Tuesday, April 18, 2023

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 25, 1863—2:30 p.m.

March 25, 2.30, P. M.

Three quarters of an hour ago I was dreaming pleasantly of a prayer meeting, when a rebel bombshell burst somewhere in the immediate vicinity of the town. Presently another and another, then the reply of our guns and then the "long call." It seemed as if we were at last fairly in for it. Dr. Minor came up to ask if we were to trust Providence to care for our hospital. I advised him to go back and assure them all that the Lord was on the side of our big guns. Meanwhile I crawled on to the top of our observatory and watched the firing until the secesh sent a shell, which burst in the air and sent a fragment whistling above my head with a note so shrill that I began to think of Gabriel's trumpet and crawled down again. Presently the cannonading ceased. I do not think it was chivalric for the rebels to wake us so early, but, I remember, we are not now in South Carolina. The cocks are crowing unconcernedly and I'll to bed again.

Evening.

Several shells came into town before our guns gave the quietus. A section of one struck within a few feet of the Colonel and Major, in front of Headquarters. The hospital of the 8th Maine was perforated by a piece of one, and two dwelling houses were terribly bored. One went through two occupied chambers. A husband and wife lost, respectively, a coat and a skirt, which were hanging on a rocking chair, and, collectively, a portion of the mosquito bar over the bed. Shells make very ugly looking holes through houses. It seems remarkable that no one was injured, although to me not much more so than that so few are injured in thunder storms, of which this scene forcibly reminded me.

This morning we made a reconnoissance in force. One of our S. C. V. companies took charge of the rifled ten pounder on the platform car, while the Colonel and Major advanced on the line of the railroad with four other companies of our regiment together with six of the 8th Maine and 6th Conn. Our Colonel in command. Our boys skirmished on the left of the road and the others on the right. The rebel pickets galloped off to camp, which has been moved back ten or twelve miles. When we had advanced about four miles through the open pine barrens and occasional thick woods, the smoke of a rebel engine was seen in the distance. Meantime I had hurried through my morning duties, and at about 12.30 P. M. had overtaken the force. I had not been there more than twenty minutes before the 64 pound shells began to come down upon us from their gun on a platform car. Our force had already begun a slow retreat [having already passed the limit fixed by orders], with repeated halts, when the conical portion of the first shell (which had exploded above our heads) struck four of the 8th Maine soldiers, killing two and wounding two, one slightly and one so that the amputation of the foot is necessary. The firing was very accurate; first on one side of the road, then on the other a shell would come singing over and many of them exploded over our heads. Gen. Saxton believes a special Providence watches over our regiment, and that not a man was seriously injured today would seem to justify this belief. I saw a whole shell that did not explode, plough into the sand under the feet of a soldier not six rods from me, knock his gun out of his hands and his cap off his head, but before I could get to him he had gathered himself up and was off uninjured.

Dr. Mitchell, of the 8th Maine, and I, were the only mounted officers out, till the Colonel's horse was sent to meet him on the return. My "rebel" pranced well and behaved beautifully. We burned several houses and, as I had not before had the satisfaction, I chose a very new, good one, and kindled my fire in a costly mahogany sideboard. A portion of the R. R. track was destroyed, but whether enough to hinder them long in repairs I am not certain.

After our return, Sergeant McIntyre of Co. G came up to headquarters to intercede for his friend Thomas Long, a private in the same company, who had conceived the idea of going alone a dozen miles to destroy by fire a long trestle work, built through a swamp, over which the cars run. Thomas Long is a thin, spiritual-looking, unassuming black man, who trusts God. He has gone on his errand, an errand requiring more real courage and heroism than has before been manifested in our regiment. Of course he goes disguised, but he carries with him such evidence of his intention that death would surely follow his capture. My expectation of seeing him again is very small.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 379-80

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 26, 1863

March 26.

This morning a company of the 8th Maine went over the creek, north of the town, and advanced about three miles through the pine barrens. At noon a messenger came in for reinforcements to go out and take a camp containing a hundred cavalry pickets. It was decided that Colonel H. and Major Strong, with four of our companies, should undertake the job, much to the disappointment of Lieut. Col. [Joseph F.] Twitchell of the 8th Maine, who told me how certain he was of making a fine dash of it if allowed to go. But we had held the town against great odds before they came to our relief, and it was our right to go.

To my surprise, the Colonel ordered me to stay behind until the reserve force should come up. I waited as long as I could conveniently and then rode over to the creek where our pickets were stationed. Instead of meeting a "reserve," I found only the horses of our officers, who had not attempted to get them over the barricades on the causeway and through the creek, where the bridge had been removed. They had already been gone long enough to get two miles in advance and it looked to me as if there must be ample time for our party to capture or be captured, long before the 8th Maine could reinforce them. So, for once, I disobeyed orders and gave my Rebel the reins. I found he could leap like a panther and run like a deer. Except in the circus, I have never seen a horse leap so high. The marsh each side of the causeway made it impossible to go round. Once out on the plain, among the tall, handsome pines, we went gaily in pursuit of our party. The scene was so solemn and so beautiful that I had no fear of possible guerilla shots. At length our men were in sight, on the right of the road, and hats were waying me out of the way as likely to be seen by the enemy. Knowing but little of strategy, I suppose I should have made a straightforward push for the enemy. Major Strong, with two companies, had gone around another way to cut off retreat, and I soon perceived, by the silence and ominous motions, that we were in the immediate vicinity of the camp. Finally the trap was handsomely and strategically set, the Major was on the left spring and the Colonel on the right, and when the two jaws snapped together they found between their teeth quite a lot of drying sheets and shirts and other articles, resembling, through a thickly wooded ravine, a rebel camp. Chickens were frightened, and an old mare confiscated by the Major to ride back to town. I have not seen the 8th Maine Captain who made the blunder, but everybody else seems to enjoy it. Our boys could not have had a better skirmish drill. I was not censured for disobeying orders.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 380-1

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 27, 1863

March 27, 1863.

This afternoon our eyes were gladdened by the sight of the Boston and Convoy steaming up the river, but when, instead of a cavalry force and light artillery to weigh them down, we perceived they came empty, we were filled with forebodings, till our hearts actually sank within us at the intelligence that an order from General Hunter had come for our forces to evacuate the town, to help those further north. This may be wisdom, but I fail to see anything but that fatal vacillation which has thus far cursed us in this war. We have planted ourselves here for the definite purpose of making this state free, and have already so fortified the city that a small force can hold it, while the boats are making such raids up the river as may seem best. Colonel Montgomery and his men have been off two days up the river and tonight, a steamer is dispatched to call them back. I hope it will take the John Adams a week to find the Gen. Meigs, for we cannot think of leaving without them. Unfortunately we are constantly expecting her back, though it would not surprise me if Colonel Montgomery had marched his men twenty miles inland, and confiscated all sorts of contrabands. He carefully avoided taking anything but hard bread, for he religiously believes we ought to live on the rebels.

Judge Stickney is exceedingly anxious to take the Convoy and go back to Hilton Head to ask for a reconsideration of the order. Among the officers there is a difference of opinion as to the rightfulness of such a delay. The order was peremptory and, were I General Hunter, I would cashier the officer who disobeyed it. At the same time I believe the only reason why General Hunter calls us back is, because he fears our black troops might be overpowered in the absence of the other regiments. There would be no danger of it. If our army ever should happen to do anything at Charleston we could be reinforced after that.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 381-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 28, 1863

March 28, Evening.

Not yet off. Have worked enough for one day in getting our sick and wounded on the John Adams. Another steamer has arrived with additional instructions. It seems that each regiment is to return to its former camp. I suppose that this means that we are to protect the Islands while the advance is made on Charleston, if it means anything. The John Adams found the Gen. Meigs a long way up the river. They returned at noon with twelve rebel prisoners, who were caught while asleep at their station. The Lieutenant in command was permitted to say good-bye to his wife, and made his escape through the sobs and crinoline of his female friends. Colonel Montgomery admits a weak spot in his military nature. He could have shot the Lieut. while escaping, but would not do so in the presence of his wife.

Our men made a landing at Palatka and were fired into by the rebs. Lieut. Col. Billings received a ball through the fleshy margin of each hand while attempting to get off the steamer. Brave old John Quincy received one through the leg, a little above the ankle, fracturing the small bone and carrying away some of it. I shall not amputate. It seemed peculiarly trying for the old man. He had begged the privilege of going up for his wife and received a shot instead. I don't see quite how he will harmonize this double affliction with the theory he so often preaches to the men, that when one trusts in God and is not a coward, he will be protected against the bullets of his enemies. . . .

