Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, February 24, 1864

Giesboro' Point, Feb. 24, '64.

 I left Vienna, not from choice, but because I had to. I am sent over here to straighten out the Cavalry Depot, — the Depot which supplies all the Eastern Departments. There has been no head here, and there was a sad want of system. They say at the War Department, at the Cavalry Bureau, and at General Augur's Headquarters, that I should only be here two or three months, — in that case I shall not object. There is a great deal of work to be done, and I am getting interested in it, — but shall leave when I get the machine fairly running. The command of 16,000 to 25,000 indifferent (or worse) horses is not much for glory.¹

About going into active service I cannot tell: I wrote to General Gregg and got answer that he would apply to Pleasanton for the Regiment and could probably get it, — I have heard nothing more.²

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¹ The official documents show the activity of the brigade during the later months of 1863, scouting parties and counter raids and picket attacks, of which I mention a few specimens: —

October 13. Colonel Lowell reports a scouting expedition he had made through Thornton, Herndon Station, Frying Pan, to Gum Spring, — nothing found. Reports Captain Rumery's (Second Cavalry) encounter with White's men, capturing one man and three horses from them.

October 22. Colonel Baker (under Colonel Lowell's orders) reports that a detachment of his command, and one from the Californians in the Second Massachusetts, met some of Mosby's men near Fairfax; killed one, and captured “the three celebrated guerrillas, Jack Barns, Edwin Stratton, and Bill Hanover,” whom he forwarded to the Old Capitol Prison.

October 19. Mosby reports to Stuart a very successful raid on an army-train near Annandale; that he captured over one hundred horses and mules, wagons with stores, seventy-five to one hundred prisoners, arms, etc., with no loss. Then comes a rumour of another great invasion by Lee and Longstreet about to occur, and General Pleasanton sends General Gregg to operate with Colonel Lowell at Fairfax. General Corcoran reports to Washington that Lowell is scouring the country. It proves that there is no invasion.

October 27. Mosby reports that, the night before, he attacked the centre of a long wagon-train hauling supplies for the army to Warrenton. His men unhitched the teams from more than forty wagons, and ran off one hundred and forty-five horses and mules and “thirty negroes and Yankees.” “I had forty men.”

November 5. Mosby reports that he has killed Kilpatrick's division commissary, and captured an adjutant, five men, six horses, etc.

November 17. Colonel Lowell reports one sergeant and three men of the Thirteenth New York Cavalry captured by rebels — twenty or thirty, in Union overcoats, advancing to the sentries with a pretended pass, — wounded one man.

November 22. Mosby reports that, since November 5, he has captured seventy-five cavalrymen, over one hundred horses and mules, six wagons, etc.

Each of these raids, at a new place, in a wide region, was followed by a pursuit; but the freebooters had scattered in every direction, having no camp, only to muster again when ordered.

November 26. Colonel Lowell reports a reconnoissance by one of his captains, with twenty-five mounted and seventy-five dismounted men (the latter concealed as far as possible, and marching chiefly by night), towards the Blue Ridge; Yankee Davis and Binns (a rebel deserter) as guides. Colonel Lowell, later, with one hundred mounted men, joins these at Middleburg.

December 13. Colonel Lowell reports: “This morning, at about three o'clock, the picket at Germantown were surprised by a party of guerrillas, dismounted, some twenty strong. They crawled up and shot (without any warning), mortally wounding two men and capturing five horses and their equipments.”

December 20. Colonel Lowell reports a reconnoissance led by him, on the 18th, on the trail of Rosser's and White's large force, which had cut telegraph lines and burned bridges, and gone farther. On his way back he chased some of Mosby's men, and brought in two prisoners and sixteen horses.

December 21. Colonel Lowell reports twenty to thirty guerrillas near his camp the night before, who attacked one of his picket stations, got four horses and wounded two men. The same night they attacked an officer and his escort on Fairfax Road, and wounded two. “One of the wounded men, near Hunter's Mill, was shot a second time through the body by a guerrilla, after he had surrendered and given up his pistol. Party sent in pursuit, but to no purpose.”

December 27. Colonel Lowell reports a scout to Leesburg by fifty men of the Thirteenth New York Cavalry, guided by Binns, who had deserted the Confederates. They searched houses, and brought in eight prisoners, “among them Pettingall (a notorious scout), Joe White, Bridges (one of Mosby's men), and Beavers, with other suspicious citizens pointed out by Binns.” Had a few shots at distant parties.

December 31. Colonel Lowell reports the return of his parties sent on extensive scouting expeditions to Hopewell's Gap, White Plains, Middleburg, Upperville, Philomont, Dranesville, etc. It was supposed that clothing was to be issued to the rebels, but they did not appear at the place specified. A party fell in with some of Mosby's men and some Virginia cavalry; captured one captain, one lieutenant, seventeen privates, forage contractor, and ten suspicious citizens, most of whom were thought to be recruits or conscripts.

The above reports, taken from the Rebellion Record, show how constant and exacting was the service of holding the guerrilla bands in check.

The views of the General-in-Chief on the “Partisans,” as tried by the standard of military ethics, is shown in the following extracts from an official letter of Major-General Halleck: —

washington, Oct. 28, 1863.

Most of the difficulties are caused by the conduct of the pretended non-combatant inhabitants of the country. They pretend to act the part of neutrals, but do not. They give aid, shelter, and concealment to guerrilla and other bands, like that of Mosby, who are continually destroying our roads, burning our bridges, and capturing wagon-trains. If these men carried on a legitimate warfare, no complaint would be made. On the contrary, they fight in citizen's dress, and are aided in all their rascalities by the people of the country. As soon as they are likely to be caught they go home, put out their horses, hide their arms, and pretend to be quiet and non-combatant farmers.  . . . It is not surprising that our people get exasperated at such men and shoot them down when they can. Moreover, men who act in this manner in disguise and within our lines have, under the laws of civilized warfare, forfeited their lives. (Rebellion Record, xxix, ii, 347.)

