Showing posts with label Ball's Bluff. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ball's Bluff. Show all posts

Friday, January 31, 2014

Journal of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, February 19, 1862

Wednesday, February 19, 1862.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment; all the members present.

Mr. Odell said he felt constrained to again call the attention of the committee to the importance of immediate action in relation to the blockade of the Potomac. He referred to representations which had been made to him by some of the leading merchants of New York city as to the importance of raising the blockade of the Potomac at once, they representing that it would have a far more beneficial effect upon our relations with foreign nations than many victories gained elsewhere.

Mr. Odell concluded by offering the following resolution, which was agreed to unanimously:

Resolved, That a sub-committee, to consist of the chairman and Mr. Johnson, be hereby appointed, with instructions to wait upon the Secretary of War at once, for the purpose of enjoining upon his consideration the necessity of immediately raising the blockade of the Potomac, inasmuch as it has come to the knowledge of this committee that that is the most significant and important thing to be done in view of our relations with foreign nations.

The committee then took a recess, to enable the sub-committee to perform the duty assigned to them.

Subsequently, the committee resumed its session, and, at the request of the chairman,

Mr. Johnson reported as follows:

That the sub-committee, as instructed, had waited upon the Secretary of War, and the chairman made known to him the object of their visit, viz: the importance and necessity of at once wiping out that disgrace to the nation —  the blockade of the Potomac and the siege of our capital. The chairman also laid before the Secretary the substance of the statements made by Mr. Odell to the committee in reference to the importance attached to this step by the merchants of the country, and also the feelings of American citizens abroad, as shown in letters which Mr. Covode had received and read to this committee.

To which the Secretary replied that the committee could not feel more keenly upon this subject than he did; that he did not go to his bed at night without his cheek burning with shame at this disgrace upon the nation; that the subject had received his earnest consideration since he had been in the War Department, but as yet he had not been able to accomplish his wishes in that respect, as he was not the head and could not control the matter. The Secretary said that General McClellan was then in the building, and he would bring him into the room.

Whereupon the Secretary left the room and shortly returned with General McClellan, to whom he stated the object of our visit.

At the request of the Secretary, the chairman then repeated to General McClellan what he had already stated to the Secretary in reference to the necessity of raising the blockade of the Potomac, the rebuilding the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, &c.

General McClellan stated that the subject had been considered by him, that he had just then been seeing what could be done, and in a short time expected to be able to inform us what steps could be taken. When asked how soon something would be done, he replied that it was not a question of weeks but of days, and proceeded to state what had been done. The inference from what he said was, that some steps were now being taken, and the delay simply depended upon procuring the necessary means. He said he could not give his consent to take men over on the other side of the river without having their rear protected, and having all precautions taken to secure their retreat, if necessary; that he designed first throwing a temporary bridge across the Potomac over which to cross his troops, and immediately proceeding to erect a permanent bridge.

To which the chairman promptly replied that with 150,000 of the most effective troops in the world upon the other side of the Potomac there was no need of a bridge; they could beat any force the enemy could bring against them, and if any of them came back, let them come back in their coffins. To which General McClellan made no reply.

Mr. Johnson stated that the interview with the Secretary had been a very satisfactory one; that the Secretary listened attentively to all that the chairman said, and although the chairman sometimes made his statements to General McClellan in pretty strong and emphatic language, the Secretary indorsed every sentiment he uttered. The Secretary feels as strongly upon this subject as this committee does.

The chairman laid before the committee a communication from the War Department, in response to a call of this committee, enclosing the original orders from General Stone to Colonel Baker, as taken from the dead body of Colonel Baker upon the field of the battle of Ball's Bluff. Adjourned to 11 a. m. to-morrow.

SOURCE: United States Congress, Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War (1863), p. 85-4

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

Diary of Edward Bates, November 1, 1861

A memorable day.  C.[abinet] C.[ouncil] called at the unusual hour of 9 a. m. to consider of Gen. Scott’s letter to sec: [of] War, declaring his wish by reason of age and increased ill health, to retire from active military duty, under the recent act of Congress.25

The order was drawn up by the President himself (the retirement of the general being his absolute right, under the act) and was done chastely and in excellent taste.26

– In the afternoon the Prest: and all the heads of D[e]p[artmen]ts. Waited upon  Genl. Scott at his quarters and had a very touching interview. The Prest. made a neat and feeling address, and the Genl. briefly replied, from the depths of his heart — I told the Genl. (what was told me by Revd. Dr. Halsey27 of Norristown Pa.) that there were many religious associations, formed for the very purpose of daily praying for his health and happiness; and he seemed deeply moved.

At the suggestion of Mr. Seward, it seemed to be hastily agreed (tho' I never consented) that Genl. Stone should be deprived of his command for imputed misconduct in the matter of the battle of Balls [sic] bluff (Leesburg) in which Baker rashly threw away his life.28 <note, at an other [cabinet council] some time after, Stone fully vindicated him self before the P[r]est: in council>

It was agreed that Genl. McClellan29 should succeed Scott. Still the President doubted as to the manner of it, not being certain that there is any such Officer as “General in chief” — I said “the General in chief — or chief General — is only your lieutenant. You are constitutional “Commander in chief,” and may make any general you please, your second, or lieutenant, to command under you.”  It was so done[.]
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25 “An Act Providing for the Better Organization of the Military Establishment,” Aug. 3, 1861 (Statutes at Large . . . of the United States, XII, chap. XLII, sec. 15, p. 289), provided that any officer who had served forty consecutive years might be retired with pay upon application to the President.

26 See J. D. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, VI, 40.

27 Luther Halsey, former professor of theology at Western Theological Seminary in Alleghany, Pennsylvania, at the Seminary in Auburn, New York, and at Union Theological Seminary in New York City, now living in retirement at Norristown.

28 Supra, Oct. 22, 1861. On January 28, 1862, Secretary of War Stanton gave an order for Stone's arrest on unfounded conspiracy charges made by a Committee of Congress. Stone was imprisoned in Fort Lafayette for six months.

29 Supra, Oct. 22, 1861, note 17.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, The Diary of Edward Bates, published in The Annual Report Of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930 Volume 4, p. 199-200

Monday, December 2, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, March 18, 1862

CAMP NEAR ALEXANDRIA, March 18, 1862.

I note all you write about McClellan. I fear it is all true, and that the most desperate efforts have been made and are still being made to take away his command and destroy him. Franklin told me that McClellan said to him, as they followed Lander's corpse, that he almost wished he was in the coffin instead of Lander. It is reported that they were about to introduce into the House of Representatives a vote of want of confidence in him, but were restrained by fearing it would not pass. It is said the President remains his friend.

McClellan is not the man to make himself popular with the masses. His manners are reserved and retiring. He was not popular either in Chicago or Cincinnati, when at the head of large railroad interests. He has never studied or practiced the art of pleasing, and indeed has not paid that attention to it which every man whose position is dependent on popular favor must pay, if he expects to retain his position. Now, you know long before the tide turned, I told you of ill-advised acts on his part, showing a disposition to gratify personal feelings, at the expense of his own interests. I have no doubt now that the enmity of Heintzelman, Sumner, McDowell and Keyes can all be traced to this very cause — his failure to conciliate them, and the injustice they consider his favoritism to others has been to them. So long as he had full swing, they were silent, but so soon as others had shaken the pedestal he stood on, they join in to lend their hands.

