Congressman Horace Mann to Mr. and Mrs. George Combe, November 15, 1850

WEST NEWTON, Nov. 15, 1850.

MY DEAR MR. AND MRS. COMBE,—I received your brief note from London, dated Sept. 15; and afterwards your letter from Edinburgh of Sept. 29. The letter gave me what I must call an unlawful pleasure: for it fully acquitted me of what my own conscience had long told me I was guilty of; namely, neglect of you. Mary has often said to me, "Now, my dear, you must write to Mr. Combe;" and I had as often replied, "Yes, I must and will." But, like all other promises, these were made under the tacit and implied condition of possibility. But the possibility never came; and, before I get through, I must tell you why. I have received a copy of the Annual Report of your school; which Mary and I read together, as we always do every thing that comes from your pen. Your Life of Dr. Combe was sent here before I came home. Mary began to read it, but put it off that we might read it together. Since I came home, we have begun it, and advanced nearly half way in it; but other engagements of one kind and another have interrupted. I find it very minute in its details; so much so, perhaps, as to be objectionable to the general reader: but to me, who know the subject and the writer, and who have such a deep personal interest in every thing they have said or done, it never loses its interest. I should as soon complain of an absent friend for giving me all the incidents of his fortune, when, the more of each twenty-four hours he describes, the better. I like to read his letters. I delight, and profit too, in reading a book which never departs from the phrenological dialect, and refers every thing to phrenological principles. It is like a review of a delightful study.

When first offered the nomination for Congress, I had serious doubts about accepting it: but I was in my twelfth year as Secretary of the Board of Education; and, while acting in an official capacity, I was under the trammels of neutrality between all sects and parties. It was just at the crisis when the destiny of our new Territory of about six hundred thousand square miles in extent was about to be determined. All of human history that I ever knew respecting the contest for political and religious freedom, and my own twelve-years' struggle to imbue the public mind with an understanding not merely of the law but of the spirit of religious liberty, had so magnified in my mind the importance of free institutions, and so intensified my horror of all forms of slavery, that even the importance of education itself seemed for a moment to be eclipsed.

Besides, my fidelity to principles had made some enemies, who, to thwart me, would resist progress, but who, if I were out of the way, would be disarmed, and would co-operate where they had combated. . . . The commencement of the session in December last was full of excitement. We voted three weeks before we succeeded in making choice of a Speaker; the issue being between freedom and slavery, modified by its bearing upon the next Presidential election. In the Senate there were three men, Clay, Webster, and Cass, each one of whom had staked body, reputation, and soul on being the next President. In 1848, Gen. Cass had surrendered all that he could think of, as principle, for the sake of winning the Southern vote. Clay had just been returned to the Senate, and Webster had been thrown into the background, partly for his mighty advocacy of freedom, and partly because he had no skill in flattering the people. Clay devised a plan of indirect opposition to the policy of Gen. Taylor, which, should it be unsuccessful, would hardly injure its originator, but, if crowned with success, would place him high and conspicuous above the President himself.

Up to this time, at least ostensibly, Webster had maintained his integrity. But he supposed his final hour had come. Cass as a Democrat, and Clay as a Whig, had offered to immolate freedom to win the South. Webster must do more than either, or abandon hope. He consented to treachery, and, to make his reward sure, proposed to do more villanies than were asked of him. His 7th of March speech was an abandonment of all he had ever said in defence of the great principles of freedom. It was a surrender of the great interests of freedom in the new Territories then in issue, and it was wanton impiety against the very cause of liberty. We were not merely amazed, but astounded by it. He artfully connected the pecuniary interests of the North with this treachery to freedom. Our manufacturing interests were in a deplorable condition. He told the manufacturers, that, if they would surrender freedom, they could have a tariff. This assurance was repeated in a thousand covert forms. It brought out the whole force of Mammon. One of the Boston newspapers, the "Daily Advertiser," whose whole circulation was among the wealthy and aristocratic, took ground in his defence at once. Another of them, the "Courier," sold itself immediately for mere money to him and to his friends; and such an overbearing and threatening tone was assumed by his whole pretorian guard, that every other paper in the city, however clamorous it had been for freedom before (except the "Liberator"), was silenced. The press in Boston, for the last six months, had been very much in the condition of the press of Paris.

