She was born in Zanesville, Ohio, in 1811, daughter of Benjamin and Catherine (Carrell) Hough, both of whom were natives of England. William Cook and wife reared five children, Ellen Hough, Isaac Scott, Ada, Margaret Scott and Catherine. The daughter Margaret S. is now deceased.

On the farm where he was born and reared, Isaac Scott Cook has worked out his own individual destiny in life. He attended the public schools in the country district and also at Chillicothe. His youth was spent in the dark and forbidding years of the Civil war, and on August 13, 1862, he responded to the call of patriotism and enlisted in Company D of the Eighty-ninth Ohio Volunteer Infantry. He was with this regiment in its various movements until September, 1863, when, being taken ill, he was placed in a hospital, first at Nashville and afterwards at Louisville, and from there was sent to Cincinnati, and in November, 1863, was granted an honorable discharge from the hospital and the army and then returned home. As soon as sufficiently recovered, he went to Pennsylvania and entered the Pennsylvania Military Academy, then located at Westchester, but now at Chester. He remained there until completing a two years' course.

He then returned to his father's farm, and was its responsible manager for a number of years. Later he succeeded to its ownership, and has done much to make it both a profitable and attractive homestead. Some years ago he formed a corporation, whose members were himself and his sons and daughters, and this corporation now owns the '”Willow Brook Stock Farm,” so named by his grandfather. Since 1891 Mr. Cook has been a director of the Chillicothe First National Bank.

He married Rowena Nye. Mrs. Cook, who died in 1911, was a daughter of Spencer and Martha (Jacobs) Nye, both of whom, were of early Connecticut ancestry. Mr. Cook has five children: William Hough, Spencer Nye, Margaret Scott, Isaac Scott, Jr., and Edward Tiffin. All these children received the best advantages of local schools and higher institutions. William H. graduated from the University of Minnesota at Minneapolis and is now a successful mining engineer. Spencer Nye is also a mining engineer and a graduate of the Ohio State University. Margaret Scott graduated from Wheaton Seminary at Norton, Massachusetts. Isaac S., Jr., is a graduate of the agricultural department of the Ohio State University. Edward Tiffin is a graduate of Cornell University, made a record as an athlete while in school, and is now manager of the Willow Brook Stock Farm. The oldest son, William H., married Clara Tandy, and their two children are Margaret Scott and William Hough. Edward Tiffin married Mary Virginia Wilson, who was born near Winchester, Virginia, of colonial ancestry. They have a son, Edward Tiffin, Jr., making the fifth generation on that farm.

SOURCE: Lyle S. Evans, Editor, A Standard History of Ross County, Ohio, Volume 2, p. 496-8

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Sunday Evening, December 28, 1862

Camp Maskell, December 28, 1862.

Dearest:— Sunday evening. Captain Hunter brings me the spurs and pictures; for which, thanks. I will send the old spurs home the first chance. There will be a good many [chances] soon. Don't let Dr. Joe forget to bring back his sword-belt for me, and a piece of old carpet or backing.

General Ewing has ordered one officer, three non-commissioned officers, and ten privates to go home a week from today! And what is still stranger our men are asking not to be sent home so soon! The explanation of this latter wonder is that a paymaster is pretty certain to be along about the 10th of January and the men want to see him before going home. Unless General Ewing's orders are changed you will soon see some of our men. My orderly (cook), William T. Crump, will stop with you. If you are curious to know how we live, put him in the kitchen a day or two. The children will like him.

We have had no serious accidents with all our chopping, logging, and hauling. On Christmas I was alarmed. John Harvey (the boys remember him) driving a team with a big log at the sawmill was thrown off and the wheel ran across his ankle. It was thought to be a crusher but turns out merely a slight sprain.

Nobody sick in the hospital and only four excused from duty by Dr. Barrett!

I dined the four cousins on Christmas day. Had a good time. The regiment fired volleys in the morning. In the afternoon I gave a turkey and two bottles of wine to the three best marksmen. Target firing all the afternoon. A week more [of] pleasant weather will put us entirely “out of the suds,” or out of the mud.

We had our first dress parade this evening. The old flag was brought out with honors. The companies look smaller than they did at the last parade I saw on Upton's Hill, near Washington, almost four months ago, but they looked well and happy.

The weather here is warm and bright. Very favorable for our making camp. I am thinking how happy the boys are with their uncles. It would be jolly to see you all. I love you ever so much. Tell me about the Christmas doings. Love to all.