Tonight the Major and Capt. with twenty picked men, go up the river with muffled oars, to try to capture another lot of pickets. I fear they will not be successful. . . Thomas Long returned safely day before yesterday. He examined camp Finnegan, eight miles out, and went to the trestle four miles beyond, but finding it closely watched by pickets he did not attempt to burn it. I look at that man with a deep feeling of reverence.

My "Rebel" and I went, this afternoon, round the circuit of the pickets, forts, rifle pits and stockades for the last time. The pickets were playing euchre and fishing in the creek and enjoying themselves as only pickets can. I thought how much less the rebels troubled them than me. The truth is, the order to evacuate this town depresses me. I hate weak vacillation and this seems too much like the unsettled policy that all along has crippled the energy of our forces.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 382-3

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 29, 1863

STEAMER Convoy, Mouth of St. John's, March 29, 1863.

This is one of the sad days of my life. The evacuation of Jacksonville is the burial of so many hopes I had cherished for the oppressed, that I feel like one in attendance at the funeral of a host of his friends. I greatly fear we are to be put back: out of active service at a moment when there is most need for us to work. I believe our retrograde movement today is an error more serious and damaging to the interests of the enslaved than appears on the surface. . . Major Strong and his party visited, last night, the picket station of the rebels, but for some reason they found no one, and the search was useless.

Early this morning all was hurry and excitement. Insufficient means of transportation caused a good deal of grief among families obliged to leave behind furniture, and caused a good deal of profanity among officers and soldiers obliged to be packed as you would pack pork. This little Convoy, of 410 tons, has six companies of soldiers with all their equipments, forty or fifty citizens with all the truck we did not throw back upon the wharf: fifty horses: all the Commissary stores and all my hospital stores, save those needed on the John Adams. Were this crowded state to last but a few hours there would be no trouble, but it is thick weather and raining like fury, and the fleet dare not put out to sea before morning. I forgot to say that we have also all our camp tents on board. Here we are for the night.

Quite early this morning the 8th Maine boys began setting fire to the town a most shameful proceeding. I came near losing my hospital stores before I could find conveyance for them to the steamer. The hospital was burned and many buildings were on fire when we left. It seemed like an interposition of Providence that a heavy rain so soon came on, which probably saved part of the town. It also seems to me that Providence is interfering with General Hunter's order in a way that may be more or less destructive. The wind is changing to the East and our prospect of getting off in the morning is passing away.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 383

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 30, 1863

March 30.

Late last evening we succeeded in getting a hundred men ashore and decently quartered in old houses. The wind blew a gale most of the night, the rain poured in torrents, while occasional thunder and lightning added interest to the scene. I enjoyed it much more than if part of our men had not gone on shore. The Captain of the Convoy insisted on my taking his berth, so that my quarters were very good. I would sooner have lain on the hurricane deck in the storm than have slept in the cabin. At this moment I am writing in the captain's room with a crowd of homeless women and children around me. One important testimony from them I am glad to record. They prefer to be here with the poorest accommodations, rather than on the Boston or Delaware with nice staterooms and a large saloon. And what do you suppose is the reason? Because black soldiers do not offer them insults, and they do not feel so secure with white ones. It is established beyond all controversy that black troops, with worthy commanders, are more controllable than white troops. What they would be with a less conscientious Colonel, I cannot say.

This morning the Major and I went on shore and designated quarters for every company on board and now they are all drying and rejoicing themselves before blazing fires.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 383-4

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 31, 1863

March 31.

Our men are coming aboard again and we shall start for Fernandina this afternoon. Sending the men ashore was a great hit. Nearly all are in good condition. I was this morning obliged to amputate John Quincy's leg. His chances for life are only about one in three, owing to old age and impaired constitution. I am hard at work. Capt. B. treats me like a brother. I don't see how I could be better placed in this department.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 384

Sunday, April 16, 2023

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, August 2, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,
August 2, 1863.

In a recent letter I promised to write you more about our campaign in Pennsylvania.

On the night of the 29th of June we camped on the west side of the Blue Ridge Mountains, where they extend into Pennsylvania. On the morning of the next day (30th) we renewed our march. Shortly after starting it began raining, but the road was hard and well macadamized and the rain made the march rather agreeable than otherwise. On this same morning we passed where a splendid iron factory had been burned by General Early, of Ewell's Corps. It belonged to a very celebrated lawyer and politician of Pennsylvania by the name of Thaddeus Stevens, who is noted for his extreme abolition views and his intense hatred for slave-holders. The works are said to have been worth more than one hundred thousand dollars. The burning had thrown a great many operatives out of employment, and they seemed to be much distressed.

During the day we wended our way up the mountains. The scene around us was very different from what we had just passed through. Instead of the enticing field and lovely landscape, we had now around us that which was rugged, grand and towering. In the afternoon about one or two o'clock we halted and bivouacked among the mountains. Our stopping-place was in a basin of the mountains, which was very fertile and contained a few very excellent and highly cultivated farms. Awhile after we stopped I started off to one of these farmhouses for the purpose of getting my dinner, as I was quite hungry, and wanted something different from what I had been accustomed to most of the time on the march. On going to the house a very nice, smiling young girl met me at the door, and, upon my making known my wishes, she very pleasantly said she "guessed” so; but said they already had agreed to accommodate a good many, and that they would do the best they could by us all if I would return at four o'clock.

This I did, and found Adjutant Reedy of the Fourteenth Regiment and several others of my acquaintance. Reedy, being quite a young man, talked a good deal to the girl. I was hungry as a wolf, but when I came to the table and viewed what was upon it my hunger was aggravated more than ever. It seemed that there was no end to everything that was good. We had nice fried ham, stewed chicken, excellent biscuit, lightbread, butter, buckwheat cakes that were most delicious, molasses, four or five different kinds of preserves and several other dishes. We also had plenty of good coffee and cold, rich milk to drink. None but a soldier who has experienced a hard campaign can conceive of how a gang of hungry men could appreciate such a meal. I must say that this late dinner was a perfect Godsend.

After we had finished eating I felt ashamed to offer them Confederate money, but could do no better, and offered it with an apology. They very readily accepted it, and when I insisted that they should take a dollar they refused and would have only fifty cents. This house was guarded to prevent our men committing depredations such as they had been doing, and which was having a demoralizing effect upon the army. Soldiers must be made to behave or they will not fight.

Upon returning to camp I found that an order had been received during my absence to cook one day's rations and have it in haversacks and be ready to march at five o'clock next morning. This at once aroused our suspicions, for we concluded that we were about to meet the enemy. Next morning about five o'clock we began moving. We had not gone more than a mile and a half before our suspicions of the evening previous were fully verified and our expectations realized by the booming of cannon ahead of us in the direction of Gettysburg. Upon looking around I at once noticed in the countenance of all an expression of intense seriousness and solemnity, which I have always perceived in the faces of men who are about to face death and the awful shock of battle. As we advanced the cannonading increased in fury. It was Heth's Division, ahead of ours, fighting. At last we arrived upon a hill where, upon another hill in front of us and about a half mile distant, we could see Heth's cannon arranged and booming away at the Yankees, who were replying with considerable briskness, and we could also see the infantry of Heth's Division advancing in line of battle. It was really a magnificent sight. The country was almost destitute of forest and was so open that it was easy to see all that was going on. Our division (Pender's) continued to keep within about half a mile of Heth's. McGowan's Brigade was at the right of the division and the Thirteenth Regiment at the right of the brigade. This being the case, I could see from one end of the division to the other as it moved forward in line of battle. It was nearly a mile in length. The scene was certainly grand, taking all the surroundings into consideration. After Heth had driven the enemy some distance, it became necessary for our division to go to his support. McGowan's South Carolina and Scales's North Carolina brigades were the first to relieve Heth. The hardest fighting did not begin until McGowan's and Scales's divisions went into it. Then such a rattle of musketry I never heard surpassed. It lasted for about two hours and a half without cessation; and how many brave fellows went down in death in this short period of time! Officers who have been in all the fights tell me that they never saw our brigade act so gallantly before. When the order was given to charge upon the enemy, who were lying behind stone fences and other places of concealment, our men rushed forward with a perfect fury, yelling and driving them, though with great slaughter to themselves as well as to the Yankees. Most of the casualties of our brigade occurred this day (July 1). As the enemy were concealed, they killed a great many of our men before we could get at them. There were a good many dwellings in our path, to which the Yankees would also resort for protection, and they would shoot from the doors and windows. As soon as our troops would drive them out, they would rush in, turn out the families and set the houses on fire. I think this was wrong, because the families could not prevent the Yankees seeking shelter in their houses. I saw some of the poor women who had been thus treated. They were greatly distressed, and it excited my sympathy very much. These people would have left their houses, but the battle came on so unexpectedly to them, as is often the case, that they had not time. I passed through a house from which everyone had fled except an extremely old man. A churn of excellent buttermilk had been left, and I with some other doctors helped ourselves. Someone near by shot at us as we came out and barely missed us.