General Stoneman, in a letter from the Cavalry Bureau to Colonel Kelton, A. A. G., written Oct. 30, 1863, tells of the enormous numbers of sick, disabled, and unserviceable horses there, and of the wilful or necessary neglect of them, and their misuse or overuse in the field and camp.

The average issue per month to the Army of the Potomac was 6000. In the details of the number of horses he lately issued to different commands, were only one hundred to Colonel Lowell, against much larger numbers to others. [Yet the guerrilla-hunting service was very destructive to horses.] General Stoneman writes : —

“There are 223 regiments of cavalry in the service. Of these, 36 are in the Army of the Potomac. At the rate horses are used up in that army, it would require 435,000 a year to keep the cavalry of that army up.”

² Colonel Lowell's letters during the winter and spring are very few, because his wife was now with him in camp, and his military duties were many. He still commanded the brigade, with headquarters at Vienna. Of his own regiment, the battalions commanded by Major Forbes and Captain Read were there; Major Thompson with his battalion being stationed on the Maryland side of the Potomac, guarding that approach to Washington. From Vienna, picketing and scouting parties went out against the ever-active foe.

On Feb. 4, 1864, a painful incident — desertion to the enemy by a private of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry — occurred. I tell the story as told to me by Mrs. Lowell and some of the officers. There was in the regiment, as has been said, besides the Californians and the better class of the Massachusetts contingent, unfortunately a bad element of would-be bounty-jumpers and roughs still present, and desertions had been frequent. An example of severe punishment was needed for the good of the service, yet deserters had been pardoned by the President. One night a picket-guard deserted “off post,” taking his horse, arms, and accoutrements with him. Very soon after, a scouting party of the regiment returning from Aldie were attacked in rear by Mosby's men. Making a counter-charge, the soldiers recognized the renegade among the enemy. A rush was made for him, and he was run down and taken. Colonel Lowell at once summoned a “drumhead court-martial,” which sat all night, and condemned the man to be shot at ten o'clock the next morning. It was done with all the attendant circumstances usual at military executions, to make the incident an impressive one to the brigade. The regiments were drawn up, forming three sides of a hollow square on the drill-ground, and the prisoner, guarded, and accompanied by the chaplain, and preceded by his coffin and the firing-party, was marched slowly, to solemn military music, around the inside of the square, so that each man could see his face, and then shot.

It not being warranted by the Army Regulations for a subordinate officer to call a “Drumhead Court-martial” and execute its sentence, except in case of emergency, when too far away to communicate with his superiors, and Colonel Lowell being in daily communication with headquarters at Washington, he expected, on reporting the matter that afternoon, to receive at least a severe reprimand. On the contrary, no mention was made of it at all. The fact probably was that General Augur, and Mr. Stanton, who would naturally be consulted in such a case, were both pleased at Colonel Lowell's action, for if the case had been referred to Washington, the President would probably have pardoned the man, who was young and infatuated of a Southern girl; but they could not commend Colonel Lowell for going beyond the authority of the regulations, therefore deemed silence the best means of expressing their approval.

Feb. 20. A severe disaster befell the regiment. A large party, under Captain Read of California, a much valued officer, on their return from a two-days scout, were ambuscaded and routed by Mosby, the captain and nine men were killed, many were wounded, and two officers and fifty-five men were taken, — more than half the command.

March 8. The First Battalion ordered to relieve the Second Battalion in Maryland, the latter rejoined the regiment. Several officers of the Second Massachusetts were commissioned in the Fourth and Fifth Massachusetts Cavalry — a serious loss to the regiment.

April 8. Colonel Lowell returned and resumed command of the Brigade, and, soon after, three expeditions were made into the neighbouring counties, resulting in the capture of thirty-five officers and men of Mosby's command, and of twenty-five thousand dollars' worth of cotton, wool, blockade-run goods, and Mosby's papers were found in one of his hiding places.

April 18. Major Forbes brought in six prisoners, taken when on the point of burning some bridges.

April 19. Colonel Lowell reports to Washington on the enemy's forces and the amount of corn in Loudoun County, and brings in eleven prisoners.

April 23. Colonel Lowell reports an attack on his pickets. His truthfulness in giving evidence, even against his command, and his absence of all brag, make all his reports remarkable, in contrast to many others of officers on both sides.

April 26. General Tyler writes to General Augur, now commanding the Department, about some expedition about to start from Washington: “With Colonel Lowell in command of the cavalry, I have no fear of trouble.”

Early in May, the regiment furnished a patrol for the Orange and Alexandria R. R.

May 18. Major Forbes conducted a successful night expedition to Rectortown with two hundred men, and returned with ten guerrillas and thirty horses.

June. Early in the month, a large part of the regiment went with ambulances, to help bring in the wounded left in the Wilderness after the battle.

