Count Adam Gurowski to James S. Pike, April 16, 1860

New York, Monday, April 16.

Dear Yankee: Congratulate Mr. Potter for me from the bottom of my heart.

What is the talk about code of honor? There is and never was such a codification in Europe among the genuine chivalry for these one thousand years, neither among nobles of any country of Europe. There is a kind of common law which every one knows, and a practice of details which is acquired in the same way as by a lawyer. I fought more than thirty duels, was second perhaps sixty times at least, and all with gentlemen and noblemen, and never heard of code of honor or absolute rule about weapons. If there is any code, rule, or common law about it, it is this: that cowards only refuse when a weapon magnifies danger. I assisted to duels, as second, when one of the combatants, pistols in hand, proposed to approach each other from ten paces (the original distance) to three. It was accepted. Old and hoary as I am, and never having really seen the use of a bowie-knife, I would accept it if I still should insist on my reputation as duellist. We Polish nobility, we fight generally with short, half-round Turkish swords. It makes ugly gashes, and I saw bowels come out once.

Mrs. Potter is a Spartan lady, and has a true gentleman for a husband. Greeley is an ass.

Yours,

Gurowski.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 513

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Sunday, September 7, 1862

Mr. Field called after breakfast, and proposed to go to War Department, and we went together. Met Gurowski, who denounced what he called military usurpation, saying that Franklin's corps, marching out cheered McClellan. Found Stanton, Pope and Wadsworth uneasy on account of critical condition of affairs. Spoke to Stanton about Crook, and he promised to give him a Commission. Saw Halleck and he approved.

Went to President's, and spoke of general Order commending Pope's Army. He thought it due, and said he would speak to Halleck. Coming home met McDowell and I. C. H. Smith. Smith came home with me and spoke of battles, — eulogizing in strong terms both Pope and McDowell. (Referring to my omission to reply to his letter of a year ago, I explained it as well as I could.) Field and Barney came, and I sent for Harrington. Had a long talk about Labor Contract, and dissatisfaction of our friends with Mr. Barney. So far as I could see the dissatisfaction was unreasonable. I said I could not hold the contract to be continuing, unless the Attorney-General should reverse his opinion, of which there was too little probability to warrant postponement of action, and so virtual continuance, until his review of his decision. Said I would gladly oblige party friends, but not at the expense of any breach of public duty. Field and Barney left together, and soon after Harrington.

Received to-day telegram from Paymaster-General of New-York: “Cannot forward troops for want of means to pay State bounty. Will you exchange smaller U. S. Notes for 1000s. and 500s., to enable State to do it?” — Answered “Yes! Be as prompt in sending your troops;” and sent necessary directions to Mr. Cisco.

In the afternoon, McDowell called to say Good-bye. The Court of Inquiry demanded by him had been postponed, and he had fifteen days leave of absence. He went away feeling very sad indeed.

In the night, a large part of the army moved northward, following the force already sent forward to meet the rebels invading Maryland. Generals Burnside, Hooker, Sumner and Reno in command (Burnside chief) as reported.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 68-9

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth Nealley Grimes, May 18, 1864

May 18th. — I wish I could satisfy your fears about the Army of the Potomac. Thus far we have won no victory. We have suffered a terrible loss of killed and wounded (nearly fifty thousand), and Lee is in an impregnable position. J. Grimes commanded the Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry, until he was finally knocked over by a broken shell. He is not much hurt, only bruised, and will return to the army, and try his chances again next Saturday.

I have just returned to my room from dining at Mr. Eames's with Mrs. Julia Ward Howe — for company, Admiral Davis, Foster, of Connecticut, Gurowski, and your husband — a pleasant time, of course. Mrs. Howe gave what she calls a reading, last night. I did not go, but, as she insists upon my going on Friday, I suppose I must comply.

The news from different directions is not at all pleasant to me. I confess that just at this present writing I feel pretty blue.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 262

Charles Russell Lowell to Senator Charles Sumner, April 23, 1861

Washington, April 23, '61.

Dear Sir, — Have you at your disposal any appointment in the Army which you would be willing to give me?

I speak and write English, French, and Italian, and read German and Spanish: knew once enough of Mathematics to put me at the head of my class in Harvard — though now I may need a little rubbing up: am a tolerable proficient with the small sword and the singlestick: and can ride a horse as far and bring him in as fresh as any other man. I am twenty-six years of age, and believe I possess more or less of that moral courage about taking responsibility which seems at present to be found only in Southern officers.

I scarcely know to whom to refer you, — but either Mr. J. M. Forbes, or my Uncle, James Russell Lowell, will put you in the way of hearing more about my qualifications.

If you have no appointment at your disposal, perhaps you could get me one from Iowa or even Maryland. I have been living in the latter State for a little over six months, in charge of a rolling mill at Mount Savage. I heard of the trouble at Baltimore and of the action of Governor Hicks on Saturday, and at once gave up my place and started for Washington, and was fortunate enough to get through here yesterday, after several detentions.

I am trying to get an appointment on the Volunteer staff — my companion, Mr. Stewart, an Englishman, was yesterday named aide-decamp to Colonel Stone in command of the district troops: it was a lucky hit, and I fear I shall not make as good a one.

Whether the Union stands or falls, I believe the profession of arms will henceforth be more desirable and more respected than it has been hitherto: of course, I should prefer the artillery. I believe, with a week or two of preparation, I could pass the examinations.

Our mails are cut off — but Gurowski tells me he has means of getting letters through, and I shall ask him to enclose this. Any reply might be addressed to Gurowski's care.¹

Yours respectfully,

Charles Russell Lowell, Jr.