The fighting on the first day ceased about night, and when our brigade was relieved by Lane's North Carolina Brigade it was nearly dark. I returned to the hospital, and on my way back came to Anderson's Division of our corps (Hill's) lying in line of battle at least two miles in rear of where the advance column was. Pender's Division and Heth's had been fighting all day, and they were exhausted, besides being terribly "cut up”; and when they drove the Yankees to the long high range of hills, which the Yankees held throughout the fight, they should have been immediately reinforced by Anderson with his fresh troops. Then the strong position last occupied by the enemy could have been taken, and the next day when Ewell and Longstreet came up the victory completely won. If "Old Stonewall” had been alive and there, it no doubt would have been done. Hill was a good division commander, but he is not a superior corps commander. He lacks the mind and sagacity of Jackson.

When I arrived at the hospital my ears were greeted as usual at such time with the moans and cries of the wounded. I went to work and did not pretend to rest until next morning after daylight. I found that Longstreet had come and that McLaw's Division of his (Longstreet's) corps was encamped near the hospital. Kershaw's Brigade was almost in the hospital grounds. On looking around I discovered many old friends from Laurens whom I had not seen since the war began. They all seemed surprised and glad to see me; but I had work to do and they had fighting, so we could not remain long together. They were all lively and jocose. Milton Bossardt was in a gay humor and left me as one going on some pleasant excursion, but before two o'clock of the same day he was a corpse. He was shocked to death by the bursting of a shell. Captain Langston and a number of others in the Third Regiment who were my acquaintances were killed.

On the second day of the battle the fighting did not begin until about twelve or one o'clock, from which time until night it raged with great fury. The reason it began so late in the day was because it required some time for Ewell and Longstreet to get their forces in position. Longstreet was on the right, Ewell on the left, and Hill in the center.

On the third day the fighting began early in the morning and continued with the greatest imaginable fury all day; at one time, about three o'clock in the afternoon, with such a cannonading I never heard before. About 150 pieces of cannon on our side and as many or more on the side of the enemy kept up one incessant fire for several hours. It was truly terrifying and was like heavy skirmishing in the rapidity with which the volleys succeeded one another. The roar of the artillery, the rattle of the musketry and the wild terrific scream of the shells as they whizzed through the air was really the most appalling situation that could possibly be produced. Our troops (Pickett's Division) charged the enemy's strong position, which they had now entrenched, but with no avail, although we slaughtered thousands of them.

On the night of the 3d General Lee withdrew the army nearly to its original position, hoping, I suppose, that the enemy would attack him; but they didn't dare come out of their strongholds, for well they knew what their fate would be if they met the Confederate Army of Virginia upon equal grounds. On the 4th our army remained in line of battle, earnestly desiring the advance of the Yankees, but they did not come. During this day the rain fell in torrents, completely drenching the troops. Awhile after dark we began to leave, but took a different and nearer route to the Potomac than the one we had just passed over. Though nearer, it was very rough and not macadamized, and the passing of wagons and artillery over it cut it up horribly and made it almost impassable. Yet over this road our large army had to pass. I was lucky enough to get into a medical wagon and rode until next morning. It rained nearly all night, and such a sight as our troops were next day! They were all wet and many of them muddy all over from having fallen down during the night. Billie looked as if he had been wallowing in a mud hole, but was in a perfectly good humor.

On this day (July 5) we recrossed the Blue Ridge Mountains. Climbing the mountains was very tedious after so much toil, excitement and loss of sleep, but we met with no obstacle until we came to Hagerstown, Md., where we stopped on account of the Potomac's being too high to ford. While here the Yankees came up and our army was placed in line to meet them, but they did not dare to attack. In this situation we remained for several days with them in sight of us.

After a pontoon bridge was finished at Falling Waters and the river was sufficiently down to ford at Williamsport, we left the vicinity of Hagerstown. It was just after dark when we began leaving. It was a desperately dark night and such a rain I thought I never before knew to fall. I did not meet with such luck as the night we left Gettysburg, Pa., but had to walk all night, and such a road I think troops never before traveled over. It appeared to me that at least half of the road was a quagmire, coming in places nearly to the knees.

Hill's Corps went by Falling Waters and Longstreet's and Ewell's by Williamsport, where they had to wade the river, which was still very deep, coming up nearly to the shoulders. The pontoon bridge was at Falling Waters, where we crossed. Our division was in the rear at this place, and when we got within about a mile and a half of the river we halted to enable the wagons ahead to get out of the way. Being very tired, we all lay down and nearly everyone fell asleep, when suddenly the Yankee cavalry rushed upon us, firing and yelling at a furious rate. None of our guns were loaded and they were also in a bad fix from the wet of the previous night. They attacked General Pettigrew's North Carolina Brigade first. Our brigade was lying down about fifty yards behind his. I was lying down between the two brigades near a spring. General Pettigrew was killed here. I was close to him when he was killed. It was a serious loss to the service. We fought them for some time, when General Hill sent an order to fall back across the river, and it was done in good order. The attack was a complete surprise and is disgraceful either to General Hill or General Heth. One is certainly to blame. The Yankees threw shells at the bridge and came very near hitting it just as I was about to cross; but, after we were close enough to the river not to be hurt by our own shells, our cannon on this side opened upon them, which soon made them "skedaddle" away.

We feel the loss of General Pender in our division. He died in Staunton, Va., from wounds received at Gettysburg. He was a very superior little man, though a very strict disciplinarian.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 60-72

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, August 10, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,
August 10, 1863.

All is quiet here now. When two armies have a great battle both sides are so crippled up that neither is anxious to fight soon again. The enemy must be somewhere about, or we would not be here. I do think there will not be another fight soon, for the Yankees dread us too much. It seems that Meade will not attack us, and that whenever we fight we must make the attack. I believe it will be a long time before we have another battle, if we have to wait for the enemy to advance on us.

Our long trip lately was very fatiguing, and we all became very thin and lean, although our health remained fine. Your brother tells me the Pioneer Corps had a very hard time of it on the way back from Pennsylvania. He took a more direct route to Culpeper Court House than we did, in order to assist some of Ewell's men in crossing the Shenandoah River.

Wilcox of Alabama is the major-general appointed over us, but he cannot surpass General Pender, who commanded us at Gettysburg. Pender was an officer evidently superior even to Hill. He was as brave as a lion and seemed to love danger. I observed his gallantry on the opening of the battle. He was mortally wounded on the first day as the fight was closing.

I have seen letters from some of our wounded who were left at Gettysburg. They are now in New York, and all say they are treated well. I had a chance to remain with our wounded, and, had I preferred to do so, I might have had a very interesting experience. Our chaplain, Beauschelle, was captured and is somewhere in Yankeedom, and I suppose is in prison, as chaplains are now held as prisoners, but he is apt to be released soon.

Our army is in splendid health and spirits, and is being increased rapidly every day by conscription and by men returning from the hospitals. Last year when a soldier was sent to a hospital he was expected to die, but all who come from the hospitals in Richmond now are highly pleased with the treatment they received. The hospital sections set aside for officers are admirably kept.

We get plenty to eat now and I am beginning to get as fat as ever again. Beef, bacon and flour, and sometimes sugar and potatoes, are issued to us. Dr. Tyler and I have obtained twenty pounds of sugar, a fine ham and one-half bushel of potatoes, and we hope to get some apples and make pies, as we have so much sugar. Vegetables are abundant in the country around here, and I succeeded in getting so much blackberry pie to eat recently that it made me sick.

Our regiment is on picket duty to-day. It went on last night. The weather is intensely hot, as hot as I ever experienced in South Carolina, but we are encamped in a fine grove and do not suffer from the heat as we would if marching.