Affectionately ever,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 381

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: June 17, 1864

Must nurse my writing material. A New York Herald in camp, which says an exchange will commence the 7th of July. Gen. Winder, is on a visit to Andersonville Is quite an aged man, and white haired. Very warm and almost suffocating. Seems as if the sun was right after us and belonged to the Confederacy. Chas. Humphrey, of Massachusetts, who has been in our hundred for months, has gone crazy; wanders about entirely naked, and not even a cap on his head. Many of the prisoners are crazy, and I only speak of those in our immediate proximity. Am in good spirits, notwithstanding my afflictions. Have never really thought yet that I was going to die in this place or in the Confederacy. Saw a new comer pounded to a jelly by the raiders. His cries for relief were awful, but none came. Must a few villains live at the expense of so many? God help us from these worse than rebels.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 68

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 25, 1863

The excitement has subsided. No doubt small detachments of the enemy were seen at the places indicated, and Gen. Elzey (who some say had been drinking) alarmed the Governor with a tale of horror. The reports came through Gen. Winder's detectives, one-half of whom would rather see the enemy here than not, and will serve the side that pays most. Yet, we should be prepared.

I saw an indorsement by the President to-day, that foreigners should give guarantees of neutrality or be sent out of the city.

Nothing from Lee.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 360

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Sunday, December 4, 1864

Weather more comfortable this morning; more convalescents, etc., reporting in small squads; am feeling some better, but do want to go to my regiment: men complaining, but I can't help it, there's no quartermaster; am busy with clothing rolls; looks like storm to-night.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 237

Captain Charles Wright Wills: December 3, 1862

December 3, 1862.

We received marching orders at Lagrange, Tenn., at 9 o'clock p. m. on the 27th, and moved at 6 a. m. on the 28th, on the Holly Springs road. We marched some five miles and then waited four or five hours for the divisions of Ross and McArthur from Grand Junction, and Quinby and Moscow to file into the road ahead of us. About 4 p. m. we were again set in motion, and at 7 p. m. (moonlight) we turned into the woods, about 10 miles from Lagrange, and bivouacked for the night. Fell in at 7 a. m., 29th, marched nine miles by 2:30 p. m. to Coldwater, a very nice little stream, the water in which is as cold in July as in December. Here we rested until 6:30 p. m. and then marched six miles by moonlight to Holly Springs, Miss., where we camped for the night. At 8 a. m., 30th, moved out and arrived at the present camp about 2 p. m. The last five miles we were cheered by the enlivening music of artillery firing ahead, pretty lively at times and then subsiding into an ocasional bellow, bringing the good old Madrid and Corinth times very distinctly to my mind. It's astonishing what an amount of ignorance I am guilty of in regard to the situation of affairs here, but I really haven't inquired of or listened to any of the powers that be on the subject. I've had my mind set on a fight in the neighborhood, and if we get that I don't care about details, if not I'll find out what I can, though 'tis an awful sight of trouble to sift sense and matter to be credited out of camp rumors, and that is about the only source a line officer has for getting information. Believe I'll give you a little list of rumors condensed. (1) Enemy 50,000 strong fortified on this side of Tallahatchie. (2) Rebels driven across the river, only rifle pits on this side. (3) Sherman has turned their right flank and we've got them sure. (4) Enemy only 30,000 strong in tremendous fortifications opposite side of river; bridge burned, will be rebuilt by midnight, when we'll pitch into them, etc. (5) Pemberton wants to fight; Price opposes the idea. (6) Fortifications evacuated night of 1st inst., and Sherman pushing the enemy's right as they retreat (To back this No. 6 rumor, heavy columns were pushing past us all day yesterday in a driving rain). (7) Steel and Curtis have pushed across from Helena or Napoleon and taken possession of Grenada, cutting off the Rebel line of retreat; Curtis' force 25,000. (8) Price has cut through Curtis' force and escaped. (9) Price attacked Curtis, was repulsed and is now coming back this way, etc.