July 6. The regiment suffered another severe disaster, largely due, like that of Captain Read, to the party's being ordered to remain out for a considerable time, visiting certain towns, which allowed time for the hostile inhabitants to send word to Mosby of the exact number of men in the command, and to direct him where to find them. Colonel Lowell reported that he had sent Major Forbes, with one hundred and fifty men, on a three-days scout towards the gaps in the Blue Ridge, with orders to visit Leesburg on two days. Major Forbes found all quiet, and on the second day learned that Mosby was absent on a raid north of the Potomac; next day he returned to Leesburg, found all quiet, and, in accordance with his orders, began his return march towards Vienna. Meanwhile Mosby, returning from his raid, had been notified of the strength and probable whereabouts of the command, and with a force of two hundred men or more, and a gun, came suddenly upon them at Zion's Church, near Aldie, and opened fire with his gun. The result was a victory for the Partisan force, who killed forty men of the Second Massachusetts and Thirteenth New York Cavalry, wounded many, and took about one hundred horses. From the accounts of officers there engaged, I add the following. While Major Forbes was feeding and resting his command in a field on the edge of some woods, his vedettes brought in word of Mosby's force being close at hand. He had hastily mounted and formed his squadrons, when the large guerrilla force appeared before them and sent a shell among them. This was an absolutely novel experience to men and horses, who till then had never faced artillery, and made them very unsteady, especially the new squadrons. The obvious and necessary move was an instant charge with the sabre, but a stiff fence before them rendered this impracticable without moving the command. The first squadron behaved well as long as they faced the enemy, but the moment Major Forbes gave the order “Fours right,” to shift to a possible charging ground, the spell was broken, and the men began to break away from the rear. Mosby's men, who had taken down a panel or two of the fence meantime, under cover of the gun, “got the yell” on their opponents, rushed in on their flank with the revolver, and, in spite of efforts of their officers to rally them, the greater part of the command fled. Many were shot in close pursuit. Major Forbes, with a few of the best soldiers, charged and fought gallantly, but these were overpowered or killed. The major ran his sabre into the shoulder of a Captain Richards, and it flew from his hands. At that moment Colonel Mosby shot at him at close range, but the ball fortunately was stopped by the head of his horse thrown up at that minute. The horse fell dead, pinioning Major Forbes to the ground, and helpless, with half a dozen pistols at his temples, he had to surrender. Lieutenant Amory was taken with him. They were at once robbed of part of their clothing and their boots, but when their captors undertook to search Major Forbes's pockets, he is reported to have said they might have his brains, but he meant to keep what money he had, and ordered them to carry him to their officers. Some one of these prevented any further outrage, but the officers had to walk “stocking foot” on the first day's march towards a Southern prison.

Years after, Colonel Mosby, in a newspaper article, said: “One of the regiments I most frequently encountered was from about Boston, the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, Colonel Lowell. I once met a detachment of it under command of a Major Forbes of Boston, and although our encounter resulted in his overthrow, he bore himself with conspicuous gallantry, and I saw him wound one of my best men with his sabre.”

The day after the fight, Rev. Charles A. Humphreys, the chaplain of the Second Cavalry, who was with the expedition and had bravely stayed by a mortally wounded private until his death, was, while burying the body, in spite of his cloth, captured and robbed by a young guerrilla, and sent to join Forbes and Amory in prison.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 315-6, 445-55

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, October 8, 1863

Fairfax, Oct. 8, 1863.

I believe with Lord Bacon, who was a very wise old fellow, that whatever be your income, it is only just to yourself, your wife, and your fellow-men, to lay aside a large fraction for wet days, and a large fraction for charity: I have never acted up to my theory, but I mean to begin now, — I don't mean to worry about money, and I don't mean to have you worry; ergo, you must expect to see me keep an account-book, and occasionally pull it out and warn you how much water we are drawing, and how much there is under our keel. Mother ends by saying that she has put a thousand dollars in the bank to be something to fall back upon during the first year, but I think we ought to get along without needing that, — my pay is $2400 a year, not including horses, one servant, and fuel and quarters “commuted” when on duty in a city, — of course these latter are supplied in the field. I know what officers of my regiment have done easily on a captain's pay, and I know what I used to do when I kept house in Burlington,— and I know we can live suitably and worthily on that, and be very happy and see friends as we want to see them, only we must start right.

Did I tell you, by the way, that Stoneman's Court of Inquiry recommended me to be more careful for the future, mentioning two points where I seemed careless? I was not careless, as Will or any of my officers will tell you, — I was not at all to blame. I was particularly careful on one of the points where I am blamed, — but I am perfectly willing to shoulder the blame, — prefer to, in fact, — for I think a commanding officer is to blame for everything that goes wrong under him.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 310-1

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Major Henry Lee Higginson, October 1, 1863

Centreville, Oct. 1, '63.

My Dear Boy, — I was very glad to receive your note; not the less that it was in a new handwriting, —  in a better handwriting, I think. . . .

You must not be impatient to return, and, above all, must not, when you begin to feel fairly well, be bullied by any Boston hypersensitiveness into returning too soon because you are having too good a time at home. If you are away six months, you will be back before the war is over, my sanguine prophet, — yes, three years before. Your regiment is now guarding a portion of the railroad near Catlett's Station, — about two hundred and twenty men for duty and all the officers they require. If “all New England” gets too many for you, can you not be detailed as Superintendent of Regimental Recruiting Service?  . . . I consider that a very important duty.

“How could I be married without ‘daily bread’?” A pertinent question, Henry. There are still ravens, but it does not appear that Elijah ever taxed the powers of his by marrying. A year ago, I should have told you condescendingly that each party having had its own ravens in the single state, we might reckon confidently upon their pulling together in the married state: now, I sometimes think that confidence too hasty.  . . . Though I mean to make this change my habits, I do not mean to allow it to change my old trustfulness. I have nothing, as you know; I am going to marry upon nothing; I am going to make my wife as happy upon nothing as if I could give her a fortune — in that I still have faith; in that one respect this war is perhaps a personal Godsend. “Daily bread” sinks into insignificance by the side of the other more important things which the war has made uncertain, and I know now that it would be unwise to allow a possible want of “daily bread” in the future to prevent the certainty of even a month's happiness in the present. In peace times this would not be so clear. ... I remember dining with last winter, and feeling that I would rather commence in a garret than in a house too big and too thoroughly furnished.  . . . Fresh air, light and heat are indispensable; these the Government furnishes liberally. One dollar per diem for food and one for clothing ought to provide for each party's wants, and I am glad that our pay allows for this twice over. “After the war,” if that time ever comes, I do not think that there will be more men than there are places for them to fill.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 308-10

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Major Henry Lee Higginson, September 17, 1863

Centreville, Va., Sept. 28, 1863.

My Dear Henry, — I have heard from E. all sorts of pleasant tidings of you and ——. I did not, of course, expect to hear from you again, though I should like to hear from some one just how you are in body, and just when you expect to be in saddle again. I saw —— and ——, a few days ago, and heard rather bad accounts of you — something about inflammation. . . .