The first chance I have I will send you two hundred dollars. You must buy everything you need, even if calico does cost three dollars a yard and thread one dollar a spool.

I am extremely gratified to hear that you and George are both in such excellent health, and I am glad you had him baptized.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 73-5

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, September 1, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,
September 1, 1863.

We still remain quiet in our old camp, with no sign of an enemy anywhere. I see no indications of our leaving here soon, but there is no telling. It is unreasonable for us to suppose we shall not have another battle here this summer. Old Lee is no idler; and, if the Yankees do not push a battle on him soon, he is almost sure to push one on them.

A little fellow returned to our regiment a few days ago who had made his escape from the Yankee prison at Fort Delaware. He traveled all the way back at night, and during the day kept safely hidden and rested. He had a most thrilling experience, which was full of just such hair-breadth escapes and wonderful adventures as I used to read about in histories when I was a boy, but which I did not believe at that time. I can believe them all now, for I see just such things occurring with us almost daily.

My new servant, Gabriel, arrived yesterday from South Carolina, and he seems well pleased so far. My brother and I had a great many questions to ask him about home. Billie is just like he used to be—fond of making fun of people. He wanted to know if Gabriel kissed Malinda when he left her, and he joked him about a great many things. Gabriel bought a watermelon in Richmond and brought it to us. It is the first one we have tasted in two years.

I got a new pair of shoes from the Government for six dollars. Billie's shoes are good yet, because I lent him a pair of mine to march in, and he wore them out and saved his own. Marching on these turnpike roads is very hard on shoes, and our army becomes barefooted in a short time.

We are living just as well as we could wish. I bought a bushel of potatoes yesterday, and we have plenty of meal, some flour, one ham and some rice.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 76-7

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, September 16, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,
September 16, 1863.

For two or three days we have been expecting another fight, and we had three days' rations cooked and were ready to move.

It now appears that the Yankees have all gone back and that they sent only their cavalry forward. We have a very strong position here, and it is doubtful if they will advance this way. I am inclined to think that we shall soon begin to maneuver for the autumn campaign. It is reported that Longstreet's Corps had orders to move, and it was thought that it would be sent to the Army of the West. A part of it has gone off somewhere, and some of Ewell's troops were also moving recently.

Two men will be executed in our division next Saturday for desertion, and the entire division will be ordered out to witness it. I have never cared to witness a military execution, although I have been near enough several times to hear the report of the guns. Two men deserted from our regiment two nights ago, and, if we get them again, and this we are apt to do, they are sure to be shot. There is no other way to put a stop to desertions.

We have a large number of preachers here now from home, who are preaching to the soldiers, and we have religious services in camp almost every day.

Lieutenant-Colonel Hunt's wife is here to see him. Many others—wives of privates as well as officers have come to visit their husbands. I think this is a very unsuitable place for women. If a battle should occur unexpectedly, they would all be in a nice fix.

My furlough has not been returned, but it has not had time, and it would also be delayed by the "rumpus” that the Yankees have just stirred up. I do not hope to have it approved

I now, but I am very apt to get home before Christmas. I have nothing more to tell this time, so good-by to you and little George.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 77-9

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, September 27, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,
September 27, 1863.

We had nine more military executions in our division yesterday—one man from Thomas' Brigade, one from Scales' and seven from Lane's. Colonel Hunt was a member of the court-martial which sentenced them, and he tells me that one of the men from Lane's Brigade was a brother of your preacher, and that the two looked very much alike. He said he was a very intelligent man, and gave as his reason for deserting that the editorials in the Raleigh Standard had convinced him that Jeff Davis was a tyrant and that the Confederate cause was wrong. I am surprised that the editor of that miserable little journal is allowed to go at large. It is most unfortunate that this thing of shooting men for desertion was not begun sooner. Many lives would have been saved by it, because a great many men will now have to be shot before the trouble can be stopped.

We have been having some cavalry fighting recently. On the 23d the enemy were threatening to flank us, and our division was moved about six miles up the Rapidan River, but we soon returned to a place near our old camp. We have heard nothing of General Meade for the last few days, but we all expect soon to have a battle.

I must close, as a doctor has just come for me to go with him to assist in dissecting two of the men who were shot yesterday.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 79-80

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, October 20, 1863

Camp near Rappahannock River,
Culpeper County, Va.,
October 20, 1863.

This is the first chance I have had to write to you since we started on our autumn campaign. We have succeeded in maneuvering Meade entirely out of Virginia, as you must have already learned. The infantry did not have much fighting to do at any time on the entire trip, but the cavalry fought a large part of the time. Two North Carolina brigades became engaged with the enemy late one afternoon near Bristow Station, and our side got rather the worst of it. It was all due to the miserable management of General Hill or General Heth, or possibly both of them. The next morning the Yankees were gone, as they did not dare give battle to General Lee.

We have had a pretty hard time of it for the last few days on account of so much rain. It made the marching extremely disagreeable, but I stood the trip well, and enjoyed the best of health. To-day the weather has cleared and it is bright and pleasant.

We have destroyed the railroad between Manassas and this place, so the Yankees cannot advance by that route again this winter, and I am sure the Army of Virginia will do no more fighting this year. Some part of it is sure to be sent somewhere soon, and our corps might go to Tennessee after resting a few days, or it might possibly be sent to General Bragg.

The part of Virginia through which we have marched has been totally devastated. It is now nothing but one vast track of desolation, without a fence or a planted field of any kind. I do not understand how the people exist, yet they do actually continue to live there. They are intensely hostile to the Yankees, and there is certainly no submission in them. If the people at home, who know nothing of the war, but who are always critcising the bad management of our general, could see these lofty-minded Virginians, who have lost everything but their proud spirit, they surely would hush and try to do something for their country.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 80-2

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, October 28, 1863

Camp near Rappahannock River,
Culpeper County, Va.,
October 28, 1863.

There was a cavalry fight across the river yesterday, and I am told that we whipped them and took three hundred prisoners. We have been taking so many prisoners recently that we must be up with the Yankees again, or we may even have more of them in prison than they have of our men. We now have no prospect of a fight on a grand scale, and I suppose we shall go into winter quarters before much longer.

Old Jim Beauschelle, our chaplain, is out of prison and is back with us again. He was at Fort Delaware awhile, and was then sent to Johnson's Island in Lake Erie. He looks better than I ever saw him. He has a new hat, new shoes, and everything new, and looks like a new man. He speaks very highly of the Yankees and the way they treated him and of the good fare they gave him. He seems perfectly delighted with the North and the Yankees. I am sorry they did not handle him rather roughly and cure him of his wonderfully good opinion of them.

Your brother tells me you look better than you did before you were married. He says George is badly spoiled and that he will cry if you crook your finger at him. I am sorry to hear that he has been sick. In your letter you speak of his being pale and thin from teething.

I now feel quite sure that I shall be able to get home before much longer, but don't look for me until you see me walk in.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 82-3

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, December 17, 1863

Richmond, Va.,        
December 17, 1863.

I was delayed about ten hours at Charlotte, N. C., and did not arrive in Richmond until seven o'clock this morning. The weather was very agreeable for traveling and I had no trouble with my trunks.

I ate but once out of my haversack the whole way here. My appetite was gone, for the death of our dear little George, together with parting from you in such deep grief, made me sadder than I ever felt before in all my life. The heaviest pang of sorrow came upon me when I entered the train to leave. Since my arrival here the excitement of the city has revived my spirits somewhat. I visited both houses of the Confederate Congress to-day and saw Colonel Orr and others from our State, and also the distinguished men from other States.

I have no fear that there will be any trouble about my staying over my furlough. Had I remained at home a week longer not a word would be said. I shall go on to Orange Court House to-morrow and will write you a longer letter when I reach our camp.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 83-4

Monday, April 10, 2023

8th Missouri Infantry.

Organized at St. Louis, Mo., June 12 to August 14, 1861. Attached to Cape Girardeau, Mo., to September, 1861. District of Paducah, Ky., to February, 1862. 5th Brigade, 2nd Division, District of Cairo, February, 1862. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, Army of the Tennessee, to May, 1862. 1st Brigade, 5th Division, Army of the Tennessee; to July, 1862. 1st Brigade, 5th Division, District of Memphis, Tenn., to November, 1862. 1st Brigade, 5th Division, District of Memphis, 13th Army Corps (Old), Dept. of the Tennessee, to December, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, Right Wing 13th Army Corps, December, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, Sherman's Yazoo Expedition, to January, 1863. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division. 15th Army Corps, Army of the Tennessee, to August, 1865.