I came home to visit my family in April on account of ill health in it, and staid a month. The public mind had not recovered from its shock; and Mr. Webster's "retainers," as the "Advertiser" unluckily called them, were active in fastening their views upon the re-awakened consciousness of the public. I conversed with many very prominent individuals. I found they agreed with me fully in regard to Mr. Webster's treachery, and in private would speak freely, but in public would not commit themselves to a word. This was grievous, and reminded me of what you used to say so often, — that our people have not confidence enough in truth. I was invited by a respectable portion of my constituents to address them. I wrote them a letter instead. In that letter, I reviewed the course of the leading men,—Cass, Clay, and Webster. I pointed out Mr. Webster's inconsistencies and enormities in as searching a manner as I could, but in a very respectful tone. He and his friends swore vengeance against me at once.

When I returned to Washington, he cut me. He indulged in offensive remarks in private intercourse. In a letter written to some citizens who sought to uphold his course, he put in the most arrogant sneer that his talent could devise, and published it. That gave me a chance to review his letter, and to discuss the question of trial by jury for alleged fugitives. In another letter, he made another assault upon me. This, too, I answered. Just at this moment, Gen. Taylor died. The Vice-President, a weak and irresolute-minded man, succeeded. Mr. Webster was appointed Secretary of State; and he thus became omnipotent, and almost omnipresent. The cause of freedom was doomed. Thousands saw what the event would be, and rushed to the conclusion. Three-fifths of all the Whig presses went over in a day. The word of command went forth to annihilate me; and, if it was not done, it was for no want of good will or effort on the part of the hired executioners. From having been complimented on all sides, I was misrepresented, maligned, travestied, on all sides. Not a single Whig paper in Boston defended me. Most of them had an article or more against me every day. The convention to nominate my successor was packed by fraudulent means, and I was thrown overboard. . . . To bring the odium theologicum to crush me, an evangelical was taken as my opponent. I took the stump, and put the matter to my constituents face to face.

The election took place last Monday, and I have beaten them all by a handsome majority. This is something of a personal triumph, therefore; but, as a triumph of principle, it is of infinitely more value. Nothing can exceed the elation of my friends, or the mortification of my enemies. The latter feel like a man who has committed some roguery, and failed of obtaining his purpose in doing it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 335-9

Colonel Luce is Dead

Colonel Constant C. Luce, one of the old pioneers of Michigan is dead at Monroe. He was commander of the famous Michigan “Stonewall” regiment, which was conspicuous at the battle of South Mountain, Md.

SOURCE: “Colonel Luce is Dead,” Port Huron Daily Times, Port Huron, Michigan, Monday, March 2, 1903

Obituary of Colonel Constant Luce, 17th Michigan Infantry

WAS A PIONEER OF MONROE

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COL. CONSTANT LUCE, WHO DIED THERE YESTERDAY.

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APROMINENT BUSINESS MAN AND A LEADING CITIZEN.

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No Immediate Member of His Own Family Now Living.

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Monroe, Mich., February 28.—Col. Constant Luce, one of the most prominent business men and pioneers of Monroe county, died this morning at his resident corner of Second and Macomb streets after an illness of only a few weeks.

Col. Luce for over three-quarters of a century was a resident here and for over fifty years one of the prominent men of the section. He was born in Pittsfield, Mass., in March 1819 and was very nearly 84 years old at the time of his death. He came to Monroe in his childhood, reaching here in 1826. He was one of the earliest abstractors in the west, and early began to make up the abstracts of Monroe county, beginning shortly after Michigan became a state. For four terms he served as register of deeds of the county, and while holding that office perfected the system of abstracts which later came into general use throughout Michigan.