Don't you remember as early as last September, telling us how indignant Charles King was at the treatment of General Scott by McClellan, and that the General had said he would have arrested him for disrespect if he had dared to? In the selection of his staff he has not shown the judgment he might have done. There are too many men on it that are not worthy to be around a man with McClellan's reputation. Again, you know my opinion of his treatment of the Ball's Bluff affair, through personal regard for Stone. All these little things have combined, with his political foes, to shake his position. I think, however, it is pretty well settled that Old Abe has determined he will not cut his head off till he has had a chance, and as I wrote you before, all will depend now on the hazard of a die. Any disaster, never mind from what cause, will ruin him, and any success will reinstate him in public favor.

It is very hard to know what is going to be done, or what the enemy will do. My opinion is that they are concentrating all their available forces around Richmond, and that they will make there a determined and desperate resistance. Of course, this defense will be made at first in advance, as far as they deem it prudent to go, or as they can readily retire from, as for instance, the Rappahannock on the north, Fredericksburg and the Potomac on the east, Yorktown and Norfolk on the southeast. Where McClellan will attack them is not known, but before many days are over it will be settled, and we will have a fight either at Fredericksburg, Yorktown or Norfolk. For my part, the sooner we meet them the better. The thing has to be done, and there is nothing gained by delay. The morale is on our side; our recent victories, their retreat from Manassas, all combine to inspirit us and demoralize them; and if our men only behave as we hope and believe they will, I think before long we shall have Richmond.

I rode over this morning and saw Willie.1 I found on my arrival that there was in camp a party of ladies and gentlemen, consisting of Mr. Charles King, of New York, and his daughter, Mrs. Captain Ricketts, and her sister, who is married to a son of Charles King, a captain in the Twelfth (Willie's) Regiment. These ladies had come out to see Captain King, accompanied by Colonel Van Rensselaer, who you remember married a niece of Charles King. They had prepared a lunch, and all the officers were partaking of it, and having, as is usual, a merry time. Soon after I rode up, Miss King recognized Kuhn, who was with me, and sent Captain Wister,2 of the regiment after him, and in a few minutes Colonel Van Rensselaer came up to me, and, after the usual salutations, politely asked me to permit him to present me to the party. Of course I had to say yes, and went up with him and joined the party. Mrs. Ricketts, you know, was a Miss Lawrence. I had known her mother and family all my life. She is now a great heroine. After doing the civil to the party I retired.
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1 William Sergeant, brother of Mrs. Meade.
2 Francis Wister, captain 12th U. S. Infantry.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 253-4

Wednesday, November 20, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, February 11, 1862


CAMP PIERPONT, VA., February 11, 1862.

To-night we have the good news that Roanoke Island has been taken by the Burnside fleet, and while I write the camp is cheering all around me. There are no particulars, so that our cheers are unmingled with mourning. General Wise,2 you know, was at Roanoke Island; so perhaps your good mother may have to rejoice over his capture, or mourn his death; let us hope as Christians the former may prove to be the case. Nothing has transpired in reference to Stone's arrest. I must believe he is the victim of political malice, and that he will be vindicated from the charge of treachery and collusion with the enemy. You know I always told you his conduct at Ball's Bluff, in a military point of view, was open to criticism, and I always wondered McClellan did not order an investigation. The "Tribune" is becoming more violent and open in its attacks on McClellan and all regular officers. This is in the interest of Fremont, Jim Lane and others. All this I am glad to see; the more violent they become, the more open and bold, the sooner the question of putting them down or yielding to them will have to be settled, and until that question is settled, there is no peace practicable or possible. To-night's paper has a very important and good piece of news if true, viz: that Louis Napoleon in the address to his Chambers says, that so long as we respect the rights of neutrals France will not interfere.
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2 General Henry A. Wise, C. S. A., brother-in-law of Mrs. Meade, and Governor of Virginia, 1856-1860.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 245-6

Saturday, November 16, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, January 24, 1862

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., January 24, 1862.

The mysterious movements of the Burnside expedition puzzle me very much. It has now been about ten days, and yet we have no reliable information of its whereabouts. The victory in Kentucky2 was certainly very important in its results, and if the Confederate Army of the Potomac do not fight better than Zollicoffer's army, we ought to be victorious. For ten thousand men to run as they did, after losing only one hundred and fifty killed, is more disgraceful than the behavior of our troops at Bull Run. At Ball's Bluff, though we were overpowered by superior numbers, yet our men behaved with great gallantry.
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2 Battle of Mill Springs, Kentucky, January 19, 1862. The Federal troops under Brigadier-General George H. Thomas defeated the Confederate troops under General G. B. Crittenden, led by General F. K. Zollicoffer. Federal loss, killed, wounded, and missing, 194 (O. R.).

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 243

Saturday, October 19, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 28, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., November 28, 1861.

If you remember what I told you before I came here, you will recollect that I always said McClellan had to be tried. That while he had shown in other positions talents and a mental organization leading to the belief that he was one who would make himself equal to the position, yet that fact had yet to be established. I fear he allows himself to be too much biased by personal influences and old associations. He has already in my judgment committed two grave errors. First, in whitewashing Stone, who was and is responsible for the Ball's Bluff disaster, greater in my judgment than Bull Run, inasmuch as it was clearly the result of bad generalship. Secondly, in permitting himself to be biased by tittle-tattle about McCall, and visiting his censure of that officer on the whole division under his command. Both these instances show a want of moral courage, without which no man can be a great commander.

We had a little excitement yesterday, in a scout from our division by our cavalry. They went some fourteen miles in front, capturing one of the enemy's pickets, and on their return were fired into by a party, whom they repulsed, killing several and bringing in eleven prisoners. Colonel Bayard (a young man you may remember at the first review, from the protuberance on his cheek, produced by an arrow wound), the commander, behaved with conspicuous gallantry. One of the prisoners confessed he took deliberate aim at him. He had two balls through his clothes and his horse killed under him.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 232

Thursday, October 10, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, October 24, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., October 24, 1861.

After waiting all day in momentary expectation of orders to advance, we were informed this evening that the movement was postponed. I am of course in ignorance of what was in contemplation, but presume our movement had reference to what has taken place on the river above us. You are doubtless apprised of the disastrous affair that has occurred there with part of Stone’s and Banks’s commands. As far as I can gather, an unauthorized scouting party reported a small body of the enemy, when an attempt was made to capture them, which resulted in our people, eighteen hundred strong, being driven back into the river, where many lives were sacrificed and prisoners taken. The whole affair was a bungle from the beginning. First, in the officer's sending out a scouting party without authority; second, in not reinforcing him when it was found the enemy were in force. The worst part of the business is that at the very time our people were contending against such odds, the advance of McCall's Division was only ten miles off, and had we been ordered forward, instead of back, we could have captured the whole of them. Of course, we were in ignorance of what was going on, and I presume McClellan was not fully advised of what was taking place, or he would have undoubtedly sent us on. I suppose they concealed from him the true state of the case, and made such reports that induced him to believe all was going well. Such contre-temps are very demoralizing, and particularly unfortunate at this juncture, when we are meeting with so many reverses on a small scale.