SERVICE.—Expedition against guerrillas on line of Northern Missouri Railroad July 1-24, 1861 (Cos. "B," "C"). Mexico, Mo., July 15. Wentzville July 15-17. Millville July 16. Moved to Cape Girardeau, Mo., July 29, and duty there till September 7. Expedition to Price's Landing, Commerce, Benton and Hamburg August 7-10 (Co. "F"). Expedition to St. Genevieve August 15-16. Moved to Paducah, Ky., September 7-8, and duty there till February 5, 1862. Expedition to Caseyville, Ky., November 30, 1861 (3 Cos.). Moved to Fort Henry, Tenn., February 5, 1862. Investment and capture of Fort Donelson. Tenn., February 12-16. Expedition to Clarksville February 19-21. Moved to Savannah, Tenn. Expedition toward Purdy and operations about Crump's Landing March 9-14. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Lick Creek April 24. Corinth Road April 25. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Russell House, near Corinth, May 17. March to Memphis, Tenn., June 3-21, via Lagrange, Holly Springs and Moscow. Duty at Memphis till November. Expedition to Coldwater and Hernando, Miss., September 9-13. Grant's Central Mississippi Campaign November-December. "Tallahatchie March" November 26-December 12. Sherman's Yazoo Expedition December 20, 1862, to January 3, 1863. Chickasaw Bayou December 26-28. Chickasaw Bluff December 29. Expedition to Arkansas Post, Ark., January 3-10, 1863. Assault and capture of Fort Hindman, Arkansas Post, January 10-11. Moved to Young's Point, La., January 13-22, and duty there till March. Expedition to Rolling Fork, via Muddy, Steele's and Black Bayous and Deer Creek March 4-27. Demonstrations on Haines' and Drumgould's Bluffs April 29-May 2. March to Join army in rear of Vicksburg, via Richmond and Grand Gulf, May 2-16. Battle of Champion's Hill May 16. Siege of Vicksburg, Miss., May 18-July 4. Assaults on Vicksburg May 19 and 22. Advance on Jackson, Miss., July 4-10. Siege of Jackson July 10-17. Canton July 17-18. Brandon July 20. At Big Black River till October 3. Moved to Memphis, Tenn.; thence march to Chattanooga, Tenn., October 3-November 21. Operations on Memphis & Charleston Railroad in Alabama October 20-29. Bear Creek, Tuscumbia, October 27. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Brown's Ferry November 23. Foot of Missionary Ridge November 24. Tunnel Hill, Missionary Ridge, November 24-25. Pursuit to Graysville November 26-27. March to relief of Knoxville November 28-December 5. Expedition to Tellico Plains December 6-13. March to Chattanooga December 13-17. Garrison duty in Alabama till May, 1864 Expedition from Larkins' Landing to Guntersville March 2-3. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May 1-September 8. Demonstration on Resaca May 8-13. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Advance on Dallas May 18-25. Battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Guard duty at Big Shanty. Non-Veterans ordered home for muster out June 5. Mustered out July 7, 1864. Veterans and Recruits consolidated to a Battalion of 2 Companies. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2. Bushy Mountain June 15-17. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. Nickajack Creek July 2-5. Chattahoochie River July 6-17. Battle of Atlanta July 22. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Ezra Chapel, Hood's 2nd Sortie, July 28. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Lovejoy Station September 2-6. Operations against Hood in North Georgia and North Alabama September 29-November 3. March to the sea November 15-December 10. Near Clinton November 21-23. Oconee River November 25. Statesboro December 4. Siege of Savannah December 10-21. Fort McAllister December 13 Campaign of the Carolinas January to April, 1865 Duck Branch, near Loper's Cross Roads, S.C., February 2. Salkehatchie Swamps February 3-5. South Edisto River February 9. North Edisto River February 12-13. Columbia February 16-17. Battle of Bentonville, N. C., March 20-21. Occupation of Goldsboro March 24. Advance on Raleigh April 10-14. Occupation of Raleigh April 14. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. March to Washington, D.C., via Richmond, Va., April 29-May 19. Grand Review May 24. Moved to Louisville, Ky., June. Duty there and at Little Rock. Ark., till August. Mustered out August 14, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 3 Officers and 78 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 1 Officer and 124 Enlisted men by disease. Total 206.

Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1326-7

8th Missouri Enrolled Militia Infantry.

No details.

Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1327

8th Missouri Provisional Enrolled Militia Infantry.

 Duty at Cape Girardeau and in District of Southeast Missouri. Expedition from Cape Girardeau and Pilot Knob to Pocahontas, Ark., August 17-26, 1863. Expedition to Big Lake, Mississippi County, September 7-30, 1863. Ordered to Pilot Knob October 1. Mustered out October 26, 1863.

Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1327

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 251. — Report of Maj. Gen. William B. Bate, C. S. Army, commanding division, of operations November 21-December 25, 1864.

No. 251.

Report of Maj. Gen. William B. Bate, C. S. Army, commanding division,
of operations November 21-December 25, 1864.

HEADQUARTERS BATE'S DIVISION,        
Tupelo, Miss., January 25, 1865.

MAJOR: In obedience to orders from corps headquarters, I have the honor most respectfully to forward this report of the operations of my command in the late Tennessee campaign.*

I left Florence, Ala., on the 21st of November with my command, moving with its corps, via Waynesborough and Mount Pleasant, to near Columbia, Tenn., and went into bivouac on the 26th day of November, on the Shelbyville turnpike. The succeeding day and night was followed with slight skirmishing on the line around Columbia.

At daylight on the morning of the 29th I moved to Duck River, four miles above Columbia, and crossed on the pontoon bridge at 7.30 o'clock, which was as soon as I could do so, having to wait for General Cleburne's division, which had the advance. I moved that day in rear of that division to the neighborhood of Spring Hill, a distance of twelve miles. After moving rapidly for several miles and wading the creek I deployed my division in line of battle, in obedience to orders from General Cheatham to form and move on Cleburne's left, Jackson on the right, and Smith in echelon on the left of front line, Col. R. Bullock, commanding the Florida brigade, supporting the left. Not seeing General Cheatham at the moment of forming my line of battle, General Hood, who was personally present, directed me to move to the turnpike and sweep toward Columbia. General Cleburne, being in advance, formed and moved forward before it was possible for me to do so, and changed front without stopping and without my knowing the fact, owing to intervening hills obstructing the view. As soon as ascertained I conformed to the movement as well as I could and pushed forward in the direction of the enemy, who held the turnpike. It was now getting dark, and I had moved more than a mile in line of battle. Cleburne had been engaged; with what success I did not know. Procuring a guide, learning the exact locality of the enemy and the general direction of the turnpike, I changed direction to the right again, and was moving so as to strike the turnpike to the right of Maj. Nat. Cheer's residence, which I believed would bring me near Cleburne's left; Caswell's battalion of sharpshooters, deployed as skirmishers, was within 100 yards of and commanded the turnpike, checking the enemy's movement along it in my front, and my lines were being adjusted for a further forward movement, when I received an order, through Lieutenant Schell, from General Cheatham to halt and join my right to General Cleburne's left. My main line was within 200 yards of the turnpike when Major Caswell's battalion fired into the enemy on the pike. He (the enemy) veered to his left, as I subsequently ascertained, and took a road leaving the pike near Doctor McKessick's. I obeyed the order of General Cheatham, and with delay and difficulty, it being in the night and near the enemy, I ascertained the left of Cleburne's line, which had retired some distance to the rear of my right. I made known to General Cheatham the fact of the enemy threatening my left, and called for force to protect it. My left brigade was retired to confront any movement from that direction, and during the night (perhaps 10 o'clock) General Johnson's division, of Lee's corps, was moved to my left. My command so disposed as to be an extension of Cleburne's line, with its left retired, I bivouacked between 9 and 10 o'clock for the night. At daylight there was no enemy in my front.