At the outbreak of the war he became colonel of the Seventeenth Michigan Regiment and served with distinction throughout the war of the rebellion. Upon his return to Monroe he again engaged in the abstract business, under the firm name of Redfield & Luce. The name of his partner, Hon. Heman J. Redfield is prominent in the history of the city and county. After the death of Mr. Redfield the firm became Luce & Landon, and has thus continued to the present day.

Col. Luce is the “last of his race,” so far as his own family is concerned. Two brothers and a sister have preceded him into the silent land, and his only son died shortly after the close of the war. His aged wife died recently, and since her death he has made his home with a niece. He was a man of wonderful vitality, and until his last illness was a well known figure here in the city, being as hale and active as the ordinary man of 50. Mr. Luce was a member of Monroe Lodge, No. 27, F. & A. M., and had been on the emeritus roll for twelve years. He was a Knight Templar and one of the oldest Masons in Michigan. His funeral, on Monday, will be under Masonic auspices.

SOURCE: The Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Sunday, March 1, 1903, p. 3

Diary of Musician David Lane, April 10, 1863

Lebanon, Ky., April 10th, 1863.

We left Bardstown on April second and marched to this place, twenty-eight miles, in two days. How long we may remain here I cannot even conjecture. Kentucky is like a seething volcano, ready to burst into flames at any moment; nothing but the concentration of a large force can prevent an uprising. I think the presence of so many Michigan boys may have a soothing effect.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 38

Diary of Musician David Lane, April 13, 1863

Lebanon, April 13th, 1863.

We have lost our favorite commander, Brigadier General Poe. He is promoted to captain in the regular service, and delivered his farewell address early yesterday morning. He has won the confidence and esteem of every man in the brigade, and they deeply regret his loss. It was his disobedience of orders that saved the First Brigade from slaughter at Fredericksburg. His disobedience led to his promotion. In appearance he is just the man I would select from among a thousand for a bandit chief.

We had a riffle of excitement yesterday in camp. Early in the morning the Eighteenth and Twenty-second Michigan Regiments were ordered to leave for Murfreesboro, Tennessee. The officers of these regiments, in common with others, have employed negroes as servants. Kentucky is violently opposed to the President's Emancipation Proclamation. Here was a fine opportunity for a Kentucky General to show the "Abolitionists" that his state was not included in that pronunciamento. As the Eighteenth was about to board the cars, General Manson, commander of this post, ordered them to halt and deliver up all negroes in the regiment. Upon inquiry it was found that all, except one, were Kentucky negroes, and were given up. This did not satisfy; he must have the free man also. The Sixteenth Kentucky Infantry and the Twelfth Kentucky Cavalry are doing post duty here. These General Manson ordered to form in line of battle, and again demanded the surrender of the negro. But Michigan was not to be intimidated. Colonel Doolittle resolutely refused, formed his men for battle with loaded guns and fixed bayonets, and defiantly bade the Kentuckian to "come and take him." Not caring to attack with only two to one, General Manson sent for the Seventy-ninth New York to come and help him, but the gallant Colonel of that regiment replied: "I am not fighting Michigan men." In the meantime General Burnside had been telegraphed for orders. He replied: "I have nothing to do with it." Colonel Doolittle then telegraphed the War Department, and is now awaiting orders. The Eighteenth lay with their arms beside them all last night, apprehensive of an attack. They kept the negro.

We have a fine camping ground, nearly as good as at Newport News. The brigade is encamped in the form of a square. There is a spring of water in the center. In our front is the City of Lebanon, a place nearly as large as Jackson, and old enough in appearance to have been built in the middle ages. On our right and left are splendid farms, on which negro slaves are busily engaged plowing and planting. In our rear is a piece of timber from which we supply ourselves with fuel. We have thickly planted the borders of our streets with evergreen trees, which not only gives our camp a picturesque appearance, but affords a comfortable shade these hot, sultry days.