I should like to know what John Markoe says of the affair at Edwards’1 and Conrad’s Ferry.1 I was glad to see his name was not among the casualties. Baker2 was colonel of the regiment he was attached to. Wistar,3 the lieutenant colonel, is said to be mortally wounded. It is reported that out of the eighteen hundred who crossed the river, only three hundred got back, the balance being either killed, drowned, or prisoners. The weather has been very disagreeable, first raining hard day and night, and now very cold, with high northwest winds. The men in consequence suffer a great deal, particularly on the march, when we go without tents or shelter of any kind.
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1 Engagement at Ball's Bluff, Va., October 21, 1861.
2 Edward D. Baker, colonel 71st Regt. Pa. Vols.
3 Isaac J. Wistar, lieutenant-colonel 71st Regt. Pa. Vols.


SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 225-6

Wednesday, October 9, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, October 24, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, [VA.], October 24, 1861 — 5 A. M.

I have only time to write you a few lines, to say that late last night orders came to start early this morning. The direction of our march is not known, but I suppose it to be in co-operation with Banks and Stone, on the river above us.1  Indeed, the general impression among outsiders is that we ought not to have been withdrawn from Dranesville, as at that place we were within ten miles of the force that attacked Stone. For myself, I ask no questions and don't speculate. I know how impossible it is for outsiders to understand everything. Therefore all I can now say is, that we march.
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1 Engagement at Ball's Bluff, Va., October 21, 1861. Federal loss, killed, wounded, and missing, 921 (O. R.).

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 225

Thursday, June 21, 2012

Matters Settled, So Far


After the great disasters with which the war opened there was a very general and natural disposition at the North to attribute superior skill to the rebel commanders, if not better fighting qualities to the rank and file of their armies.  And they were not at all modest in arrogating to themselves the largest military superiority in every respect.  The boast that one southern man was equal to any half-dozen Yankees was not mere brag; the southerners believed it, and it was this noting that gave them such confidence of easy success in the rebellion.  The war has corrected these errors of opinion.  The rebels no longer talk of the superiority of their generals, or the more soldierly qualities of their men.  Indeed, they are very free to depreciate some of their ablest commanders and to disparage the courage of their soldiers, since the recent unexpected defeats.

It needs no great amount of military science to see that in the matter of strategy the southern leaders have been completely out-generaled.  Napoleon’s three conditions of success – to keep our forces united, to leave no weak point unguarded, and to seize with rapidity on important points – have been admirably adhered to on our side, while the enemy has been most thoroughly misled as to the general plan of the campaign, and has been compelled by superior strategy to abandon his most important and best fortified positions.  We may search the records of the most brilliant campaigns for a more admirable military movement than that up the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, by which the evacuation of Bowling Green, Nashville and Columbus by the rebel armies was compelled, simply by the reduction of the forts on these two rivers.  And it was a genuine surprise to the rebel leaders, notwithstanding their general success in ferreting out the plans of the government.  They believed their western line impregnable, and the whole country looked to see it broken only by direct assault upon their strongholds.  With such an astounding record of defeats and retreats in a single month, it is not strange that the southern people begin to distrust the alleged superiority of their military commanders.

Their conceit as to the better fighting qualities of their men has collapsed with equal suddenness.  Indeed the fighting at Bull Run and Ball’s Bluff had opened their eyes with astonishment as to the courage of northern soldiers. – Fort Henry, Fort Donelson and Roanoke Island have settled that matter, and the secession papers now concede that we are at least their equals in courage and endurance.  It is true that at Fort Donelson some desperate fighting was done by the rebels, but it was in the attempt to break through our lines and escape, under the inspiration of Pillow’s lie that if they were captured they would all be hung or shot.  At Roanoke Island the rebels did not fight well; they trusted wholly to the protection of their entrenchments, and when these were assaulted they fled as far as they could and then surrendered.  The southern papers justly reproach Wise’s army with cowardice.  But it has been true every where that the rebels have relied on their strong positions and defences rather than on the courage of their men, and when driven from their strongholds they have nowhere yet made a stand and encountered the Yankees in a fair and open fight.

Another boast of the Southerners has been that their armies were composed of gentlemen, and they really seemed to think themselves degraded by fighting with the “northern mudsills.”  We have seen something lately of the material of the rebel armies, and we find the officers vastly inferior to our own in intelligence and gentlemanly qualities, and the common soldiers for the most part ignorant and degraded to an extent scarcely conceivable at the north. – Thanks to our common schools, such ignorance and brutality as is general among the rebel rank and file is impossible in the free states.  In this ignorance lies the strength of the rebellion.  The conspirators have found these untaught men easy dupes; they have believed the false stories told them of the evil designs of the General Government and the Northern people, and their astonishment at the kind and generous treatment they have received as prisoners is manifestly sincere.  The correction of the false prejudices of the Southern people by the presence of our invading armies is one of the most important gains of the campaign, because it destroys they animus of the rebellion, so far as the Southern people are concerned, and prepares the way for a radical restoration of the Union.  It is impossible that they shall not forever discard the leaders who have deceived them to their hurt, just as soon as they come to understand the true state of the case.  But the fact that the rebellion is a fraud on the part of the leaders and delusion on the part of the Southern people does by no means preclude the necessity of fighting the thing out.  On the contrary, that is the only way to reach the evil and correct it.  It is impossible to undeceive the people of the South by any other process than the defeat and destruction of the rebel armies and the re-establishment of the authority of the government in every State.  Successful fighting will dissipate all error and prejudices and settle all vexed questions.  Talk about amnesty, conciliation, compromise, or any indirect method of adjustment, is only a waste of time and strength. – The thing is to be fought through; the disease is too radical to be cured in any other way, and when the last rebel army is dispersed, and the last rebel conspirator hung or banished, it will be time enough to take up the political problems growing out of the rebellion – and then we shall probably find that the war itself has solved the most difficult and important of them. – {Springfield Republican.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 2

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

The Philadelphia Inquirer’s Washington correspondent . . .

. . . writes that the officers who were captured by the rebels at Ball’s Bluff, and have recently been liberated, have been examined by the Conduct of the War Committee.  They were all of the opinion that had General Stone moved up the men he had crossed at Edward’s Ferry, and attacked the rebels in the rear, he could easily have driven them beyond Leesburg in less than an hour from the time the men left Leesburg.  Col. Lee says that the rebels taunted him with being “sold,” but that he never knew that any men had crossed at Edward’s Ferry until his return from Richmond.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 8, 1862, p. 2

Thursday, July 21, 2011

Death of Gen. Lander

The whole country will mourn the death of Gen. Lander.  Of northern birth, he had lived a life of adventure in the great plains of the West, and won there an undoubted reputation as one of the brave.