Early on the morning of the 30th of November I was ordered to follow Cleburne and bring up the rear of Cheatham's corps. In pursuance thereof I moved down the Franklin turnpike to the rear of Winstead's Hill, three miles from Franklin, where our forces were being deployed and lines formed. About 3 o'clock in the evening I was ordered by General Cheatham to move my command by the left flank, pass a gap in the ridge to the left, circle around a mound which rose in the plain below, and move toward the Carter Creek turnpike, until, in a direct advance on the town of Franklin, my left would strike the house of Mrs. Rebecca Bostick. I lost no time in starting and moved rapidly. This gave me the arc, while the divisions on my right moved on the chord of the circle. I was informed that General Chalmers' cavalry was ordered to form and advance in conjunction with me on my left. My line was formed with Jackson's brigade and Tyler's, commanded by Brig. Gen. T. B. Smith, in the front, the former on the right, and Finley's brigade, commanded by Col. Robert Bullock, supporting. Major Caswell had charge of the skirmish line in front. With these dispositions I moved forward through the open plain in good order. My skirmish line drove back that of the enemy, which was located on a line with Mrs. Bostick's house. The center of my line swept by this house, my left, which I had extended, reaching near the Carter Creek turnpike. The line moved steadily on, not waiting for the cavalry, driving the enemy from his outer works, which covered the right but not the left of my line. The cavalry (dismounted) not touching my left, nor being on a line with it, exposed that flank to a furious fire. I moved the Florida brigade to the left and advanced it, two regiments extending beyond the left of the turnpike. My line, now a single one without support, charged the works of the enemy. My right got to the works (the second line) and remained there until morning; the left was driven back. The enemy's [works] were strong and defiant, constructed on a slight elevation, with few obstructions in front for several hundred yards. The works to the left of Carter Creek turnpike were not strong, and with a vigorous assault should have been carried; a fact, however, not known until next day. A battery was located just to the right of this turnpike, which kept up the fire until late at night. The left of my line was reformed on the branch between the works of the enemy and Mrs. Bostick's house, but not in sufficient numbers to justify another effort to carry the works, as the command on my left had not come up. A battery, under the conduct of Colonel Presstman, participated most gallantly in the fight, first occupying a position near the house of Mrs. Bostick, and then was run up the turnpike close to the enemy's works and engaged that battery of the enemy on our immediate front. Many of our men who had gone into the interior works held their positions until morning, when the enemy had evacuated the town. General Ed. Johnson's division came in my rear just after dark, passing over that part of my line which had been reformed near the branch fronting Mrs. Bostick's.

My loss in this engagement was 47 killed, 253 wounded, and 19 missing. Among the killed was Colonel Smith, of the First [Georgia] Confederate Regiment, Jackson's brigade, who fell most gallantly while putting his regiment into the interior works of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton was badly wounded while pressing forward in handsome style. Lieutenant-Colonel Badger, commanding First [Florida (dismounted) Cavalry] and Fourth Florida Regiments was wounded three times before he left the field. Captain Carter, on staff duty with Tyler's brigade, fell mortally wounded near the works of the enemy and almost at the door of his father's house. His gallantry I witnessed with much pride, as I had done on other fields, and here take pleasure in mentioning it especially.

OPERATIONS AROUND MURFREESBOROUGH.

On the morning of the 2d of December, as my command was moving from Franklin, Tenn., in the direction of Nashville, I received the following order, made official and inclosed to me by Major-General Cheatham, commanding corps:

HEADQUARTERS,        

Near Franklin, December 2, 1864—7 a.m.

 

General Hood directs that you will send Bate's division, with one battery of artillery, over to Murfreesborough, and direct them to destroy the railroad from Murfreesborough to Nashville, burning all the bridges and taking the block-houses and then burning them.

 

A. P. MASON,        

Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General.

 Col. B. J. Hill was ordered to co-operate with me, who had about 150 cavalry. My command consisted of Jackson's, Tyler's (commanded by Brig. Gen. T. B. Smith) and Finley's brigades (commanded by Col. Robert Bullock), and Slocomb's battery (commanded by Lieutenant Chalaron), all not exceeding in number 1,600 men. I moved my command on the direct road from Franklin to Triune, thence on the Nolensville turnpike to the most practicable road leading across the country to the terminus of the Wilkinson turnpike, some seven miles from Murfreesborough. I learned here that Murfreesborough, instead of being evacuated, as was supposed and as the nature of my order led me to believe, was occupied by a strong force, estimated from 6,000 to 10,000, commanded by Major-General Rousseau, which fact I reported to army headquarters on the morning of the 4th. I received that night the following communication from General Hood:

HEADQUARTERS,        

Overton's House, Six Miles from Nashville, December 2, 1864.

 

Major-General BATE:

 

GENERAL: General Hood directs me to say that citizens report some 5,000 Yankees at Murfreesborough. General Forrest will send some of his cavalry to assist you. You must act according to your judgment under the circumstances, keeping in view the object of your expedition, viz, to destroy the railroad. This report is sent you for what it is worth.

 

Yours, respectfully,

A. P. MASON,        

Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General.


At 7 a.m. I moved my command by the left flank diagonally across the country from the Wilkinson to the Nashville and Murfreesborough turnpike, striking the latter on the Nashville side of Overall's Creek, five miles and a half from Murfreesborough. The object of going to Overall's Creek was to get between the enemy and Nashville, that I might not be cut off by his superior force, and if pressed, could fall back to the main army. It also put me in position to execute the order which I was cautioned by General Hood to keep in view, viz, "to destroy the railroad." This position also made my force a protection to the right wing of the army. Colonel Hill's command was ordered to close in as near as possible and demonstrate on the Salem and Wilkinson turnpikes, and to keep me posted by scouting on my flanks and front. I here drove in the enemy's scouts and placed three regiments of the Florida brigade, commanded by Col. Robert Bullock (the Sixth Florida being detached, under Colonel Kenan, guarding the wagon train), near the bank of the creek in observation, and to protect Chalaron's battery should occasion require, which was ordered to open on the block-house just across the creek, guarding the railroad bridge. Tyler's brigade (General T. B. Smith commanding) was held in reserve; Jackson's was immediately put to destroying the railroad. About noon the enemy appeared on the opposite side of the creek, but was dispersed two or three times by a few well-directed shots from the artillery. He returned in the evening, re-enforced by infantry and artillery. He moved a skirmish line down near the creek, as if to prevent our crossing, and about sundown turned my left flank with his cavalry and charged my battery. It was anticipated, however, and Tyler's brigade brought to its support in time to repulse it, in conjunction with the battery, which fired double charges into his lines, not fifty yards distant, scattering them in all directions and securing fifteen or twenty of their horses. Meanwhile the infantry attacked the three regiments of the Florida brigade with vastly superior numbers, wounding Colonel Bullock and driving his command back from the creek. Jackson's brigade was promptly thrown forward to meet this advance, and with one volley repulsed and drove his infantry across the creek. I threw out skirmishers to the bank of the creek and held the field.

Slocomb's battery, under command of Lieutenant Chalaron, acted with conspicuous and most effective gallantry.

Col. Ed. Dillon reported with the squadron of cavalry just before night---too late to take part in the fight. I certainly did not suppose this was all the support I was to get from General Forrest, mentioned in the before-quoted order. I ordered him to relieve the infantry pickets at 10 o'clock, at which hour I withdrew my infantry and artillery across Stewart's Creek, fearing the enemy might get on my flank or rear with his superior numbers during the night, and also to begin operations on the road early next morning.

In the fight my losses were 15 killed, 59 wounded (Colonel Bullock, commanding the Florida brigade, among the latter), and 13 missing. I have every reason to believe that the losses of the enemy were much greater. We buried some of his dead which he left when driven from the field.

Early on the morning of the 5th dispositions were made to take the block-houses at Stewart's Creek, Read's Branch, and Smyrna, which, as we moved upon them, the enemy precipitately evacuated. Each of these were burned after removing the stores; also the bridges they were intended to guard, and several miles of the railroad destroyed. While these operations were going on General Forrest arrived with two divisions of cavalry, followed by two infantry brigades (Sears', of French's, and Palmer's, of Stevenson's division), with artillery, and, by virtue of rank, assumed command of the forces near Murfreesborough. The order to keep in view the object of my mission, viz, "to destroy the railroad," seemed to be revoked, and offensive operations against Murfreesborough assumed, which did not accord with my judgment, as I was satisfied there were 8,000 or 10,000 Federals within, strongly fortified and with a large amount of artillery in position. Not deeming it prudent to attack such works manned with twice our numbers, I, however, readily gave cheerful co-operation. By command of General Forrest I ceased operations on the railroad and moved back toward Murfreesborough. On the 6th I closed in my lines and pressed forward skirmishers as near to the works around Murfreesborough as practicable, in doing which I lost sixteen men from Caswell's battalion of sharpshooters. I dug pits for skirmishers and built defenses for my main line.