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¹ Count Adam Gurowski, a Polish patriot, exiled for his part in revolutionary politics at home, came to America and became a student and man of letters.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 201-2, 402

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, April 8, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, April 8, 1864.

The New York Tribune of yesterday informs the world it has been positively ascertained that I am and have been in constant correspondence with McClellan, and that this fact has destroyed all my chances for nomination as major general in the regular army, but it is not believed it will remove me from command. I know where this canard comes from. Grant told me that he had received several visits and innumerable letters from that old crazy man Gurowsky, all to the effect that I was completely under the influence of McClellan, and in constant correspondence with him, and urging Grant to relieve me. I saw Historicus's last effort, and was greatly amused at the very powerful position that he assigned me in the despotism he asserts I have exercised in the face of the lieutenant general and others.¹ I am sure I ought to be flattered that I am allowed to exercise such powers. It is a redeeming trait in the powers that be, and in my countrymen, that the base and persistent attacks on me have so signally failed, principally from the bad standing of my assailants. As to my being nominated for the regular army, I never dreamed of it, though I always believed the secret of some of the attacks on me was to remove a rival from some one who did want and expected to be nominated.

I think it a pity Philadelphia was so late in getting up its fair. The subject will be so thoroughly exhausted that people will be tired with such matters. Still, there seems to be great spirit evinced by those who have it in charge.

I have now as a guest Lieutenant Colonel Strave, of the Russian Engineers, who seems a young man of intelligence. He came down with letters from Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton.

_______________

¹ For article mentioned, see Appendix O. For General Meade's letter to Colonel G. G. Benedict, of March 16, 1870, on the battle of Gettysburg, see Appendix V.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 188-9

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Monday, July 21, 1862.

Early this morning, Count Gurowski called and told me that yesterday, at a great dinner at Mr. Tassarft's — the only Americans present being Governor Seward and Senator Carlile — Governor Seward remarked that he had lately begun to realize the value of a Cromwell, and to appreciate the coup d'etat; and that he wished we had a Cromwell or a coup d'etat for our Congress. The Count said that the diplomats present were very much disgusted, and that the language of Governor Seward injured the administration much in the estimation of all intelligent foreigners.

After the Count left, I received a notice to attend a Cabinet meeting, at 10 o'clock. It has been so long since any consultation has been held that it struck me as a novelty.

I went at the appointed hour, and found that the President had been profoundly concerned at the present aspect of affairs, and had determined to take some definitive steps in respect to military action and slavery. He had prepared several Orders, the first of which contemplated authority to Commanders to subsist their troups in the hostile territory — the second, authority to employ negroes as laborers — the third requiring that both in the case of property taken and of negroes employed, accounts should be kept with such degrees of certainty as would enable compensation to be made in proper cases — another provided for the colonization of negroes in some tropical country.

A good deal of deal of discussion took place upon these points. The first Order was universally approved. The second was approved entirely; and the third, by all except myself. I doubted the expediency of attempting to keep accounts for the benefit of the inhabitants of rebel States. The Colonization project was not much discussed.

The Secretary of War presented some letters from Genl. Hunter, in which he advised the Department that the withdrawal of a large proportion of his troups to reinforce Genl. McClellan, rendered it highly important that he should be immediately authorized to enlist all loyal persons without reference to complexion. Messrs. Stanton, Seward and myself, expressed ourselves in favor of this plan, and no one expressed himself against it. (Mr. Blair was not present.) The President was not prepared to decide the question but expressed himself as averse to arming negroes. The whole matter was postponed until tomorrow.

After the meeting of the Cabinet, Messrs. Speed, Holloway and Casey — the first, a distinguished lawyer of Louisville, a state senator, and now Postmaster of the city; the second, a large slaveholder in South-western Kentucky; the third, M. C. from the South-western District — called at the Department. Messrs. Speed and Casey were decided in favor of the most decided measures in respect to Slavery and the employment of negroes in whatever capacity they were fitted for. Messrs. Speed and Casey assured me that Mr. Holloway (although a large slaveholder) was in favor of every measure necessary for success and that he held no sacrifice too great to insure it. He would cheerfully give up slavery if it became necessary or important.

Mr. Casey, Mr. Horton and Genl. Pope dined with me. Mr. Horton condemned severely the conduct of the campaign at the Peninsula and the misrepresentations made to the public in regard to it. Genl. Pope expressed himself freely and decidedly in favor of the most rigorous measures in the prosecution of the war. He believed that, in consequence of the rebellion, Slavery must perish, and with him it was only a question of prudence as to the means to be employed to weaken it. He was in favor of using every instrument which could be brought to bear against the enemy; and while he did not speak in favor of a general arming of the slaves as soldiers, he advocated their use as laborers, in the defence of fortifications, and in any way in which their services could be made useful without impairing the general tone of the service. He said he was now waiting, by request of the President, the arrival of Genl. Halleck; and he regarded it as necessary for the safety and success of his operations that there should be a change in the command of the Army of the Potomac. He believed that Genl. McClellan's incompetency and indisposition to active movements were so great, that if, in his operations, he should need assistance, he could not expect it from him. He had urged upon the President the importance of superseding Genl. McClellan before the arrival of Halleck, representing the delicacy of Halleck's future position, and the importance of having the field clear for him when he assumed the general command. The President, however, had only promised that he (Genl. Pope) should be present at his interview with Genl. Halleck, when he would give the latter his opinion of McClellan.

SOURCE: Robert B. Warden, An Account of the Private Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase, p. 437-8; Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 45-7.