Wounded in the disastrous affair at Ball’s Bluff, Lander went his wounds unhealed to take command of [a] division on the Upper Potomac.  All his movements there were marked with great energy and undaunted personal bravery, and the warm meed of praise bestowed upon him by Secretary Stanton, for his achievement at Blooming Gap, had hardly died upon the public ear before the chivalrous soldier fell a victim to a death hastened and made inevitable, fatigue and exposure adding to the illness resulting from his wound.  God rest the brave. – Buffalo Express.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, March 10, 1862, p. 2

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

Death of Gen. Lander

The death of Gen. Fred W. Lander, announced in our dispatches this morning, will cast a deep shade of sorrow over our whole country.  He was in truth a right gallant soldier and noble gentleman.  Few men in our army can supply his place.  He falls a victim to the Ball’s Bluff blunder, where he was seriously wounded, and from which he has never recovered.  His heroism has kept him in the field when he should have been in the hospital, and he thus dies with his harness on. – Chi. Trib.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 4, 1862, p. 1

Wednesday, March 23, 2011

Wine More Deadly Than Cannon

Wendell Phillips, in his address at the Music Hall yesterday said; “I know a soldier in the army of the Potomac, who was picked up in the streets of Philadelphia one year ago a complete wreck, a confirmed inebriate, but who was, by the love of a sister and the charity of a Boston home, placed once more on his feet.  He was at Ball’s Bluff, and three times with unloaded musket charged upon the enemy.  He was one of six who heroically defended and brought away the body of the fallen leader of that bloody fight.  The captain of the company to which he belonged died in his arms; received the last words of consolation from his lips.  He was afterwards conspicuous in the conflict until the orders were given for each to seek his own safety, removing some of his apparel he plunged into the inhospitable river, and after great exertion landed on the opposite bank, seven miles below the encampment.  Nearly exhausted, chilled; half-clad, half-starved, he reached the camp.  The captain of the next company to which he belonged kindly said to him, pouring out a glass of wine: “Let me give you this; you will perish without it.”  “I thank you, sir,” said the soldier, “but I would sooner face all the cannon of the enemy than to taste that glass of wine.” – Boston Transcript.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, February 19, 1862, p. 2

Monday, December 27, 2010

From Washington

Tribune Correspondence.

NEW YORK, Feb. 14.

The committee on the conduct of the war, to-day, in examining the case of Gen. Stone, discovered new facts, which divide the responsibility of the blunder at Ball’s Bluff between Gen. Stone and another General.

Previous to the discharge of Wikoff, the committee on the judiciary examined Gen. Sickles, whose frequent visits to the incarcerated Wikoff and his journeys from the cell to the residents of ex-Lieut. Watt at the other end of the avenue, had excited suspicion.  Sickles claimed to be Wikoff’s counsel, and to have acted throughout in that capacity.  The committee put some home questions to him, he replied sharply, and for a few minutes a war of words raged.  While his examination was pending, the Sergeant-at-Arms appeared with Watt.  He testified that he saw the message in the library, and being of a literary turn of mind perused it; that, however, he did not make a copy, but having a tenacious memory, carried portions of it in his mind, and the next day reported them word for word to Wikoff.  That personage had previously testified that the passage transmitted to the Herald was given him by Watt orally.


WASHINGTON, February 14.

Hamilton Fish and Bishop Ames returned to Washington to-day and made a report to the Government of their mission to relieve Union prisoners in the south.

They repaired to Fortress Monroe, and made known their commission to the Confederate authorities at Norfolk, by whom the matter was referred to Richmond.  A reply came, refusing the commissioners admission to the Confederate Territory, but expressing readiness to negotiate for the general exchange of prisoners.  Our commissioners opened negotiations which resulted in perfect success.  An equal exchange was agreed on, but the confederates had 300 more prisoners than we.  With commendable magnanimity, they proposed to release those also, on condition that our Government would agree to release 300 of their men that they may next fall into its hands.


WASHINGTON, Feb. 15.

Mrs. Senator Chandler has received a letter from Col. Wilcox, who says that himself and other prisoners at Columbia, S. C. are in good health and that their condition has been rendered comfortable by the clothing received from the United States authorities.

The Oregon Democrat and the Los Angeles and California Star have been suppressed from the mails, on the ground that they have been used for the purpose of overthrowing the Government and giving aid and comfort to the enemy now at war with the United States.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, February 17, 1862, p. 1

Saturday, July 17, 2010

Paul Joseph Revere

Major 20th Mass. Vols. (Infantry), July I, 1861 ; Lieutenant-Colonel and Assistant Inspector-General U. S. Vols., September 4, 1862 ; Colonel 20th Mass. Vols., April 14, 1863 ; died at Westminster, Md., July 4, 1863, of a wound received at Gettysburg, July 2.

PAUL JOSEPH REVERE was born in Boston, September 10, 1832, the son of Joseph W. and Mary (Robbins) Revere. His paternal grandfather was Paul Revere, of Revolutionary fame, and his maternal grandfather was Judge Edward Hutchinson Robbins of Milton. He was educated in the schools in Boston, with occasional periods of country life at school, making friends in every place, and forming warm attachments for life with many of his associates. An intimate friend writes: —

"When a boy, in that truest of all republics, the playground, his companions instinctively recognized in him a leader. There that keen sense of justice which seemed to be part and parcel of him was so conspicuous, that he was the well-known umpire in the boyish disputes of his companions, and we fondly recall the often-used expression, 'I’ll leave it to Paul.'"

In the winter of 1849 he entered Harvard University in the second term of the Freshman year, and he graduated with that class in 1852. While a Sophomore, he passed six months in the family of Rev. William Parsons Lunt, D. D., and there secured the regard of that intelligent and cultivated gentleman, with whose family Revere became connected after Dr. Lunt's death.

He left college without any taste for professional life; and in view of the necessity of following a calling, he decided on mercantile pursuits. In the summer of 1853 he went to Moosehead Lake on a hunting expedition, and travelled with an Indian guide to the source of the Saco River. He went several times to the Adirondacks, for his strong taste for active life was mingled with great love of nature and the spirit of adventure.

In 1854, at the wish of his father, he went to Lake Superior to inform himself in regard to the copper region. He had passed a month in pursuing this object, when all his mental and physical powers were taxed by an accident of no ordinary peril. He had crossed Lake Superior with two gentlemen interested in mines; and on their return, upon arriving at the lake, they found that there was a high wind, and the lake was like a disturbed sea. They were to take two boatmen to manage the boat during several hours' sail. Revere said, " This is against my judgment; let us wait." They said, "You have no experience here; we will go, and you may do as you like." Deciding to go, he took off his boots and his thick clothes, apprehending danger.