Did I tell you that I hoped to get a leave of absence sometime about November 1st, and meant therein to come home, — and that's not all, but meant also to be married? I don't believe I did tell you, for the plan, though inchoate, was not in shape to bear telling. Now I think it will; of course, I do not expect to get my leave, but I think I shall ask for it; Halleck is such a splendid old veteran that I expect he will refuse. I shall ask for twenty days, and shall try to be married in the first five (one of the first five, Henry; it only takes one day) and I want you to be married on one of the other five. E. and I would so much like to be at your wedding, old fellow.  . . . Of course, in these times, weddings are what they should be, quiet, simple, and sacred.  . . . My plan for the winter is headquarters at Fairfax Court House, with E. for Commander-in-Chief. She is not such a veteran as Halleck, but I think she can manage men better, in the field or anywhere else.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 307-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Major Henry L. Higginson, September 14, 1863

Centreville, Virginia, Sept. 14, 1863.

My Dear Henry, — I was glad to see your fist on an envelope some weeks ago. I ought to have written you sooner, but it is so infernally quiet here now that to get together material for a letter is a labour.

I am glad, old fellow, to hear that your wound is at length convalescent. It would have been a bore to carry a ball in it all your life, with a chance of its giving you a twinge any minute. . . .

You ask me no end of questions about the army. As if we take interest in the army. We are an independent, fancy department, whereof I command the cavalry, and we take no interest in wars or rumours of wars. I have seen men who profess to be going to and from the “front,” — but where is the “front”? We are in the “front” whenever General Halleck has an officer's application for leave to endorse. Stanton is so fond of us, however, that he keeps us on the safe “front” —  the “front” nearest Washington, whereby I am debarred from the rightful command of a brigade of five regiments in Gregg's division, which Gregg offered me, and which he applied for me to take, my own regiment being one of the five. But Stanton is very fond of us, and keeps us where it is safe.¹

. . . I hope you will be kept at home until next January, for between now and then I mean to be married (if President Lincoln and General Lee do not interfere), and I shall be glad to have your countenance, so do not let your wound heal itself too rapidly. What do you hear from Frank? Give him my love, when you write. Tell him I gave him myself as a sample to be avoided, and I now give him Rob Shaw as a pattern to be followed. I am glad Frank remained in that regiment. It is historic. The Second Massachusetts Cavalry and some others are more mythic. . . .

About coloured regiments, I feel thus, — I am very glad at any time to take hold of them, if I can do more than any other available man in any place. I will not offer myself or apply for a place looking to immediate or probable promotion. If one goes into the black business he must go to stay. It will not end by the war. It will open a career, or at any rate give experience which will, inevitably almost, consign a man to ten or twenty years' hard labour in Government employ, it seems to me. Since Shaw's death I have had a personal feeling in the matter to see black troops made a success; a success which would justify the use (or sacrifice) made of them at Wagner.

Do you know the President is almost ready to exchange your brother Jim, and leave Cabot (it might have been Frank just as well) in prison at Charleston, after all the promises that have been made by the officers of the Administration? This is disgraceful beyond endurance almost.²

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¹ The Government and Major-General Heintzelman, commanding the Department of Washington, fully appreciated the advantage of having so efficient a cavalry commander and well disciplined a force in the neighbourhood. But they had to resist other competitors, for, besides the desires of General Gregg to have Lowell and his regiment in the Army of the Potomac, another general repeatedly importuned the War Department for them. Major-General N. P. Banks (Department of the Gulf), in his report to General Halleck, March 27, 1863, speaking of his need of cavalry, says: —

“I feel especially the loss of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, raised expressly for my expedition; for, besides its strength, I relied upon Colonel Lowell to infuse the necessary vigour into the whole cavalry service.”

Again, April 18, 1863, General Banks sends the following message to Major-General Halleck: —

“I beg leave, at the risk of being considered importunate, to repeat my earnest request that more cavalry be sent to this department.  . . . If you will send me the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, raised expressly for my command, with their arms and equipments, I will mount them here from the horses captured on this expedition. Its commander, Colonel Lowell, is personally nearly as important to us as his regiment."

As late as September, General Banks was still pleading for the cavalry. General Halleck answered: “In regard to Colonel Lowell's regiment, I need simply to mention the fact that it is the only one we have for scouts and pickets in front of Washington.”

² The officers here spoken of are Captain James J. Higginson, of the First Massachusetts Cavalry (who was captured in the fight at Aldie, where his brother, the Major, was wounded), and Captain Francis Lee Higginson, his younger brother, and Captain Cabot J. Russel, both of the Fifty-Fourth. As has been said, Captain Russel's family were not sure of his death. When the news of the raising of coloured troops was heard in the South, it had been threatened that captured privates should be sold to slavery and the officers treated as felons. This threat was not carried out, but difficulties arose about exchanges; and in this matter, and that of their payment, the course of the Administration and of Congress was for a long time timid and discreditable.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 302-4, 443-4

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, February 13, 1862

Cantonment Hicks, February 13, 1862.

The splendid news of the fight and victory of Roanoke Island reached us this morning, and has caused great excitement and enthusiasm. We are most anxious to hear the particulars, especially as the Twenty-fourth is mentioned as being terribly cut up by the fire from the batteries. It will be dreadful to hear of any of our friends being among the killed or wounded. What a record there will be for the New England Guards after the war is over! I believe all its old members have done well so far; after the Second has been heard from, the list will be complete. Our news from the west is scarcely less interesting; what a plucky and successful thing that was for those gun-boats to go right through the heart of Tennessee and into Alabama! It's a great pity they couldn't have stayed to the ball at Florence.

Last night, General Banks received a telegram from General McClellan saying that he, the latter, wanted five hundred men from Banks' division to go out to join the gun-boat expedition down the Mississippi; they were all to be volunteers. We were called upon to furnish thirty from our regiment, three from a company. As soon as it became known to the men, there was a perfect rush from the company streets to the captains' tents; everybody wanted to go. We chose three good fellows from “B,” who when they found out they were the lucky ones, were perfectly wild; one, a fine, big Irishman, that I enlisted at Chicopee, jumped right up in the air and gave a regular wild Irish whoop.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 34-5

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, August 31, 1863

Centreville, Aug. 31, 1863.