Our stay here depends entirely on the movements of the Rebels. We are here to protect the loyal people of Kentucky from guerillas; also to support Rosencrans should his rear be threatened by way of Cumberland Gap. The Ninth Corps is separated into fragments; the Third Division is in Virginia; the First and Second are in Kentucky, a brigade in a place, but so situated they can be quickly concentrated at a given point. Doubtless it is pleasant, this lying in camp with nothing to do but drill and play ball, which is all the rage just now, but it is not satisfying. It may do for regulars, who have so long a time to serve, but for volunteers who enlisted to do a given amount of work, would like to do that work and go home to their families.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 39-41

Diary of Musician David Lane, April 30, 1863

Columbia, Ky., April 30th, 1863.

At the date of my last entry—the 26th inst.—I had seen no indication of a move. We retired that night at the usual hour, and just as I was dropping off to sleep the order came: "Be ready to march tomorrow morning at five o'clock with two days' rations." It came like a "clap of thunder from a cloudless sky," surprising both officers and men. Our officers had formed numerous and pleasant associations with Kentucky's fair daughters, and it was with many regrets they were compelled to leave their agreeable society for the stern duties of the field. But military orders are inexorable as fate, and at precisely a quarter to five the bugle sounded "fall in," and at five we were on the move, bound for Columbia, forty miles away.

The weather is warm and pleasant now, but the burning heat of a Southern summer is close upon us. A forced march was before us, with no teams to carry our luggage. We could not carry all our winter clothing, therefore hundreds of good blankets and overcoats were thrown away. When we had marched three or four miles many of the men found they still had too much load, and then the work of lightening up began in earnest. For miles the road was strewn with blankets, dress coats, blouses, pants, drawers and shirts. In fact enough clothing was thrown away for Rebels to pick up to supply a whole brigade. No wonder so many Rebel regiments are dressed in our uniforms. As for myself, I was determined to stay by my goods, if I could not carry them. As a matter of fact I carried load enough that day to down a mule, and feel none the worse for it. We marched to Campbellville, twenty miles, and camped for the night. We were expected to cover the entire distance in two days, but fully one-half of the brigade were so utterly used up it was found to be impossible. We only made nine miles the second day, and camped at Green River. Here the Eighth Michigan and Seventy-ninth New York were ordered to remain; the Seventeenth was ordered to Columbia and the Twentieth to the Cumberland, forty miles beyond.

Lieutenant Colonel Luce is Provost Marshal of this district, and we are detailed to do provost duty. Colonel Luce's orders are: "Protect government property, keep good order in the town, arrest all disloyal citizens and report to headquarters every day." This part of the state has been much infested by guerillas, and we expect lively times.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 41-3

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 1, 1863

Lebanon, Ky., June 1st, 1863.

I have been home on furlough, and am on my way to rejoin my regiment. I reached Louisville last night at midnight, and stayed at the Soldiers' Home until morning. Charles Groesbeck came with me from Detroit, and we found two more of our boys and our Chaplain here, waiting to take cars this morning.

We have a good "drive" on our drum major. He reached Louisville on Friday and reported to the post commander for a pass to his regiment. The Colonel gave him a pass, all right, but to his utter dismay and disgust sent him to the barrack, kept him there until this morning, then sent him to Lebanon under guard. Charlie and I did not report, and came through like free men.

We have a march of sixty miles before us, but a wagon train is going out, and we may get our baggage carried part of the way.

We left Lebanon at three o'clock and walked ten miles. Next morning at three o'clock we were again on the road, intending to make Columbia, but, a heavy rain setting in, we took possession of a barn about four miles out and stayed until morning. We had walked twenty miles and carried our baggage, and were ready to walk eighteen in the afternoon, which is the distance from this place to Jamestown, where we expect to overtake the regiment.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 43

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 6, 1863

Lebanon, Ky., June 6th, 1863.

I did not go to Jamestown, as I intended. I called on the Provost Marshal for a pass and learned the program had been changed, and the Seventeenth was then on its way back to Lebanon. I found the company about nine o'clock in the evening, a half mile from Columbia, tired and worn by a march of twenty six miles. The boys had stretched themselves on the ground, too tired to erect their tents, but when they learned of our arrival, they flocked around us to learn the latest news from home. And such warm greetings I seldom ever witnessed. The Colonel said we were all right on time; he did not expect us to start from home until Monday.