After rounding a point, the boat capsized, and all were thrown out. One of the gentlemen, Mr. Kershon, was asleep in the bottom of the boat, and was lost, as was one of the boatmen. The other, Dr. Pratt, was urged by Revere to cling with him to the bottom of the boat; but thinking that he could swim to the shore, made the attempt, and sank almost immediately. Revere diving after him, brought him to the surface, but found him dead. The others, after clinging several hours to the boat, reached the shore. Rohiscault, the old boatman, repeatedly gave up hope, and was only compelled by authority to maintain his hold; he says he owes his life to the persuasions of Mr. Revere, and relates that he held one end of the canoe, while Mr. Revere grasped the other, and, throwing himself on his back, guided the frail bark with rapid and undeviating course to land, and finally dragged his companion, half unconscious, on the beach. Revere, then discovering his overcoat still attached to the boat, took from the pocket his flask of brandy, and, having administered it, rolled the boatman on the warm sand until he was recovered sufficiently to show the way to a logger's hut.

The following year he undertook the care of an extensive wharf in Boston, and there exerted himself for the benefit of laborers and exposed women and children, until the neighboring police continually came to him as a friend to aid and protect the unfortunate about him.

In 1859 he married Lucretia Watson Lunt, daughter of Rev. W. P. Lunt, D. D., who, with two children, survives him. He had made a home near his aged father, thinking his comfort the highest duty; but the country's call was still higher, and that father's patriotic spirit aided him to engage in the cause. To the representations of a near and dear friend, who placed before him some family objections to a separation from home, he replied, "I have weighed it all, and there is something higher still. The institutions of this country — indeed free institutions throughout the world — hang on this moment."

To his mother he said, "I shall feel humbled to stay at home." The reply was, "Do as you think right."

With these convictions of personal and public duty, soon after the insurgent attack on Fort Sumter he offered his military services to the Chief Magistrate and Commander-in-chief of Massachusetts; and immediately entered as a pupil in the Military Club of Monsieur Salignac in Boston. On the 1st of July, 1861, Revere was commissioned Major of the Twentieth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers (Infantry), and soon after joined his regiment, then in camp at Readville. His devotion to his new duties was consistent with the high moral principle which had made him a soldier of the Republic. The regiment to which he was attached had in it elements which required strong and judicious government; the personal material which constituted its nucleus having been principally drawn from a disbanded and mutinous organization, and being thus demoralized. To bring these men to military subordination required the exercise of high moral power, and a strong will, which fortunately was found in Major Revere and most of his brother officers. Their efforts to establish and maintain order and good discipline were rewarded with success, the fruits of which were exhibited in the annals of the regiment from Ball's Bluff to the surrender of the insurgent army under General Lee.

Early in September the regiment was ordered to Washington, and from thence, after a few days' halt, to Poolesville, Maryland, where it reported to Brigadier-General C. P. Stone, in command of the corps of observation. Until October 20th the regiment was in the performance of picket and outpost duty, along the Potomac River, Major Revere taking his proper share of the service. On Sunday, October 20th, a battalion of the regiment was ordered to the river-bank, from which, during the night of that day, it crossed to Harrison's Island. This was preliminary to the battle of Ball's Bluff. On the morning of the 21st, at an early hour, two companies were sent into Virginia as the covering force of a reconnoitring party which had preceded them. Major Revere, who had accompanied the battalion from camp in Maryland, was left on the island in command of the force held there in reserve, and rendered a most important service in dragging round, from its east side to that opposite the Virginia bank, a scow, which added materially to the means of transportation, and was of great value in subsequent operations.

Colonel Baker, having been ordered to the command of the troops which had crossed into Virginia, and the supporting force which lay on the island and the adjacent Maryland shore, had, on assuming command, ordered the reserve of the Twentieth Regiment, among other troops, to reinforce the battalions in Virginia. Accordingly, about noon, Major Revere crossed the river. The battle of Ball's Bluff followed. The aggregate Union force present during the battle — not including the Nineteenth Massachusetts Infantry, which remained on the island and was not engaged — was, exclusive of officers, sixteen hundred and three men. Major Revere bore an honorable part in this bloody and disastrous conflict, earning a high character for cool and disciplined courage. He was slightly wounded in the leg, while endeavoring to run into the river two mountain-howitzers which had become disabled, the cannoneers having been all killed or wounded; and he was among the last to leave the field when it was irretrievably lost. The means of transportation were very limited, and escape by the boats, in the rush and confusion which prevailed, appeared very uncertain. He therefore, with some brother officers and a few men, among them his brother, Surgeon Revere, passed up the river to seek other means of crossing to the Maryland side. A boat was found and secured, but coming under the observation of the enemy, the fugitives were compelled to abandon it, and pursue their way up the river. After it became dark, an attempt was made to construct a raft of fence-rails, but the rails were water-soaked, and the raft would not float. Revere was a practised [sic] swimmer, and could easily have reached the opposite bank; he, however, with that generous self-sacrifice which entered so largely into his character, refused to leave his commander, who was somewhat advanced in years and unskilled in swimming. About half past eight at night, a scouting party of the enemy's cavalry discovered the fugitives, who had no alternative but to surrender.

The prisoners were taken to Leesburg, where the Rebel commander received them and tendered them a parole, which was declined, its terms being ambiguous. On the following morning, at two o'clock, the column of prisoners, five hundred and twenty-nine men, including fifteen officers, commenced its long and weary march to Richmond. It rained in torrents, the mud was ankle deep, and the men had been long without food; while one small wagon, without cover or seats, was the only transportation provided for the sick and wounded.

Major Revere had said nothing about his wound, and now marched on uncomplainingly, refusing to take his turn in the wagon. It was six, P. M., when the column reached the stone house historically connected with the Bull Run battle-field, — its halting-place for the night . A ration of half-cooked corn bread and bacon was here served at ten, P. M. The next morning early the column was again in motion, and at ten o'clock arrived at Manassas, where it rested till six, P. M., when the prisoners were transferred to the cars for Richmond. While at Manassas, the officers were confined in a barn, closely guarded; they had many visitors of both sexes, some of whom indulged in remarks and reflections little in keeping with their claims of chivalrous breeding. A scanty ration was furnished in the afternoon to the now almost famished prisoners, who were also drenched to the skin by the heavy rain of the previous day, so that their condition was miserable indeed. But the demeanor of Major Revere, under these trials of temper and body, was most dignified and patient; he expressed to the officer of the guard a hope that the men would be properly cared for, but asked nothing for himself.

On the morning of the 24th the train arrived in Richmond ; and the prisoners, amid the jeers, taunts, and sometimes threats of a dense crowd, were marched to the tobacco warehouse assigned as their prison. The kind hospitality of fellow-prisoners, whom they found there, supplied their immediate wants; but days elapsed before they were established in any reasonable degree of comfort. Two ladies, true to their womanly instincts, — one of them, Miss E. A. Van Lew, moved also by her loyal attachment to the Union, — sought out and relieved the new-comers. Mrs. Randolph, wife of the Confederate General Randolph, and Miss Van Lew, were the ministering angels of this unlooked-for and grateful kindness, which is here recorded as a tribute to their generous and timely beneficence. Prison life in the Richmond warehouse was one of annoying discomforts: the petty tyranny of officials, — Wirz, of Andersonville notoriety, being first-sergeant of the prison guard, — the vulgar obtrusiveness of civilian visitors, and a densely crowded apartment, constituted a condition of existence which taxed its subjects almost beyond endurance. Major Revere bore these trials with manly fortitude. His deportment was dignified, but affable, in his intercourse with fellow-prisoners. The kindly traits of his disposition seemed warmed into a more lively exercise ; and while he did not join in the amusements most common in a community of such varied sympathies and habits, yet he had a cheerful word and look for all. Mindful of his religious duties, he daily sought counsel of The Father, in prayer and in the Scriptures.