I told you last week that Stanton had ordered a Court of Inquiry about some horses taken from us by Mosby, — his order said “horses taken from Thirteenth New York Cavalry.” I wrote at once that the horses were lost by Second Massachusetts Cavalry, my regiment, and that I wished to take the blame, if there was any, until the court settled where it belonged. He made General Stoneman President of the Court, and that vexed me, for all such courts hurt a fellow's chances, and Stoneman had intimated that he was likely to give me command of one of his three Cavalry Depots, which would have been very pleasant winter-quarters. Now, whatever the court may find, I do not consider myself at all to blame, and really I shall not care for the finding, but I am ashamed to say that last week my pride was somewhat hurt and I felt a good deal annoyed, although Heintzelman had told me he was more than satisfied, was gratified at what had been done. In our arrangements for catching Mosby, as he took off the horses, Captain ——, one of my best fellows, had the most important post; — he went insane in the afternoon, and Mosby's gang got enough the start to escape us.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 298-9

Official Report: Scout from Centreville to Aldie, Va., August 16-19, 1863: Report of Col. Charles R. Lowell, Jr., Second Massachusetts Cavalry.

Report of Col. Charles R. Lowell, jr., Second Massachusetts Cavalry.

CENTREVILLE, VA.,

August 20, 1863.

COLONEL: Returned last night. Could not get a fight out of White. Started on Saturday, 15th, with 200 men. On Sunday explored country around Dranesville and south of Goose Creek. Could not learn that he had been in that neighborhood with more than 40 men. Found that he had passed west by Ball's Mills with that number on Saturday. Accordingly went to Aldie, scouting all the country south of Goose Creek. Found that testimony was in favor of his main camp still being near Leesburg. Sent unshod horses to Centreville, and ordered up about 50 more men to meet me at Ball's Mills. Through misunderstanding was joined by over 300 more.

Hearing of your dispatch about reported camp near Lewinsville, sent 100 men (Sixteenth New York Cavalry) again through that country. They returned last night, reporting no force there. Saw no traces of more than 2 or 3 together anywhere. Dividing my remaining 400 men, went by various routes through Leesburg, Waterford, and Hughesville, rendezvousing at Mount Gilead at 9 p.m., and passing south through Coe's Mill to Mountville.

Learned during the night that White's battalion was encamped about 2 miles north of Middleburg, on Goose Creek. Started at 2.30 a.m., hoping to surprise them, but he had word of my approach from Mount Gilead, and had changed camp during the night. I sent out small scouting parties, who found about 100 of his men still in the immediate neighborhood, but they were on the alert, and ran when a company was sent to engage them. Lost several hours trying to get near them, but the country is very open there and they were determined to keep out of the way. Gave up the attempt; sent a party down across Bull Run Mountains, and another back by Carter's Mills, and passed through Aldie myself. Found nowhere any force Returned to camp with 10 prisoners – White's and Mosby's.

White himself is very rarely with his battalion. He passes about the country with an escort of from 30 to 40 men. The battalion generally numbers about 250 strong, being left under the command of Major Ferneyhough. White is looking up-recruits and deserters, many of his men having been at home since the army went into Maryland. He has now six companies, with over 700 men on his rolls, and prisoners say that he expects to take that number with him when he leaves the country.

 C. R. LOWELL, JR.,

 Colonel, Commanding Cavalry Forces.

Col. J. H. TAYLOR,

Chief of Staff.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 74-5

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, August 4, 1863 – P. M.

Washington, Aug. 4, P. M.

With what you say about Negro Organization west of the Mississippi I entirely agree; it is a more aggressive movement than the Army of the Potomac has ever ventured upon, and in a larger view, it is incomparably important; every black regiment is an additional guarantee for that settlement of these troubles which we regard as the only safe one, and will continue to be a guarantee for the permanency of that settlement when made. Mr. Sumner has told me some of the difficulties in finding the man. I do not know any General who has the stuff in him, who is not too much tied up. Would it be impossible to get Mr. J. W. Brooks made Major-General and appointed to that Department, — he is so peculiarly the right man, — that is, if there is a chance of getting him? It ought to be tried. He is almost the only man I know who has the grasp and the originality for so large and so novel a work. Convince Stanton of his fitness, and by next December Brooks would have convinced everybody.¹ Military knowledge is the only thing he lacks, and that is the least of the things required. Brigadiers enough can be found to supply it; for a start, I would suggest General George L. Andrews; he is very strong on drill and discipline and minor organizations. He is already in the Southwest, and has probably lost by nine months' men the best part of his command.² Harry knows about him. Others could be found in the West and, when the fighting time comes, Barlow and many others would jump at the chance. In selecting officers from the Western Army, Brooks would have peculiar advantages, — he knows so many people there who would assist him in his inquiries. If there is to be cavalry (and of course there should be) I shall be very glad, if no better officer can be found, to try my hand under any General commanding. I shall probably never be so much with my regiment as I have been — I am now in command of the Cavalry of this Department (not very much), and if we go to the Army of the Potomac shall undoubtedly have a Brigade. This in reply to your remark about my leaving the Second.

Since Rob's death I have a stronger personal desire to help make it clear that the black troops are the instrument which alone can end the rebellion; he died to prove the fact that blacks will fight, and we owe it to him to show that that fact was worth proving, — better worth proving at this moment than any other. I do not want to see his proof drop useless for want of strong men and good officers to act upon it. I did what little I could to help the Fifty-Fourth for his sake and for its own sake before, but since July 18th, I think I can do more.

N. B. I have no wish to be made a Brigadier for any specific purpose, — when I am promoted I wish to be Brigadier for blacks, whites and everybody, and wherever I go. I am sure that will come in good time, but I shall be very glad to assist in the organization of black cavalry — if I am wanted.