There has been cannonading the last three days some four or six miles ahead, but none to-day. Squads of prisoners pass us going to the rear every day. The country from Lagrange to this place is very good, clearings much more extensive and more evidences of wealth than on the Mobile and Ohio road. We were on picket the 1st inst. some two miles in advance of our camp and had a grand time. This 103d out jayhawks old Jennison himself. The regiment went on picket the last time with one day's rations, and I swear I believe they came in with six days'. My company “found” 150 pounds of flour, a hog, a beef, two and one-half bushels of sweet potatoes, chickens, ducks, milk, honey and apples. The night we stopped at Holly Springs, Company G must have confiscated $300 (the way these people figure) worth of eatables, among which were one barrel of molasses, 300 pounds of sugar, one barrel of flour, four hogs, etc. But I don't allow them to take anything but eatables. I think it right, and can find no arguments for any other side of the question. Holly Springs is a beautiful little town, but not so rich, I think, as Jackson, Tenn., which beats everything for its size, I ever saw. Our army, trains and all, stretched out in marching shape, is, I think, 30 miles long. Believe without Sherman it numbers from 40,000 to 45,000. Anyway we have enough to skin Mississippi. Major General McPherson commands our right wing of two divisions, Logan's and McKean's. Hamilton has the left wing of three divisions, McArthur, Ross and Quinby. Don't know what Sherman has, but he holds a good hand and has some trumps that we know of, particularly Hurlbut and Lanman. I never saw men in as good spirits and so confident as this army now appears. We are splendidly equipped and want nothing. The only drawback is the men's having to carry their knapsacks, but if the fine weather will only continue we'll stand that. We don't use any tents at night when marching, and 'tis no hardship to lie out at night yet. The boys strip to their underclothing, with only two blankets, and never grumble. I can't see why people will stay at home when they can get to soldiering. I think a year of it is worth getting shot for to any man. I believe I used to get a little homesick or girl sick, but my brief furloughs have taught me the vanity and vexation of spirit folks are liable to in the States, and I think I'll hanker thereafter no more. If I can get into the regular army, I'll do it sure.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 130-2

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: June 28, 1863

Up for breakfast at daylight. Fed and cleaned our horses and saddled. Creek quite high, current strong. One fellow got a good ducking. Rained considerable during the day. Passed through a thickly wooded, rough and barren country. Reached Jamestown about 4 P. M. Got a lunch of cakes and cheese. 112th Ill. there. Went back a mile and camped. Grass, had a few oats. Onions for supper.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 75

Captain Charles “Edward” Putnam to Mary “Ella” Fawcett, July 17, 1863

Camp 13th Iowa Infantry

Clinton, Mississippi

July 17th 1863

Dear Friend Ella:

I had begun to think Ella had forgotten her absent friend, Ed — until a few days ago when a letter came from her with the date of June 28th. I am always very anxious to hear from you and when a long time passes without the receipt of a letter, I imagine a thousand things, wondering if you are tired of our correspondence, or if I have failed to please you. As regards your showing my letters to your friends, I have no objections if there is anything in them of interest to others. I do not intentionally write anything of which I am ashamed to have anyone read; perhaps there are things in them occasionally which had not better be too widely circulated, but I leave the matter to your discretion.

My Fourth of July passed off very quietly. Our brigade lay at a ford on Black River all day watching the movements of  Gen. Johnston’s troops on the opposite side of the river.

Frank has never shown me your miniature nor have I seen a likeness of you taken since I came away since I have been in the army. I expect you have changed very much since I left you and am anxious to know how you look; but presume I shall have to wait until my return. I was greatly surprised to learn that you had not imagined what possesses a woman to shear her head of her greatest ornament — and you had such beautiful hair that it seems a pity that you should have done it.

Evening, July 19th

Do you begin to think that after all the promises I have made about going home this summer that I am not going to fulfill them? It really looks so now — but I assure you that were it possible, I should have been at home ‘ere this. It is very true that many officers are going home all the time; and it looks singular that among so many chances, I cannot obtain the privilege of leaving. But to get a leave of absence one must be sick, or pretend to be, and my principles will not allow me to resort to false statements to obtain even so great a wished for pleasure.

To say that I am contented would be false, for I have anticipated so much happiness from a visit that to be deprived of it makes me quite discontented — and you know that, “Hope deferred maketh the heart sick” — and certainly I have hoped long enough to go home, as my letters will testify. However, I still hope on believing that my turn will come after awhile.

You don’t know how much I want to see you and I am afraid that when I get a chance…

[unsigned letter; missing second sheet]

Click on photo to enlarge.

Click on photo to enlarge.

SOURCE: This letter was put up for auction on Ebay. Accessed August 5, 2017.

Advertisement for the Return of John Massenberg, a Fugitive Slave

$100 REWARD — For the apprehension and delivery to us of a MULATTO MAN, named John Massenberg, or John Henry Pettifoot, who has been passing as free, under the name of Sydney. He is about 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, spare made, bright, with a bushy head of hair, curled under and a small moustache. Absconded a few days ago from our Tobacco Factory.

McHENRY & McCULLOCH.

Ju 16 3t

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 153

Henry David Thoreau to Harrison Blake,* October 30, 1859

Concord, Oct. 31 [1859].