We now pass to a period in the prison life at Richmond which was full of gloomy anxieties.

On the 10th of November, General I. H. Winder published an order of the insurgent Secretary of War, directing him to select hostages, to be confined in the cells allotted to persons charged with infamous crimes, to answer with their lives for the safety of the Rebel privateersmen, held by the United States government, under a charge of piracy on the high seas. In closing his order Secretary Benjamin said: —

"As these measures are intended to repress the infamous attempt now made by the enemy to commit judicial murder on prisoners of war, you will execute them strictly, as the mode best calculated to prevent the commission of so heinous a crime."

Major Revere was one of the hostages selected under this order, and he entered upon the ordeal with the equanimity of a brave soldier, who stood for his country, with its honor in his keeping. On the following Thursday, the hostages, seven in number, were transferred to Henrico County Prison, and placed in charge of its warden. The cell in which they were confined, and in which, for a considerable period of time, they were required to perform every function of life, was of most contracted dimensions, — eleven feet by seventeen in area, — faintly lighted and filthy with tormenting vermin. The situation was one almost too horrible and disgusting to contemplate. The hostages did not utter one word of complaint or remonstrance, although they felt that life could not long sustain itself in an atmosphere so foul. After a while General Winder modified this barbarous treatment, allowing a half-hour each day to prisoners for a visit to the prison yard; this half-hour being often extended into an hour by the commiserating turnkey, Thomas.

In this experience, dreadful as it was, Revere evinced the same patient manliness which had always distinguished his conduct. In a single instance only did he permit his indignation to master the habitual control which he exercised over his feelings. The circumstances of this were as follows. The prison in which the hostages were confined was surrounded by a high wall, which hid from their sight every outward object except the sky and distant house-tops. On the second Saturday of their confinement, while engaged in the simple pursuits of prison life, the hostages were suddenly startled by the sharp sound of a lash and an accompanying shriek of agony. It was "whipping-day," and the negroes were receiving their allotted lashes for violations of law and decorum. The cry of agony and the pitiful moans which followed, as blow after blow in quick succession gradually reduced the sufferer to a condition of comparative insensibility, came from a woman. Revere absolutely started to his feet, the hot blood coursing its quick way through every vein. It seemed to him a personal affront, a contrived indignity to Northern "prejudice"; he learned afterward, however, that Saturday was "whipping-day," and the court-house yard the place of punishment . A brother officer, who lay by his side, has said, that, during the night which followed the incident just described, Revere trembled with rage when alluding to it . He never forgot that "whipping-day," with its cry of agony. That moaning woman was to his heart the representative of an oppressed race. He did not turn a deaf ear to the appeal for mercy and protection.

Writing from Fortress Monroe the day of his arrival there, a paroled prisoner from Richmond, after speaking of the ill-treatment of the hostages by the Rebel government, he continues : —

"However, it does not matter much now, and they never for a moment, with all their outrages, made us forget our position as gentlemen."

It is certain that he never did forget what was due to his position as a gentleman, if manly fortitude and Christian bearing be typical of that character. A prison companion, writing to a member of his family after the fatal day of Gettysburg, spoke of his deportment, while confined as a hostage, in terms which will be understood and appreciated by all who were familiar with his characteristics : —

"In the cell of Henrico County Prison, with its horrible experiences and painful suspense, there was a moral grandeur in his conduct of which I can give no idea. All were strangers except Revere and myself. How much depended, how much of ordinary comfort even rested, upon decorum and self-respect in act and speech; how strongly yet delicately Revere restrained undue license in each!"

But Revere was reserved for future services to his country, and for a more glorious death than that of a constructive criminal. The government of the United States released the privateersmen as pirates, changing their status to that of prisoners of war; and on February 22, 1862, after four months' confinement, Major Revere returned on parole to the home from which he had been separated under such painful circumstances.

Observation and reflection, while a prisoner, had confirmed his original conviction, that the war of the Rebellion was a war for the supremacy or extermination of human slavery. He clearly saw that the institution of slavery was the salient point of the Rebellion, and that the success of the Union arms, even if it demanded "the last man and the last dollar," was an imperative duty. To a friend and brother officer who largely enjoyed his confidence, and shared with him the hardships of Richmond and accommodations of camp life, he often and earnestly spoke of this obligation, as due both to God and country. It was a conviction which had its birth in his soul.

With recruited health and strength came the desire for active service, but he was still under the military restraints of his parole, and the policy of the United States government did not seem, at that time, to encourage hope of speedy exchange. It was determined, however, to make an effort to obtain one, by personal application to Secretary Stanton. Accordingly, having selected Major McAlexander of Alabama, a prisoner of war confined at Fort Warren, and having arranged with him a plan of proceeding, Major Revere applied to the War Department at Washington for a leave of absence for Major McAlexander, permitting him to visit Richmond, on condition that he should return to Fort Warren within fifteen days, or should transmit to General Wool, commanding at Fortress Monroe, an order of the Confederate authorities, exchanging him for Revere. Secretary Stanton granted the application, expressing, however, strong doubts whether the Rebel officer or the exchange would ever be heard of again. But Major McAlexander was a gentleman of personal honor; and he successfully accomplished his mission. On May 1st Major Revere was en route to rejoin his regiment, then in the lines before Yorktown, Virginia. He reported for duty on May 2d, in season to move with the general advance of the army which followed the Rebel evacuation of Yorktown.

On May 7th he was present with his regiment at West Point, when the Rebel General W. H. C. Whiting made his unsuccessful attempt to force the position occupied by Franklin's division and Dana's brigade. The army was greatly hindered in its advance by the condition of the roads; and it was not till towards the last of May that General McClellan found himself within striking distance of Richmond, the objective point of the campaign. On the march up the Peninsula, Major Revere had greatly distinguished himself while in command of the skirmish line of a brigade, and intrusted with the duty of scouring the north bank of the Chickahominy, — thereby winning honorable mention from his corps commander, General Sumner.