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¹ Mr. John W. Brooks left Massachusetts as a youth to begin life as a civil engineer on the New York Central, and, later, the Michigan Central Railroad. He had grown in power even more rapidly than these growing roads, and was occupying an important position in the management of the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad. He had no military experience whatever except as having helped Governor Andrew by his advice in the purchase, through Mr. Forbes, of English cannon. Yet Lowell, a soldier, who knew Brooks's powers and intelligence, recommends him for a major-general, in a place where his administrative powers would be worth more than one or two battles gained. Mr. Forbes, in the spring of the same year, writing to Governor Andrew, had said of him, “Brooks is more than engineer or man of business: he has that wonderful combination which seems to me to amount almost to Genius; his mind is both microscopic and telescopic, according as the valves are pulled, and, above all, is sound at the medium, every-day insight which makes common sense; just as Napoleon could make parties and command armies while reforming his code of laws in detail. In fact, Brooks is more like Napoleon I than anybody else. Now, on all matters relating to the handling of men, Brooks has had great experience, and on any questions that come up about managing the draft, or giving bounties, or getting men, . . . nobody's judgment will be as good as his.”

² General George L. Andrews, an officer in the Regular Army, had been the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Massachusetts Infantry, which he had helped to raise.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 292-4, 433-4

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, August 4, 1863 – P. M.

Willard's, Aug. 4, 1863, P. M.

For two days I have been seeing a good deal of the officers of ——. On the whole, I am well satisfied with them, though I must say I should like a little bit more enthusiasm. I am not much of an enthusiast, you know, but I have done what I could to discourage sneering, and to encourage a ready recognition of good intention. I am getting to hate that narrow spirit which sees nothing good outside its own beaten routine and which requires a man to be well up in a certain kind of “shop” talk before he is fit to associate with. I shall have to take it out of some of my First Battalion officers, I'm afraid. I have not seen the letters in the California papers and do not think I care to. Reed is a very good officer, takes the greatest pride in his company, and, since that trouble, has done well by them; his fellows have been under fire since those letters were written, and I feel sure that now the feeling is changed. I think the men in all the battalions are beginning to feel that their officers know more than the officers of any regiments they are thrown with; and this feeling, of course, has a healthy effect on their morale. You must never allow anything you see in the papers to disturb you, — I have seen enough to convince me that all reports which go through Washington are systematically falsified. Of course this does not apply to letters like those you have, but remember that one man who has been roughed and feels aggrieved can easily profess to express the feeling of a company.

Do you suppose I object to your telling me not to be rash? — I think not; but you don't want me not to be rash, if I think it necessary.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 290-1

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, Sunday, August 2, 1863 - Noon

Willard's Hotel, Washington,

Sunday noon, August 2d.

I found, when I reported in the evening, that I was ordered to take command of all the Cavalry in the Department (only three regiments, not very magnificent), headquarters to be at Fairfax Courthouse or Centreville.¹

Everything that comes about Rob shows his death to have been more and more completely that which every soldier and every man would long to die, but it is given to very few, for very few do their duty as Rob had. I am thankful they buried him “with his niggers;” they were brave men and they were his men.²

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¹ Besides that already mentioned, other important reconnoissances, and escort duty to supply-trains, were performed by Colonel Lowell's command during July. In the end of the month, Mosby with his “Partisan” force made some very successful raids on the army wagon-trains, capturing near Alexandria between one and two hundred prisoners, with many horses, mules, wagons, etc. General King ordered Lowell to pursue, and he returned on the last day of July, with many men and horses recaptured. About the 1st of August, he was put in command of a brigade, consisting of the Second Massachusetts and Thirteenth and Sixteenth New York Cavalry regiments. The First Battalion now rejoined the Second Cavalry, after several months' service in the Peninsula.

² In the Reminiscences of Mr. J. M. Forbes (privately printed) is a letter written to him by Mr. Frank G. Shaw, just after his son's death, from which I am allowed to quote : —

“He has gone from us, and we try not to think of our loss, but of his gain. We have had no doubt since the first news came. We had expected it.  . . . We thank God that he died without pain, in what was to him the moment of triumph; and we thank God especially for his happy life, and that he did not rise to his eminence through suffering, but through joy.”

Mr. Forbes adds, “I have seen no reference yet to our late friend's manly nobility [Mr. Shaw had recently died]. Every one remembers the brutal answer of the rebels to our flag of truce, when General Gilmore, after the assault on Fort Wagner, asked for Colonel Shaw's body: ‘We have thrown him into the ditch under his niggers.’ When we recaptured the fort, an attempt was made to find the sacred relics; and the general in command, or probably Secretary Stanton, wrote to Mr. Shaw asking some intimation as to what should be done in case of their recovery, and suggesting a monument recalling the indignity which had been offered. No thought of vengeance had ever been mixed up with Frank Shaw's patriotism or clouded his serene brow.  . . . The answer which now came — I think from both parents — was grand in its . . . simplicity. ‘We wish no search made, nor is there any monument so worthy of a soldier as the mound heaped over him by the bodies of his comrades.’”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 289, 432-3

Major Wilder Dwight: Sunday Morning, August 11, 1861

I broke off, last night, at this point, and now it is Sunday morning, before breakfast. A bright, glowing morning, with mists rising from the river and hills, promising a hot day. The Doctor is at the door of my bower, as he calls it, beckoning me away to breakfast. The Doctor's servant got hold of some whiskey, the other night, which had been seized from a secessionist, and got crazy drunk with it. He roused the whole camp. He had gone off in the woods, and suddenly fancied himself commanding an army, and made the woods resound with “forward,” “charge bayonets,” &c., &c. He had to be tied and gagged, which made an incident for the late evening. The Doctor* is now reproving him with copious satire. “Peas on the trencher,” or breakfast-call, is beating. I will go to breakfast, and later, will wind up my story

You say that the three months' men ought not to come back. Yes they ought, unless in the presence of immediate duty. You cannot expect anything else. But it was a big blunder having three months' men. The law is at fault, not the men. Human nature is not such an exalted thing that you can expect men to move by regiments, and at a double-quick, in the path of duty and self-sacrifice. Here and there one, but not armies, move voluntarily in that direction. Impulse is transitory. Continued and sustained hard work, hunger and discomfort are not palatable.