I was ordered by General Forrest to move my entire command at daylight on the 7th to the Wilkinson and my wagon train to the Salem turnpike, which was done. My command was ordered to be an extension of the right of Colonel Palmer's brigade, which occupied a hill fronting the fort and works of the enemy located on the west bank of Stone's River. While the order was being executed the enemy was observed to be moving a force across Stone's River above the town of Murfreesborough and down the Salem turnpike. At this juncture I was ordered by General Forrest to make dispositions to move, in conjunction with Colonel Palmer, on the works of the enemy, which, however, was revoked by ordering me to take charge of infantry and put it into position near where the Wilkinson turnpike crosses Overall's Creek, which I proceeded to do, under the personal direction of General Forrest. The main line was established on the southwest side of the turnpike, diagonally to but not crossing it any point, with the right towards the creek, in the following order by brigades, beginning on the right: Sears', Palmer's, Finley's. Jackson's and Tyler's brigades were placed by me in reserve across the turnpike from main line. Temporary works were constructed of rails and logs. The artillery was placed at the most eligible and advantageous points. While temporary works were being built of rails and logs the enemy presented himself in our front, but was speedily driven out of view by our artillery. I was ordered by General Forrest to put my entire command in the main line. Jackson was then ordered to the left of Finley's brigade, Sears brought from the right to the left in prolongation of and retiring main line toward the turnpike. He soon presented himself again, turning our left flank and advancing diagonally to it. General Forrest ordered the whole line by the left flank. The extent of the enemy's line was not visible. Sears leading and Jackson following, under my order, moved too far to the left; the Florida and Palmer's brigades were halted in the temporary works just vacated by these two. Smith was immediately brought in between them at right angles with the turnpike and in full front of the enemy, who was within 200 yards, driving in our skirmishers, the cavalry on the left having fallen back with but slight resistance. The time of the reappearance of the enemy emerging from the woods, when he was thought to have retired to Murfreesborough (no information being received by me from the cavalry in my front), did not admit of sufficient time to adjust the line before he was upon us, hence there was a space of perhaps 75 or 100 yards between Smith's right and Finley's left. Jackson and Sears were immediately ordered to move, under the conduct of a staff officer, Major Shaaff, by the right flank and align on Smith's left, who was now engaged with the main line of the enemy. The enemy's line came diagonally from the left and struck Finley's and Palmer's brigades, crumbling and driving them from the temporary works. Meanwhile Smith's (Tyler's) and the right of Jackson's brigade, which was getting in position, drove back in gallant style the right of the enemy's line which confronted them. I did not again see the Florida and Palmer's nor Sears' brigade until night, they being under the immediate conduct of General Forrest. I remained in person with Smith's and Jackson's brigades. The enemy occupied the line vacated by Finley's and Palmer's brigades on Smith's flank, but did not push up vigorously. I changed front to rear on my left battalion and formed line in the woods parallel to and near the turnpike, where I remained without molestation until ordered by General Forrest to move across the creek and join him (who was then with cavalry, artillery, and Sears', Palmer's, and Finley's brigades), which I did leisurely, moving off the two remaining brigades by the flank. If the cavalry on either flank was seriously engaged, I was not aware of it.

In this day's fight there were 19 killed, 73 wounded, and 122 missing. Among the former was Lieutenant-Colonel Billopp [Twenty-ninth] Georgia Regiment, who fell gallantly at his post.

I have to regret the loss of two of the guns of that gallant battery, Slocomb's, commanded by Lieutenant Chalaron. The horses being killed, they could not be brought off.

After crossing the creek, about sundown, Smith's brigade was placed in position to resist in case of pursuit, and brought up the rear In good order to the bivouac on the Nashville turnpike.

Next day we engaged again in the destruction of the railroad; but little progress was made, in consequence of the extreme bad weather; the snow fell rapidly and the ground was freezing. In consequence of the recent marches many of the men were barefooted; all were shod, however, when we left Florence. I pressed every pair of shoes which could be found for them, and in many instances the citizens gave them second-hand shoes, which but partially supplied the demand. The country afforded us superabundance of rations. While in this neighborhood I put in operation several mills for the use of the army.

Major-General Forrest gave me an intimation of a probable attack on the main army in front of Nashville, and directed that I be ready to move at short notice. I soon thereafter received an order to move to the right flank of the Army of Tennessee, held by General Cheatham, to take part in the anticipated operations there. The sleet and severe freezes had made the surface of the earth a sheet of ice. Nearly one-fourth of the men were still barefooted, yet plodded "their weary way" under these adverse circumstance (many with bleeding feet), and arrived in good time to the position assigned in Cheatham's corps. I was contiguous to and on the left of the Nolensville turnpike, at a point known as Rains' Hill. I remained here in the intrenched line, with the men uncomfortable from the extreme cold and the scarcity of wood, until the evening of the 15th, when I was ordered by General Cheatham to move to the left, where the fighting was going on, and should he not be there to report to General Hood. When I passed the Franklin turnpike streams of stragglers, and artillerists, and horses, without guns or caissons, the sure indicia of defeat, came hurriedly from the left. I formed my division for battle at once, its right resting near the turnpike, and communicated the situation to General Cheatham, who meantime had come up. It was nearly dark. I received an order from General Hood to move straight forward and take a skirt of woods beyond the field, in the rear of which I had formed my line, and near which the firing was going on. I did so, and made known that fact to my corps commander, and awaited orders. The firing had now slackened. About 8 o'clock Major-General Cheatham came to me and took me with him to find the line I was to occupy. He informed me that he was directed by the general commanding to extend a line of battle from the apex of the hill (now known as Shy's Hill) occupied by Ector's brigade in direction of Mrs. Bradford's house, on the Granny White turnpike, so that a prolongation of the same would strike the line then occupied by General Stewart. We went together and found General Sharp's brigade on left of that corps, in the rear of Mrs. Bradford's house, somewhat parallel to the turnpike, its right resting near the woods, in which we were informed the balance of that corps was. A fire was kindled, by General Cheatham's order, to indicate the direction of my line from the, given point on the left. I moved my command in the position indicated, but with much delay, attributable to the darkness of the night and marshy fields through which I had to pass. The artillery I was unable to get up. The field intervening the turnpike and my position was impassable to artillery; the earth had thawed, and the cultivated low ground was an obstruction through which even the ambulances could not pass with success; hence the artillery was left in the rear for the night. Having a personal interview with Colonel Coleman, commanding Ector's brigade, and agreeing upon the point where the right of his line rested, I adjusted mine, as ordered, between that and the point designated on General Sharp's line, taking such advantage of the ground in its exact locality as I could in the night. My left then rested near the crown on that slope of the hill, facing the turnpike, and my right in the corn-field, advanced toward Nashville, hence not quite at right angles with the turnpike. Seeing that my line at its junction with Coleman's made a right angle, and the enemy already immediately under the brow of the hill annoying me with sharpshooters, within 100 yards, and my right unconnected with any one, I went in person to my corps commander and remonstrated as to the position of my line. He informed me he was not authorized to change it, and that General Stewart was to connect with my right. I at once put the men to making defenses with such tools as I had. They worked with alacrity the balance of the night (nearly all the while under my immediate supervision), and constructed works along my entire front impervious to ordinary shots.