The last days of May found the army massed on both sides of the Chickahominy, the communications between its wings being mostly maintained by temporary bridges, constructed by the troops. A sudden and violent rain, during the day and night of May 30th, had swollen the river to an unprecedented height, and greatly endangered the bridges. The Rebel general, acting upon the belief that the bridges would be swept away and the Union army divided, resolved to make a sudden and overwhelming attack upon Keyes's division, which lay at Fair Oaks, on the south side of the river, somewhat in advance of the supporting corps. In execution of this design, General Johnston concentrated, on the morning of May 31st, a heavy column under Hill, Longstreet, Smith, and Huger, intending to fall upon Keyes by early dawn; but the rain had proved unfriendly to his movements, as well as to those of the Union army. Smith and Huger were long behind the designated time in reaching their respective positions. At noon they had not appeared, and Hill and Longstreet moved to the attack of Keyes, without waiting for their expected diversion. The attack was sudden, vigorous, and overwhelming. Keyes was forced to retire, abandoning his camp, and losing many guns. The enemy pressed forward, encountering and overcoming a brigade of Couch's division, which sought to arrest the Rebel advance. Affairs looked very discouraging; a fresh column of the enemy was now moving against the right; and along the railroad, a heavy force, which had been held in reserve, was directing its march upon Fair Oaks.

In this critical condition of affairs, General Sumner was ordered to march rapidly to the scene of conflict; his corps lay on the opposite or north side of the Chickahominy, there being two hastily-constructed bridges for communication between the two portions of the army. The swift and swollen stream had swept away one of these bridges, that opposite the First Division; and the other, opposite the Second (Sedgwick's), was trembling and vibrating in its struggle for life. The division succeeded, however, in crossing, and pressed onward, for the unceasing cannonade in front still told of sharply-contested battle. The deep and miry morass, which formed the intervale of the river, had swamped all the artillery of the division, except five guns, beyond extrication ; and two infantry regiments — the Nineteenth Massachusetts and Forty-second New York — were detached to protect them and guard the river. As the column approached the field of battle, it was halted to load. "We are in luck to-day," said Major Revere; "we are not left in the rear to guard the river." This was not said thoughtlessly, or with levity, for no man felt more profoundly the solemnity of battle.

The division, weakened by the causes above mentioned, hastened forward, and late in the afternoon arrived upon the field near Fair Oaks. The column of the enemy which had advanced along the railroad was deployed in front of Sedgwick's division, when the latter came into line of battle. The safety of the army depended in a measure upon its ability to stem the tide of Rebel victory, to restore the lost battle. That it did so, after a sanguinary conflict, which terminated in the repulse and disorderly flight of the Rebel troops, is historical. To Major Revere the victory had an unusual charm; he had suffered, as a consequence of defeat on a previous occasion, cruel hardships, and while in Richmond as a prisoner had been often offended by the Virginia boasts of superior courage. He had now seen the backs of this vaunting chivalry, who, throwing away their arms and leaving their wounded behind, sought safety in flight. During the night, these wounded, who lay in great numbers on the field, in the vicinity of the position occupied by the division, (for the charge which broke the Rebel line and completed the victory had carried it forward some distance,) were carefully collected, and made as comfortable as circumstances permitted. Officers and men cheerfully surrendered overcoats and blankets to protect the poor sufferers from the cold night-air, and water-carriers were detailed to supply the ever-craving cry of "Water! water!"

Major Revere was most active in this work of mercy. The maimed and dying men, whose moans and cries so painfully rose upon the ear, were no longer public enemies, they were his suffering fellow-creatures. Many times during the night he visited that long line of recumbent wounded, to be sure that no faint cry for water should be uttered unheard or unheeded; and at earliest dawn he personally went in search of a surgeon, — for the medical officers of the Twentieth had been left in the rear to care for their own wounded.

The enemy having drawn heavy reinforcements from Richmond during the night, sought, on the morning of June 1st, to retrieve their fortunes in renewed attack; but failing to penetrate the Union line, after a fierce and long struggle, they returned discomfited to their defensive works. The month of June was passed in the usual manner, of an investing army, watching and waiting for the moment of assault. Major Revere shared with his regiment during this period the arduous labors of an advanced line, — being half the time within range of the enemy's sharpshooters, who inflicted some loss on the regiment.

On June 25th, the Rebel general moved in force against the Union right, which he succeeded in turning. A result of his success was to cut off McClellan's base of supplies at the White House, forcing him to fall back on James River. On the 29th, at an early hour, the Second Corps, which, with the Third and a division of the Sixth, constituted the rear-guard in this memorable movement, silently marched out of their intrenched camp at or near Fair Oaks. Major Revere had been detached during the night of the 27th, in command of a small battalion of the Twentieth, on special duty connected with the Ordnance Department, and was absent from his regiment when the retrograde movement of the Second Corps commenced. Sedgwick's division was halted, and fronted the enemy in line of battle at Peach Orchard, a mile or more from Fair Oaks, where it had a sharp skirmish, checking the Rebel advance.

Again in the afternoon at Savage Station, where Major Revere rejoined his regiment, the division was sent into action to arrest the enemy's advance, which had now become serious and threatening. It was late in the evening before the regiments were withdrawn from the ground they had held against the Rebel troops. About nine, P. M., the Second Corps entered upon its march through White-Oak Swamp. The night was dark and wet, and the narrow road, lighted only by the glare of a few lanterns, was most dismal and gloomy ; but the morale of the troops was wonderfully good. Encouraged by the example and voice of their officers, the men trudged along cheerfully and steadily, preserving excellent order and discipline.

Early in the morning of June 30th the column debouched from the swamp on the high ground which borders its southern side, and halted to get a few hours of repose. Major Revere, during this severe and trying night-march, exhibited the true and solid qualities of a soldier. His admonitions to "close up," and his cheerful words of encouragement, were judiciously bestowed from time to time, avoiding the unprofitable annoyance of what the men significantly call worrying.

The troops, after two or three hours of such rest as could be obtained in wet clothes on the wet ground, without shelter, were summoned to continue their march. An hour or two brought them to Nelson's farm, where they were halted to cover the Quaker road, the main line of communication with James River. Franklin's division had been left at White-Oak Swamp to protect the rear, and about noon had become engaged with the enemy. Two brigades, Dana's and Gorman's of Sedgwick's division, were hastily marched to Franklin's support, but upon a fierce and successful attack of the enemy made in the afternoon upon McCall's division of Pennsylvania Reserves, which occupied the position of Glendale, in front of the Quaker road, were sent back at double-quick to aid in recovering the position. It was an oppressively hot day, and the leading brigade, Dana's, was immediately hurried into action on its arrival from the swamp, for the exigency was most imminent. The men were panting with exhaustion; many of them had fallen out of the ranks, some senseless from sunstroke, and the regiments coming up separately went forward into the copse of wood known as Glendale, without much concert of movement. Major Revere exerted himself actively as an extemporized staff officer to remedy the last-named difficulty, and by his personal efforts partially succeeded in bringing the regiments as a united brigade in front of the enemy. Reinforcements were soon sent forward, and the ground was held by the Union troops; the loss in killed and wounded, however, had been very heavy. Major Revere, in the course of the operations in and around Glendale, had his horse killed under him, and was thrown violently to the ground, fortunately without injury. It will be undoubtedly in accordance with the general opinion of his brother officers to award to him, for his conduct on this occasion, a high degree of honor.