Mr. Blake, — I spoke to my townsmen last evening, on “The Character of Captain Brown, now in the Clutches of the Slaveholder.” I should like to speak to any company in Worcester who may wish to hear me: and will come if only my expenses are paid. I think that we should express ourselves at once, while Brown is alive. The sooner, the better. Perhaps Higginson may like to have a meeting. Wednesday evening would be a good time. The people here are deeply interested in the matter. Let me have an answer as soon as may be.

Henry D. Thoreau.

P. S. I may be engaged toward the end of the week.

_______________

* Thoreau’s editor.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 506

Amos Bronson Alcott, Saturday, November 5, 1859

Dine with Sanborn. He suggests that I should go to Virginia and get access to Brown if I can, and Governor Wise; thinks I have some advantages to fit me for the adventure. I might ascertain whether Brown would accept a rescue from any company we might raise. Ricketson, from New Bedford, arrives. He and Thoreau take supper with us. Thoreau talks freely and enthusiastically about Brown, denouncing the Union, the President, the States, and Virginia particularly; wishes to publish his late speech, and has seen Boston publishers, but failed to find any to print it for him.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 506-7

Salmon P. Chase to Charles Sumner, September 19, 1849

Philadelphia, Sep. 19, 1849.

My Dear Sumner, I thank you heartily for your prompt compliance with my request for information of the doings of your Convention. I have read its proceedings with great interest, and the Address with particular attention. The proceedings are worthy of the Free Democracy of old Massachusetts — earnest, poetical, principled — and tending, I hope, to great results. Would to God that you could carry the State this Fall. What a triumph it would be and what an impetus it would give to our cause in every quarter? Can it not be done? Can you not, all of you, buckle on your armor, and rousing the people by an eloquence suited to the crisis, achieve a victory for Freedom, which will prove that the world is not wholly given over to reaction, — that will compensate, in some measure, for our defeats in Vermont and Hungary?  One great difficulty we labor under is that our opponents can so palpably demonstrate our numerical weakness by pointing to the fact that we have, as yet, carried no State. This is a great discouragement to some who want to live somewhat by sight as well as by faith.

Of the Address I need only say that I think it altogether worthy of you. Not as I regard it as being so polished and perfect a composition as some which have emanated from your pen; but as replete with just sentiment, correct views and sound principles. It is, as you say, a Liberty Address, and urges the same topics which I have several times, in such papers, discussed. I cannot express how earnestly I desire that you may gather under the banner you unfurl a majority of the voters. For my own part, I mean to abide on the platform, which the Address presents, whether with few or many.

The union of the Hunkers and Barnburners of New York struck me unpleasantly as it did you. It seemed to me that our friends had gone too far, in their anxiety to secure united support of a single ticket. It seemed to me that if they had taken your Massachusetts ground, and contented themselves with proving their Democracy, not by pedigree but by works, and had appealed to the People to support them, independently of old party ties, they would have done better. When the Hunkers refused to adopt the platform, I would say, that the time for union had passed. Although, however, these views seem to me most reasonable, I do not at all distrust the sincere devotion to our principles and cause of our friends who thought and acted differently. They supposed that the entire body of the democracy, with insignificant exceptions, could be brought by the Union upon our platform, and made to take ground with us against the support of national candidates not openly and avowedly committed to our principles. If this expectation of theirs should be proved to have been warranted, by events, their movement will be sanctioned by its results. I hope it may be. Meanwhile it behooves all friends of Freedom to heed well what they are doing, and to take care that they do not become so entangled in party meshes, that they cannot withdraw themselves, in a powerful and united body, whenever (if ever) the Party shall prove false to Freedom.

For me, I think I may say, that you may depend on me. I have no senatorial or legislative experience and some qualities which will be sadly in my way; but I will be faithful to the Free Soil Cause, and, according to the measure of my discretion and ability, will labor to advance it. I shall not forget your admonition to remember what is expected of me; and though, I cannot hope, if there be such expectation as your words imply, to satisfy it, I do hope to be able (to) shew that I am not undeserving of the confidence of Freedom's Friends.

Poussin¹ came to Phila. (en route for Washington) by the same train of cars which brought me. I had some conversation with him. He appeared a good deal excited by the doings and sayings at Washington. He said that he did not know what were the grounds of offence taken by our Government — that if he had expressed himself incautiously or offensively he was quite willing to modify or retract, as propriety might require; and he seemed especially sensitive on the score that being himself an American, and ardently devoted to American Institutions, he should be thought capable of wilfully doing or saying anything injurious to the American People.