Here I learned the Ninth Corps had received orders to report immediately at Louisville. We started early next morning and marched twenty miles. After supper we threw ourselves upon the ground and forgot our pains and aches in "balmy sleep."

At two o'clock we were aroused by "the shrill bugle's cry," and were told we were to be in Lebanon at 12 m. eighteen miles. We turned out, cooked and ate our breakfasts, and at four o'clock were on the move. The Quartermaster soon overtook us with teams that he had "pressed" to carry our knapsacks for us. With many thanks to Colonel Luce—it was he that ordered the wagons to follow us—we started on our way with light hearts and lighter feet. But eighteen miles in half a day is no easy task, even in light marching order, and soon the men, worn out by repeated forced marches, began to tire, and many were ready to declare they could go no further, when we were met by a wagon train, sent from Lebanon to bring in those not able to walk. The train was soon filled to its utmost capacity. Not being one of the unfortunates, I "hoofed it" the entire distance.

The all-absorbing question with us is, where are we going? The Louisville Journal says we are "going to take a new lesson in geography." Of course, then, we leave the state. Our officers are about equally divided between Washington and Vicksburg. But which? If we are to take a new lesson we will not go east. Then it must be Vicksburg. Our men say it makes but little difference to them, if only we go where work is to be done.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 44-5

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 10, 1863

Cairo, Ill., June 10th, 1863.

We are now three hundred and sixty-six miles from Lebanon, which place we left at 3 p. m. of Sunday, and reached Louisville about seven. The ladies had prepared supper and we partook of it with many thanks to the generous doners. After supper we crossed over to Jefferson and took cars for this place. Here we missed the executive ability of General Poe. In all our journeying from Newport News everything was arranged with care and precision. Here all was disorder and confusion. The cars assigned to our regiment were partly filled with men and baggage of other regiments. Colonel Luce requested the officer who seemed to be in charge to remove them. This he refused to do, swearing they would have a fight first. The Colonel looked in vain for someone to bring order out of this chaos. Finally he assumed the responsibility himself; told the officer in charge if a fight was what he wanted, a fight he should have; ordered us to throw them out, and we did it with a will. About daylight we took possession and were soon under way.

Our trip through Indiana and Illinois caused an ovation. It seemed that the entire population turned out to encourage and cheer us on our way. Women and children, with bright smiles and waving handkerchiefs, thronged the way, and at every station fruit, cakes, bread and butter, newspapers, and, better than all, warm, friendly greetings, were literally showered upon us.

At Washington, Indiana, we halted for supper. It was midnight, but, as usual, the station was thronged with people of both sexes and all ages. Some ladies came to our car—food was served in the cars—and · requested that all who were asleep might be awakened, for, as they had been cooking until that time of night, and had then walked nearly a mile to see us, they would like to see us all. So we aroused the sleepers, and had a lively time during our short stay.

They presented us with bouquets, cards, mottoes, etc., and took their leave with many kind wishes for our success and safe return to our families and friends. God bless the loyal people of America, is the soldier's prayer.

We reached Cairo about twelve o'clock last night, and immediately went on board of transports.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 45-7

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 11, 1863

We are fairly packed on board a small transport; so thickly are we crowded in, it is almost impossible to stir; yet all will stir. Every man seems to think his very existence depends on movement. As I sit here on my knapsack, my back against the railing, inkstand between my feet to prevent it being kicked over, a continuous stream of restless, uneasy men is pouring around, on and over me, which, added to the motion of the vessel, makes writing difficult. We left Cairo yesterday at five o'clock in the afternoon, and steamed down the river a few miles below Cumberland, Kentucky, and anchored for the night.

The captain dare not run his vessel in the night, it being dark and cloudy, and the Mississippi being the most dangerous river in the world to navigate. We expect to reach Memphis early in the morning, and will then learn our final destination.

Having crossed the Mississippi at Dubuque, some three hundred miles above Cairo, I was somewhat disappointed, as it did not appear to be any wider at Cairo than at Dubuque, but, by close observation, I discovered that what it lacked in width was made up in velocity and depth.