With night came the order to march again; and the morning of July 1st found the army occupying Malvern Hill, to make its last stand against the now desperate foe. The conflict was long and obstinate, but in the end successful, and the Army of the Potomac on the next day made its way unmolested to the new base of operations on James River. The new position of the army was not free from causes of anxiety; the enemy clustered around it on both sides of the river, keeping up a constant and annoying fire of artillery, and the poisonous malaria of the bottom-land began to develop its debilitating influence upon the health of the troops. The robust constitution of Revere seemed for a time proof against this insidious enemy, but about the middle of July disease began to manifest itself in painful neuralgic affections; he did not, however, report himself sick until the early part of August, when, being utterly prostrated and unfit for duty, he was compelled to seek restored health in the more salubrious air of his Northern home.

With the last days of August came the discouraging intelligence of Pope's disastrous campaign in front of Washington ; and Revere, scarcely recovered from sickness, hastened to his post of duty. He had, during his absence from the army, been appointed Inspector-General of the Second Corps, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and now reported at the headquarters of General Sumner in his new position. The Maryland campaign followed within the next two weeks, terminating with the battle of Antietam and the consequent retreat of the insurgent army into Virginia.

Lieutenant-Colonel Revere was wounded at Antietam, while endeavoring to rally and re-form some broken and flying regiments; but he nevertheless kept the field, aiding materially in bringing up and guiding into action the rear divisions of the corps. His wound forced him again to seek the repose and care of home, leaving, without knowing it, his brother dead on the field. There he remained till the following spring, a confirmed and suffering invalid.

In the mean time General Sumner had died, and as a consequence Lieutenant-Colonel Revere was mustered out of the service as Inspector-General of the Second Corps. He was now appointed Colonel of his old regiment, the Twentieth Massachusetts, and in May, 1863, reported at Falmouth, Virginia, on the north bank of the Rappahannock, as commander of the regiment. In June following, Lee led his army down the Valley of the Shenandoah, to repeat his exploit of the previous year, — an invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania. The Army of the Potomac therefore broke camp, and moved north also, keeping the Blue Ridge between it and the enemy. Lee, by rapid marches, had reached the Upper Potomac, and crossed that river into Maryland, almost before General Hooker had penetrated his design, or felt safe to uncover the gaps, through which the Rebel troops could advance upon Washington. As soon as all doubts on this point were removed by the appearance of Lee's main army in Maryland, the Union columns were pressed rapidly forward. The Twentieth Massachusetts crossed the river near the old field of Ball's Bluff, its first battle experience. By June 30th the whole army was in Maryland, moving upon Lee, who had a week before occupied Hagerstown in force, with his advanced parties in front of York in Pennsylvania, threatening both Baltimore and Philadelphia. Major-General George G. Meade had only within a day or two relieved General Hooker, in the command of the army, and on July 1st had not arrived at the front. At this time the advanced corps (First and Eleventh) of the Union army were in the vicinity of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and while on the march were attacked and driven back, through that town, to a strong position on its south side, where they waited for the main body of the army to come up. During the night General Meade arrived at the front, and before morning, on July 2d, the whole army was once more in the presence of its old foe, the Army of Northern Virginia. Preparations for battle were at once made. Quietly and quickly the artillery and infantry took up their assigned positions; the men lying down in that solemn silence which precedes expected battle. Colonel Revere was here again, and for the last time, to renew his covenant with Union and Freedom. The offering of his life was to consummate the sacrifice.

The day of July 2d was passing away. The artillery on both sides had unceasingly hurled a destructive fire of solid shell and canister shot into opposing ranks, and the intermitting, rattling fire of musketry, which ever and anon reached the ear from the right, told rather of watchful observation than general battle. On the left, however, Sickles, who held a somewhat advanced position, had been fiercely attacked by Longstreet and forced to fall back more within supporting distance of the main line, after sustaining a heavy loss. But the Union army made no aggressive movement; for it was the design of General Meade to act defensively, to receive an attack from the Rebel commander in the strong position occupied by his troops.

About six, P. M., a canister shot burst a short distance above Colonel Revere, a bullet from which struck him, penetrating the vital parts, and inflicting a mortal injury, of which he died on the 4th of July following. He lived long enough to know that the Union arms were triumphant, that the enemy, after obstinate and vain efforts to force Meade's lines, had been repulsed.

In contemplating the character of Colonel Revere, we are at once and strongly impressed with the harmony of its moral proportions. The religious sentiment was marked and prominent; he habitually referred every question of personal conduct to the tribunal of conscience, able to abide the decision with unwavering trust. He believed that conscience was the light of God. Deliberate in his method of reasoning, and gifted with unusual powers of discernment, his conclusions did not suffer in comparison with the lessons of experience. A resolute will, too, enforced his convictions of duty against all obstacles of self-interest. What he thought to be right, he did. With all the sterner and rigid attributes of human nature, so necessary to overcome the rough places in the path of life, his heart was a deep and ever-welling spring of warm affection. Distress never called to him in vain for needed relief. Amid the din of battle he would kneel by a dying comrade to receive his whispered and choking accents of parting love to dear ones at home.

The remains of Colonel Revere were removed to Massachusetts and interred at Mount Auburn, amidst the verdant beauties of that Nature whose loveliness he never failed, even amid the stern scenes of war, to notice and enjoy.

SOURCE: Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, Vol. I, p. 204-20

Monday, June 14, 2010

PHILADELPHIA, February 10 [1862]

Gen. Stone was arrested yesterday morning; first, for misbehavior at Ball’s Bluff; second for holding correspondence with the enemy before and since Ball’s Bluff, and receiving visits from rebel officers in his camp; third for treacherously suffering the enemy to build a fort since the battle of Ball’s Bluff, under his guns, unmolested; fourth, of a design to expose his force to capture by the enemy under pretence of orders for moving from the commanding General.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, February 12, 1862, p. 1

Friday, December 4, 2009

Who is to Blame?

When gross mismanagement, or want of military strategy, or neglect of duty leading to defeat, or even to victory so dearly purchased as at the battle of Pittsburg, occurs, the question naturally arises, who is to blame? For the terrible defeat of the Federal forces at Bull Run somebody was in fault. Col. Miles was tried before a court of inquiry for having been instrumental through drunkenness in contributing to the defeat. Some nineteen affirmed that he was drunk and twenty-six that he was not, so the investigation was dropped for fear it might prove “detrimental to the service.” For the Ball’s Bluff slaughter somebody was outrageously to blame, but who? Gen. Stone has been arrested and is now in prison, whether for this terrible disaster to our brave troops and the sacrifice of the noble Gen. Baker, is not clearly known. The transaction we presume, will yet be investigated and the guilty party be ascertained. For the disaster of the first day at the Pittsburg battle, a fearful responsibility rests upon some one of the Generals commanding. That there was gross and criminal neglect to post pickets and prepare for the defensive by using every possible precaution, while in the immediate presence of a powerful foe, led by a consummate General of offensive proclivities, is evident. Where or to whom that blame attaches, there seems to be a diversity of opinion; but that there was gross, criminal negligence all believe. Without speculating or attaching blame to any of the officers in command, we are content to abide the investigation which surely must be made.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 19, 1862, p. 2