I see by this morning's papers (most of the above was written yesterday) that the Republic gives a full account of the matter. The expressions of Poussin were certainly indiscreet, but hardly justify, under all the circumstances, his abrupt dismissal. I suppose, however, it cannot be recalled. What influence will they have upon the reception of Rives? And how far has this course been adopted in view of the probable reception of Rives?

I expect to leave Phila. for Washington tomorrow — Saturday morning — and to remain there until Wednesday evening. Write me if you have time. Tell me what John Van Buren and Butler say to you. Glad that Palfrey withdraws withdrawal.

Affectionately and faithfully yours,

[Salmon P. Chase.]

Can't help thinking though that you could fill his place and be elected if he did not.

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¹ Guillaume Tell Lavallée Poussin was the minister of the second French Republic, 1848-49, to the United States. He was dismissed Sept. 15, 1849, for discourtesy, the French Government having declined to recall him. See the art. in the N. Y. Courier & Enquirer for Sept. 19, reprinted in the N. Y. Tribune Sept. 20, 1849. The incident created considerable excitement and caused a fall in stocks owing to the apprehensions in regard to its consequences.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 185-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 24, 1863

Our advices from Charleston show progress, though slow. The monitors perform well their part. Few casualties have occurred. We hear of a sad one to-day however, in the death of George Rodgers,¹ one of the noblest spirits in the service. It is sad that among so many he, who has perhaps no superior in the best qualities of the man, the sailor, and the officer, should have been the victim. The President called on me in some anxiety this morning, and was relieved when he learned it was not John Rodgers of Atlantic fame. But without disparagement to bold John, no braver, purer spirit than gallant, generous, Christian George could have been sacrificed, and I so said to the President.

Am annoyed and vexed by a letter from Seward in relation to the Mont Blanc. As usual, he has been meddlesome and has inconsiderately, I ought to say heedlessly and unwittingly, done a silly thing. Finding himself in difficulty, he tries to shift his errors on to the Navy Department. He assumes to talk wise without knowledge and to exercise authority without power.

The history of this case exemplifies the management of Mr. Seward. Collins in the captured the Mont Blanc on her way to Port Royal. The capture took place near Sand Key, a shoal or spit of land over which the English claim jurisdiction. I question their right to assume that these shoals, or Cays, belong to England, and that her jurisdiction extends a marine league from each, most of them being uninhabited, barren spots lying off our coast and used to annoy and injure us. I suggested the propriety of denying, or refusing to recognize, the British claim or title to the uninhabited spots; that the opportunity should not pass unimproved to bring the subject to an issue. But Mr. Seward flinched before Lord Lyons, and alarmed the President by representing that I raised new issues, and without investigating the merits of the case of the Mont Blanc, which was in the courts, he hastened to concede to the English not only jurisdiction, but an apology and damages. It was one of those cases alluded to by Sir Vernon Harcourt, when he admonished his government that “the fear was not that Americans would yield too little, but that England would take too much.” Seward yielded everything, — so much as to embarrass Lord Lyons, who anticipated no such humiliation and concession on our part, and therefore asked time. The subject hung along without being disposed of. Seward, being occasionally pushed by Lord Lyons, would come to me. I therefore wrote him on the 31st of July a letter which drew from him a singular communication of the 4th inst., to which I have prepared a reply that will be likely to remain unanswered.

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1 Commander George Washington Rodgers, who was killed in the attack on Fort Wagner, August 17, 1863.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 415-7

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: December 28, 1862

On Christmas my wife's cousins, Lieutenant Nelson and privates Ed and Ike Cook and Jim McKell¹ dined with me; all of Company D, Eighty-ninth Regiment. A. M. of that day the regiment fired by battalion and file. P. M. I offered a turkey to the marksman who would hit his head, and a bottle of wine and a tumbler to next best shot, and a bottle of wine to third best. A bright, warm day and a jolly one — a merry Christmas indeed.

[The] 26th and 27th, mild days and cloudy but only a few drops of rain. Dr. Kellogg spent the 26th with us — surgeon on General Scammon's staff. Talked free-thinking talk with him in a joking vein. A clever gentleman. Major Carey stopped [the] 27th with us — of the Twelfth. Told a good one; the Thirty-fourth got a good lot of lumber; put a sentinel over it. After dark the Twelfth got up a relief — relieved the Thirty-four sentinel and carried off the lumber!

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¹ Willie McKell. He died at Andersonville 1864. — This written on margin by Mr. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 380