At Dubuque, too, the water is clear as crystal; from St. Louis down it is the color of chocolate. The banks of the river are uninhabited and uninhabitable most of the way. Every spring and fall they overflow from ten to thirty miles, and then this mighty mass of water will not be confined. The river channel is constantly changing. The light, loose soil of the valley cannot withstand the tremendous power of the resistless floods that are hurled from the north upon its yielding bosom. This is one cause of disaster. The sand bars change so often it is impossible to keep track of them.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 47-8

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 14, 1863

We are still in the harbor at Memphis awaiting orders. Eight hundred and fifty wounded men were brought to this place yesterday from Vicksburg. Grant is still hammering away at that seemingly impregnable fortress. The weather is extremely hot, which renders our situation, huddled together as we are, very uncomfortable. Yesterday we steamed up the river about a mile to a fine grove, and all went on shore while the crew gave the old boat a thorough cleaning. This morning our surgeon ordered us all on shore as a "sanitary measure." We marched off by companies, each company going where it chose, but to different points. We went to Court House Square and disbanded. It was like being transferred from a gloomy prison to "smiling fields and shady groves.” The square contains about five acres; is enclosed by an iron fence; is thickly set with trees of different varieties the brave old oak, with its spreading branches and delicious shade; the gorgeous magnolia, the tree of paradise; the orange and lemon, with an almost endless variety of evergreens. Near the center of the square is a bust of General Jackson, cut in marble.

On one side of the pedestal is inscribed those memorable words of that grand old patriot: "The Federal Union; it Must Be Preserved." I noticed the word "Federal" was partly obliterated, and inquired the cause. A citizen told me it was done by a Rebel Colonel at the beginning of the war; that his men, still cherishing some regard for the hero of New Orleans, took him outside the city and shot him. At four o'clock we were marched on board our prison ship.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 48-9

Diary of Musician David Lane, June 15, 1863

Orders have come at last. "Forward to Vicksburg!" is the cry. We are steaming down the grand old river once again, ready to face danger in any form, either by Rebel bullets or the more deadly miasma of the Southern swamps, for "Liberty and Union." The way from Memphis down is not entirely safe for transports. Guerillas have a trick of concealing themselves along the banks and firing on them as they pass. We have a strong guard, with loaded guns, ready to return their greeting should they salute us. As we do not travel nights, it will take us at least two days to make the trip.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 50

Senator Charles Sumner to the Massachusetts Senate and House of Representatives, May 14, 1851

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

BY the hands of the Secretary of the Commonwealth I have received a certificate, that by concurrent votes of the two branches of the Legislature, namely, by the Senate on the 22d day of January, and the House of Representatives on the 24th day of April, in conformity to the provisions of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, I was duly elected a Senator to represent the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the Senate of the United States for the term of six years, commencing on the 4th day of March, 1851.

If I were to follow the customary course, I should receive this in silence. But the protracted and unprecedented contest which ended in my election, the interest it awakened, the importance universally conceded to it, the ardor of opposition and the constancy of support which it aroused, also the principles which more than ever among us it brought into discussion, seem to justify, what my own feelings irresistibly prompt, a departure from this rule. If, beyond these considerations, any apology is needed for thus directly addressing the Legislature, I may find it in the example of an illustrious predecessor, whose clear and venerable name will be a sufficient authority.

The trust conferred on me is one of the most weighty which a citizen can receive. It concerns the grandest interests of our own Commonwealth, and also of the Union in which we are an indissoluble link. Like every post of eminent duty, it is a post of eminent honor. A personal ambition, such as I cannot confess, might be satisfied to possess it. But when I think what it requires, I am obliged to say that its honors are all eclipsed by its duties.