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* Lucius Manlius Sargent, Jr, then Surgeon of the Second Massachusetts Infantry, afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry. In a “most gallant charge” upon the enemy, near Bellefield, Virginia, he fell mortally wounded on the 9th of December, 1864.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 71-2

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 25, 1863

Centreville, July 25, 1863.

I don't at all fancy the duty here, — serving against bushwhackers; it brings me in contact with too many citizens, — and sometimes with mothers and children. The other night a fine looking young fellow stumbled against our pickets and was captured, — it proved that he had been out to visit his mother, — she came to bid him good-bye the next morning, a Quakerlike looking old lady, very neat and quiet. She didn't appeal to us at all; she shed a few tears over the son, repacked his bundle carefully, slipped a roll of greenbacks into his hand, and then kissed him farewell. I was very much touched by her. Yesterday we took a little fellow, only sixteen years old, — he had joined one of these gangs to avoid the conscription, which is very sweeping; he told us all he knew about the company to which he belonged, but he was such a babe that it seemed to me mean to question him. The conscription now takes all between eighteen and forty-five, and practically a good many both under and over: I had the satisfaction the other day of arresting the Lieut.-Colonel who had charge of the draft in this and the neighbouring counties, and hope I have stopped it for a time. You see I'm :opposed to the draft” as unconstitutional.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 283-4

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 20, 1863

Centreville, July 20, 1863.

This has been a day of dozes, taken under an apple-tree on a breezy slope, — dozes interrupted by impertinent questions about horseshoes and forage and rations and what not. In the field though, these dozy days after hard marching are among the pleasantest. In my case, they have always associated themselves with delightful days at Interlaken and with images of the Jungfrau, because after several long tramps I returned to Interlaken and lay off there to rest, choosing always some horizontal position with a view of the mountain at will, — I think the exceeding restfulness of the Jungfrau must impress every one, but it must be seen in the dozy state, when repose is the only idea of bliss, to be fully enjoyed,— I mean mere physical repose; there is another higher repose about the Jungfrau which must be grateful to all who are weary or heavy-laden. . . .

I don't feel anxious, perhaps, but I feel very wrathful against these fellows. I do hope that this will lead General McClellan to shake off Seymour and his set, — he isn't either a fool or a knave,  — he is simply innocent.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 277-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 9, 1863

July 9th (?).

What glorious news about Vicksburg! — and I am particularly glad to have that and Gettysburg come so near the 4th of July — a year ago on that day Jimmy died in a farmhouse on the battlefield of Glendale. The little fellow was very happy, — he thought the war would soon be over, that everything was going right, and that everybody was as high-minded and courageous as himself. For Mother's sake, I wish you had known him, — he was a good son and a pure and wise lover of his Country, — with Father and Mother, I shall never fill his place, nor in the Commonwealth either, I fear.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 275

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 5, 1863

Camp On Seneca Creek, July 5, 1863.

Yesterday our teamsters brought rumours of the battle of July 3d and of our immense success, and all day we have been waiting anxiously for the papers; — at length they have come, with Meade's despatch and Lincoln's proclamation. I hope, before this, you had news in New York which will be comforting to your Mother and will make her feel that all is not lost, even for this year. As it now stands, what has been done makes me only the more anxious about what is to come, — the decisive battle is yet to be fought. It seems to me out of the question that after these heavy rains, with bad roads and a river behind him rapidly rising, Lee should dare to retire without another trial, and if the newspaper account is true, Meade's line is much longer and weaker to-day than during the fight of Friday. What croaking this will sound, if your papers have a glorious victory the morning you get this letter. Never mind, I feel a little like croaking, — or rather, perhaps, I feel a good deal perverse and not inclined to rejoice too much when the papers are rejoicing, — you know how perverse I always am with newspapers. Perhaps, too, I am a little more perverse than usual because I am vexed at having to remain here when there is so much going on close by. I almost wish I was back a captain in the Sixth: however, I have done all I dare to get away, and I must e'en bide my time. You must not be disappointed; I suppose there will come a time when the Regiment will have a chance.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 272-3

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 1, 1863

POOLESVILLE, July 1, 1863.

On Friday night at half past ten, I got orders to report next day to General Slocum. As I had to get in my patrols from a space of over thirty miles and had besides to reduce the baggage of the Regiment from eight wagons to two, I didn't start till 8.30 the next morning, made a comfortable march of twenty-five miles, reported as ordered, and went quietly into bivouac for the night, as I supposed. But about 11 came two despatches from General Heintzelman, one ordering me to remain at Poolesville, or to return if I had left, the other notifying me that General Halleck sent the same order. I was considerably disturbed, and telegraphed at once to General Hooker and to General Heintzelman and notified General Slocum. In the morning, 4 o'clock, I got order from General Hooker to report to General French, and from French to report immediately; also orders from Heintzelman to take no orders that did not come through his, Heintzelman's, Headquarters. This was embarrassing, but I decided with much reluctance to obey Heintzelman, as he was backed by Halleck, though I was sorely tempted to stay with Hooker in the Army of the Potomac. So I moved down the Potomac about fifty-seven miles, and, when I reached the mouth of the Monocacy, met some of my wagons with the news that the rebels in strong force had crossed the Potomac at the very ford I was especially to watch; that there had been no picket there at all, and no notice had gone either to Washington or to Hooker till nearly twelve hours after the crossing. Of course I was troubled, expecting that I should be made the scapegoat, although I was only to blame for having been unmilitary enough to express a wish to General Hooker to serve in a more active place and to leave the “all quiet along the Potomac” to some poorer regiment. I had no forage, but fortunately had rations in the wagons, which I issued, and started in pursuit.¹ I made excellent time and was far ahead on the Washington side, of any other troops. It was in an interval of pursuit, after two nights without much sleep, that I wrote that disagreeable pencil note. We did a good deal of hard marching Monday and Tuesday, but captured a lieutenant and four privates, and managed to keep Heintzelman pretty well informed of the movements of the Rebels who were in large force (Stuart with three brigades and Wade Hampton's legion), but I was still anxious lest I should be placed in arrest for leaving my post without orders from proper authority, — as not a word had I heard from Heintzelman, — and was very much relieved yesterday afternoon, when a despatch arrived stating that the General Commanding was gratified with my activity, and ordering me back to Poolesville as before. So back I have come, making a march of over thirty miles after 5 o'clock last evening, and reaching here in just the condition to enjoy amazingly the six hours of balmy languor which I have indulged in, — and then at length came the wagons and a general refreshment and reorganization of toilette. . . .