Daylight [16th] revealed the fact that Stewart's corps had been moved back several hundred yards from the point toward which I was directed to extend my right. His two left divisions were retired in echelon from my right, Walthall's on the same side of the turnpike with me, and Loring's behind the rock wall on the opposite side of the turnpike, in echelon to him. Ector's brigade was on my left, occupying that side of the angle. It was prolonged in same direction by Lowrey's (Cheatham's) division. My line was formed with Jackson's brigade on the right, then Finley's and Tyler's in succession, with no support. The hill on which my left rested was confronted by a similar one within 400 yards and an open field in the intervening valley. On this hill the enemy had planted several rifle pieces during the night. There was a deflection on the left of this, and then a series of hills occupied by the enemy extending to its left and culminating opposite Lowrey's left in an irregular range and greater altitude than those held by us, surmounted here and there by a commanding peak. This range of hills, from the point where Lowrey's left rested, extended at right angles across the Granny White turnpike, almost parallel to and in rear of my line of battle, a distance of not more than 600 yards, with open fields between. At daylight I found a road skirting the inner border of the hills on my left over which artillery could pass, but not without difficulty. I ordered Captain Beauregard to send a section of howitzers and place them upon a small plateau making out from the declivity of the hill just in rear of Finley's brigade, from which they could sweep the front of my right and the entire line of General Walthall. A desultory fire by sharpshooters was kept up during the night and morning until about 8 o'clock, when the enemy began to deploy additional masses, advanced his lines into the woods held by Stewart's corps the night previous, where he soon planted batteries. He made a feeble charge along my front and was quickly repulsed. About this time Ector's brigade was taken out of the line and put in reserve, and I was ordered to extend to the left. This not only gave me an additional ground to occupy, but necessarily thinned my lines, as I had no reserves. The line established by Ector's brigade had been located in the darkness of the night, and was, unfortunately, placed back from the brow of the hill, not giving a view and range on the front of more than from five to twenty yards, and the curvature of the hill, as well as the gradual recession of the lines from the angle, forbid any flank fire giving protection to the front of the angle. The works were flimsy, only intended to protect against small-arms, and had no abatis or other obstruction to impede the movements of an assaulting party. From the hour this became a part of my line it was impossible to remedy it. The constant fire of sharpshooters from the neighboring hills made it fatal to attempt a work in front. To advance my line and attack the enemy was the only way to relieve the situation, and to do that was to attack a re-entering angle of breastworks, which, of course, could not be done unless the whole line moved. The enemy opened a most terrific fire of artillery, and kept it up during the day. In the afternoon he planted a battery in the woods in the rear of Mrs. Bradford's house and fired directly across both lines composing the angle; threw shells directly in the back of my left brigade; also placed a battery on a hill diagonally to my left, which took my first brigade in reverse. The batteries on the hill in its front, not more than 300 yards distant, that had borne the concentrated fire of my Whitworth rifles all day, must have suffered heavily, but were not silenced. These rifled guns of the enemy being so close razeed the works on the left of the angle for fifty or sixty yards. Ector's brigade was withdrawn from its supporting position in rear of the angle, and left me without any support whatever, at which transfer I remonstrated. The enemy was in two lines in my front, and in the afternoon moved by his right flank from direction of the Granny White turnpike, and massed by advancing a skirmish line at a time under the brow of the hill near the angle. I made this known to General Cheatham by a staff officer (Lieutenant Rogan), and asked for re-enforcement. The general informed me that he had nothing that could possibly be spared, and desired me to extend still farther to the left, as he had to withdraw strength from his front to protect his left, which had been turned. About this time the brigade on the extreme left of our infantry line of battle was driven back, down the hill into the field in my rear, and the balls of the enemy were fired into the backs of (killing and wounding) my men. The lines on the left (as you go into Nashville) of the Granny White pike at this juncture were the three sides of a square, the enemy shooting across the two parallel lines. My men were falling fast. I saw and fully appreciated the emergency, and passed in person along the trenches in the angle built by Ector's brigade, where I had placed troops who I knew to be unsurpassed for gallantry and endurance, and encouraged them to maintain their places. The men saw the brigade on the left of our line of battle give way and the enemy take its place on the hills in my rear, yet they stood firm and received the fire from three directions with coolness and courage. Anticipating a disaster I ordered Captain Beauregard, who commanded my artillery, to move his battalion back to the Franklin turnpike, as the enemy already had the Granny White pike in our rear, which was my channel for escape, as per order in the forenoon. About 4 p.m. the enemy with heavy force assaulted the line near the angle, and carried it at that point where Ector's brigade had built the light works, which were back from the brow of the hill and without obstructions; not, however, until the gallant and obstinate Colonel Shy and nearly half of his brave men had fallen, together with the largest part of the three right companies of the Thirty-seventh Georgia, which regiment constituted my extreme left. When the breach was made, this command--the consolidated fragments of the Second, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twentieth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-seventh Tennessee Regiments--still contested the ground, under Major Lucas, and, finally, when overwhelming numbers pressed them back, only sixty-five of the command escaped, and they not as a command, but individuals. The command was nearly annihilated, as the official reports of casualties show. Whether the yielding of gallant and well-tried troops to such pressure is reprehensible or not, is for a brave and generous country to decide. The breach once made, the lines lifted from either side as far as I could see almost instantly and fled in confusion. Two regiments, the Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth Georgia, then my extreme right, commanded by Colonel Mitchell (Jackson's brigade), and adjoining Walthall’s division, did not break, but remained fighting until surrounded. The section of artillery under Lieutenant Alston was turned on the enemy and fired after being completely flanked and our lines vanishing. I mention it in compliment to this gallant lieutenant. I first sought to rally the men and form line in the wooded bottom in rear of Strahl's brigade, Lowrey's right, but found it yielding to the example on its right (there being no pressure of consequence either on its front or that of my extreme left), and hence it was impossible to do so. I was then directed by General Cheatham to form a line at Lea's house, on opposite side of Granny White turnpike, but found on getting there that our lines on that flank had also given way, and the enemy already commanding it with his small-arms. The men then, one by one, climbed over the rugged hills in our rear and passed down a short valley which debouched into the Franklin turnpike. The whole army on this thoroughfare seemed to be one heterogeneous mass, and moving back without organization or government. Strenuous efforts were made by officers of all grades to rally and form line of battle, but in vain. The disorganized masses swept in confusion down the Franklin turnpike, amid the approaching darkness and drenching rain, until beyond Brentwood, when the fragments of commands were, in some measure, united, and bivouacked in groups for the night.

At daylight [17th] I moved my command across Harpeth River, through Franklin, to Spring Hill, and next day crossed Rutherford's Creek, formed line of battle, and bivouacked for the night.

The enemy's advance appearing on the morning of the 19th slight skirmishing ensued. I retired with my command, in conjunction with Cheatham's corps, across Duck River, at Columbia, that evening. My division moved without separation from its corps and crossed the Tennessee River, at Bainbridge, on the evening of the 25th of December.

To my senior brigade commander, General H. R. Jackson, I am especially indebted, not only for the prompt and willing execution of orders, but for many practical suggestions based upon his large experience, for his conspicuous gallantry and resistless energy. General T. B. Smith, commanding Tyler's brigade, and Col. Robert Bullock (Finley's), bore themselves with heroic courage both through good and evil fortune, always executing orders with zeal and alacrity, and bearing themselves in the face of the enemy as became reputations which each had heretofore bravely won. The latter was severely wounded on the 4th of December, near Murfreesborough, and was succeeded by Major Lash, whose coolness and gallantry was marked. He, together with Brigadier-Generals Jackson and Smith, was captured at Nashville, and are yet in prison. Major Ball having arrived, and being ranking officer present in Finley's brigade, assumed command and conducted it at Nashville.

Captain Beauregard, commanding my artillery, showed merit beyond his years, [and] managed the battalion not only to my satisfaction, but to the good of the service and to his own credit.

I take pleasure in making my acknowledgments for their promptness and gallantry to Maj. Arthur Shaaff, my inspector; Capt. H. J. Cheney, my assistant adjutant-general; Lieuts. R. B. McClure, John B. Pirtle, and Charles B. Regan, of my personal staff; and Capt. W. H. Rhea, paymaster of my division, who participated with us in the fight without obligation to do so; also to Lieutenant Magruder, my ordnance officer. I am also much indebted to my chief surgeon, Doctor McDowell, for his skill and unwearying application to his delicate trust; to Maj. John L. Brown, commissary, for his success in getting up and distributing supplies under most embarrassing circumstances; and Maj. E. P. Tyree, quartermaster, for his promptness, vigilance, and success in managing his department without loss during the long march and hazardous retreat of either wagons or supplies.

My escort company, under Capt. J. H. Buck and Lieut. J. W. Henderson, merits my special commendation for gallantry upon the field and the faithful and cheerful performance of all duty devolving upon them. My excellent pioneer company, under Lieut. H. W. Reddick, labored day and night without murmur, for which they will receive my thanks. My provost-guard was most efficiently managed by Capt. Matthew Dwyer, for which I am under obligations. My squad of sharpshooters (with Whitworth rifles), under Lieut. A. B. Schell, behaved with marked gallantry on every occasion when brought into requisition.

In this report I have dealt more in particulars for the reason there are no reports from brigade commanders, all three of whom having been captured, I reserve to myself the privilege of making such corrections as would appear right and proper when I subsequently have the opportunity to examine their reports.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. B. BATE,        
Major-General, Commanding.
Maj. JAMES D. PORTER,
        Assistant Adjutant-General.
_______________

* For portion of report here omitted, see Vol. XXXIX, Part I, p. 826.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 741-51