Your appointment finds me in a private station, with which I am entirely content. For the first time in my life I am called to political office. With none of the experience possessed by others to smooth the way of labor, I might well hesitate. But I am cheered by the generous confidence which throughout a lengthened contest persevered in sustaining me, and by the conviction, that, amidst all seeming differences of party, the sentiments of which I am the known advocate, and which led to my original selection as candidate, are dear to the hearts of the people throughout this Commonwealth. I derive, also, a most grateful consciousness of personal independence from the circumstance, which I deem it frank and proper thus publicly to declare and place on record, that this office comes to me unsought and undesired.

Acknowledging the right of my country to the service of her sons wherever she chooses to place them, and with a heart full of gratitude that a sacred cause is permitted to triumph through me, I now accept the post of Senator.

I accept it as the servant of Massachusetts, mindful of the sentiments solemnly uttered by her successive Legislatures, of the genius which inspires her history, and of the men, her perpetual pride and ornament, who breathed into her that breath of Liberty which early made her an example to her sister States. In such a service, the way, though new to my footsteps, is illumined by lights which cannot be missed.

I accept it as the servant of the Union, bound to study and maintain the interests of all parts of our country with equal patriotic care, to discountenance every effort to loosen any of those ties by which our fellowship of States is held in fraternal company, and to oppose all sectionalism, in whatsoever form, whether in unconstitutional efforts by the North to carry so great a boon as Freedom into the Slave States, in unconstitutional efforts by the South, aided by Northern allies, to carry the sectional evil of Slavery into the Free States, or in any efforts whatsoever to extend the sectional domination of Slavery over the National Government. With me the Union is twice blessed: first, as powerful guardian of the repose and happiness of thirty-one States, clasped by the endearing name of country; and next, as model and beginning of that all-embracing Federation of States, by which unity, peace, and concord will finally be organized among the Nations. Nor do I believe it possible, whatever the delusion of the hour, that any part can be permanently lost from its well-compacted bulk. E Pluribus Unum is stamped upon the national coin, the national territory, and the national heart. Though composed of many parts united into one, the Union is separable only by a crash which shall destroy the whole.

Entering now upon the public service, I venture to bespeak for what I do or say that candid judgment which I trust always to have for others, but which I am well aware the prejudices of party too rarely concede. I may fail in ability, but not in sincere effort, to promote the general weal. In the conflict of opinion, natural to the atmosphere of liberal institutions, I may err; but I trust never to forget the prudence which should temper firmness, or the modesty which becomes the consciousness of right. If I decline to recognize as my guides the leading men of to-day, I shall feel safe while I follow the master principles which the Union was established to secure, leaning for support on the great Triumvirate of American Freedom, Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson. And since true politics are simply morals applied to public affairs, I shall find constant assistance from those everlasting rules of right and wrong which are a law alike to individuals and communities.

Let me borrow, in conclusion, the language of another: "I see my duty, that of standing up for the liberties of my country; and whatever difficulties and discouragements lie in my way, I dare not shrink from it; and I rely on that Being who has not left to us the choice of duties, that, whilst I conscientiously discharge mine, I shall not finally lose my reward." These are words attributed to Washington, in the early darkness of the American Revolution. The rule of duty is the same for the lowly and the great; and I hope it may not seem presumptuous in one so humble as myself to adopt his determination, and to avow his confidence.

I have the honor to be, fellow-citizens,

With sincere regard,        

Your faithful friend and servant,                    

CHARLES SUMNER.

BOSTON, May 14, 1851.

SOURCE: The Works of Charles Sumner, Volume 2, 437-40

Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, June 17, 1851

You ought to be a diplomatist. Another motive to me for discontent with my present position is the fear that I may stand in your way. It would be difficult for an Administration to appoint the brother of one so obnoxious as myself without pledges or explanations, which you could not stoop to give. If I were a private man, there would be no influence against you on this score.¹

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¹ George Sumner did not sympathize with his brother's earnestness on the slavery and peace questions.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 252

Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, June 24, 1851

In answer to your inquiries, let me say that there are signs of a contest in Massachusetts such as very rarely occurs. The bitterness of the Whigs is intense, and they will spare no effort or money to regain the control of the State. I do not think they can succeed. The Free Soilers are united and determined. Our paper¹ has just passed into the hands of Mr. Joseph Lyman, an editor and proprietor, assisted by Mr. Palfrey. I think it will be the most powerful organ in Massachusetts. In the coming contest its influence must be considerable. There will be a coalition in the autumn between the Free Soilers and Democrats, with no disturbing senatorial question. The Free Soilers have been misrepresented by their opponents; and none more than myself. This, perhaps, was natural from the strong desire to break me down.