Wars are bad, but there are many things far worse. I believe more in “keeping gunpowder dry” than you do, but am quite convinced that we are likely to suffer a great deal before the end of this.

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¹ Colonel Lowell, in a report to headquarters at Washington during this pursuit, telling that the enemy are apparently out of reach, unless driven back towards him by Hooker's cavalry, cheerfully ends thus: “Rations are out to-day, but I can manage, if you have any information that they are likely to return this way. Shall wait here for orders from you.”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 268-70, 428-9

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, June 29, 1863

Near Brookville, June 29, 1863.

I am afraid your Colonel is disgraced forever; — in consequence of my regiment being removed and of Hooker's neglecting to picket it with another regiment, Stuart's Cavalry came across yesterday and are making pretty work in the neighbourhood of Washington. I have been after them for eighteen hours, — but presume I shall not harm them much.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 267-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, June 26, 1863

Poolesville, June 26, 1863.

We have come to Poolesville just at the right moment — the whole army is passing here. I have seen a great many officers whom I know — especially at Headquarters, which are here to-night.

While I have been writing this, I have received orders to march to-morrow to Knoxville, to report to Major-General Slocum for temporary duty.¹

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¹ General Hooker, commanding the Army of the Potomac, sent this order to Lowell, who was at Poolesville, Maryland, watching the Potomac for spies, blockade-runners, guerrillas, or important raids. Lowell obeyed, and reported to Slocum, and was sent to Sandy Hook. June 28, Major-General Schenck, commanding Middle Department at Baltimore, was hastily notified from Washington: “A strong brigade of the enemy's cavalry have crossed . . . near Poolesville. Colonel Lowell, with five companies of the 2d Mass. Cavalry, who are there, should be warned, so that he may be ready for an attack.” Then Halleck, General-in-Chief, learned that Lowell was not there, and telegraphed Hooker: “Lowell's cavalry is the only force for scouts in this department, and he cannot be taken from General Heintzelman's command.” Lowell was also telegraphed to take no orders from General Hooker, and to return and watch the fords from Poolesville to Harper's Ferry. But unhappily Stuart had passed in his absence. Lowell's force was not large enough to cope with the rebel force, had he been there, and the raid seems to have resulted in more good than harm. General Doubleday, in his Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, says: “It is thought that he [Stuart] hoped by threatening Hooker's rear to detain him and delay his crossing the river, and thus give time to Lee to capture Harrisburg, and perhaps Philadelphia. His raid on this occasion was undoubtedly a mistake. When he rejoined the main body, his men were exhausted, his horses broken down, and the battle of Gettysburg was nearly over.”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 267, 428

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to William Whiting, June 26, 1863

Camp Near Poolesville,

Headquarters 2d Mass. Cavalry, June 26,1863.

Hon. William Whiting, Solicitor Of War Department:

Dear Sir, — Have you seen in the newspapers (our own and the rebel) the account of the destruction of Darien by our black troops, — a deserted town burned in apparent wantonness? If this were done by order, I cannot think that the effect of such orders has been duly considered. I know how constantly you have been in favour of employing negroes as soldiers, and how much you have done to aid it, and I write in the hope that, if you find my views just, you may some time help to prevent the repetition of such expeditions.

If burning and pillaging is to be the work of our black regiments, no first-rate officers will be found to accept promotion in them, — it is not war, it is piracy more outrageous than that of Semmes.¹ Without first-rate officers (and even with them) expeditions in which pillaging is attempted by order will infallibly degenerate into raids in which indiscriminate pillaging will be the rule, and, instead of finding ourselves at the end of the summer with an army of disciplined blacks, we shall have a horde of savages not fit to fight alongside of our white troops, if fit to fight at all. Public opinion is not yet decided in favour of black troops; it is merely suspended, in order to see the experiment tried. I do not believe it can be made favourable to their employment if it sees only such results as these: unfavourable public opinion will still further increase the difficulty of getting good officers, — and so on ad infinitum.

Of the absolute right and wrong of the case, I say nothing, — and of the effect upon the black race, — for those are outside questions: but in a military point of view, I think the net result of Darien expeditions will be against us. Expeditions to help off negroes and to interfere with corn crops are too important a mode of injuring the rebels to be neglected: if made by well-disciplined blacks, kept always well in hand, they could be carried far into the interior and made of great service; but troops demoralized by pillage and by the fear of retaliation, which would be the natural consequence of such pillage, will not often venture out of sight of gunboats. I have done what I could for the coloured regiments by recommending the best officers of my acquaintance for promotion in them, and I was very sorry to see that one Company of our Fifty-Fourth Regiment (in which I had taken an especial interest) was at Darien: I can fancy the feelings of the officers. This is written in haste, and is written loosely, but I wanted to call your attention to the matter. Always with respect and regard,

Your obedient servant,

C. R. Lowell, Jr.

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¹ Semmes commanded the rebel privateer Alabama, which did enormous mischief to our commerce, by burning ships at sea.

Colonel Lowell was, in the following year, obliged, under orders of Grant and Sheridan, to take part in the wholesale destruction of crops and factories, and driving off of cattle in the Shenandoah Valley, but this was an important strategic measure to cut off supplies from a great storehouse and highway of the Confederate armies.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 265-7, 427-8