My course in this discussion from the beginning has been most guarded. I am a constitutionalist, and have never taken any position inconsistent with this character. The Garrisonians have criticised my letter² with some severity, though they have always known that there were radical differences between us. I believe that you could not hesitate to adopt every principle in our politics which I have ever maintained. Whatever may be the course of things in Massachusetts between now and the next Presidential contest, I entertain no doubt that from that time forward the Free Soil party will easily predominate in our State. In the nation the contest, of course, will be longer; but there our ultimate triumph is none the less certain. The young man whose bosom does not yet stir with sympathy for a noble cause may be swayed by a selfish ambition to keep on the side of freedom.

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¹ The Commonwealth.

² May 14, 1851. Works, vol. ii. pp. 437-440.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 252-3

Senator Charles Sumner to Professor Carl Joseph Anton Mittermaier, June 25, 1851

We have before us in Massachusetts a very bitter period of political strife, to last till the Presidential election. After that the Free Soil cause will be completely and without let or hindrance in the ascendant. I know public sentiment here, and I do not for a moment doubt the future and their associates will probably share the fate of the Hartford conventionists. I hope Hillard may be saved.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 253

Senator Charles Sumner to Francis Lieber, July 8, 1851

The Curtises

In the United States there is a struggle substantially coincident with yours, which is now going on. With us the slave-power is the tyranny, and it unhappily rallies to its support at the North, under the specious name of “law and order,” many worthy but timid men. But I do not doubt that this paramount influence, so injurious to the character of our government, will be ultimately overthrown, and before long. I wish I could hear that Germany was united, as she promised to be, on the assembly of the Congress at Frankfort. That was a scene worthy of our age, and full of auguries of the future.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 253

Senator Charles Sumner to William Jay, August 3, 1851

I had already carefully read the judgment of Chief-Justice Hornblower, and commended it especially to the “Commonwealth,” where I think it will be republished, before I received your favor of August 1. It seems to me unanswerable in its reasoning, and I honor its author very much. I am sick at heart as I observe the course of parties in New York. The telegraph to-day tells us that the Whigs are all united in support of the Compromise. Come what may, our Massachusetts battalion will stand firm.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 253-4

Senator Charles Sumner to Thomas Wentworth Higginson,* September 5, 1851

More than ever do I feel the importance to our cause of preventing the Commonwealth from passing into the hands of Webster Whiggery. This, of course, can be prevented only by a combination—I wish a complete community of principle would allow it to be a union—with the Democrats. Regretting that they are not more essentially with us, I feel that we shall throw our staff away if we reject the opportunity which seems offered of their cooperation against the Whigs. With a mutual understanding of each other, and with a real determination to carry the combination honestly through in the hope of sustaining our great cause, I cannot doubt the result. Webster and Winthrop will be defeated. Perhaps, at the present moment, no political event connected with elections would be of greater advantage to freedom. I fear from what I have heard that these views may not entirely harmonize with but I feel that our aims are so nearly identical, my sympathy yours; with your earnestness is so complete, that I do not think we could differ substantially as to the true course to be pursued if we could see each other and fully interchange opinions.

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* This letter to Mr. Higginson, as well as another to Mr. Whittier, written a few days later, were intended to remove their doubts as to the policy of further co-operation with the Democrats.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 254

Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, September 10, 1851

On the tariff I am absolutely uncommitted. Mr. Henry Cabot, an old manufacturer, told me yesterday that he and others were now satisfied that “protection was a fallacy;” and that William Appleton had said that his vote could not be had for a change in the present tariff. Mr. Cabot thought the subject would not come up in the next session.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 254