Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 19, 1861, 11:45 p.m.

PHILADELPHIA, April 19th, 1861. 11.45 P.M.

Governor ANDREw, 21 Charles Street, BosTON:

The Massachusetts troops were attacked in Pratt Street, Baltimore. Were assaulted with stones and pieces of iron. One man killed with a piece of iron thrown from an iron foundry. They bore attack with utmost patience until a prominent citizen of Baltimore told them to fire upon the mob. Did so. Part of mob responded with fire. Rest scattered. Troops fought manfully. No man offered to run. All arrived in Washington except six injured, well cared for in Baltimore. Two killed. Twenty-five others at Washington wounded. Large meeting of citizens at Baltimore this evening. Almost unanimously denounced passage of more Northern troops through Baltimore.

B. F. BUTLER, Brig. Genl.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 17

H. Adams Ames to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 19, 1861

PHILA. April 19th, 1861

To Gen’l. BUTLER, Care Condr.

CoL. DAVIS with Sixth Regiment arrived at Baltimore this morning and were fired upon — great excitement. Secessionists reported very strong, no reliable details. Railroad will not transport more troops until definite intelligence obtained and prospect of safe transportation — mob threatened their Buildings if they do – have got quarters for troops to-night.

H. ADAMS AMES

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 16

Major Ladd to Major Adams Ames, April 19, 1861

NEw York, April 19th, 1861

To Major ADAMS AMEs

Troops left at twelve of the clock. General Schouler has telegraphed to provide for one thousand men on Sunday morning. Show this to General Butler.

P.S. Just got news that Penna. troops have been attacked in Baltimore and some killed. Telegraph wires cut.

LADD

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 16

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 22, 1861

To-day was fixed for the visit to Mr. Pringle's plantation, which lies above Georgetown near the Pedee River. Our party, which consisted of Mr. Mitchell, an eminent lawyer of Charleston, Colonel Reed, a neighboring planter, Mr. Ward, of New York, our host, and myself, were on board the Georgetown steamer at seven o'clock, A. M., and started with a quantity of commissariat stores, ammunition, and the like, for the use of the troops quartered along the coast. There was, of course, a large supply of newspapers also. At that early hour invitations to the “bar” were not uncommon, where the news was discussed by long-legged, grave, sallow men. There was a good deal of joking about “old Abe Lincoln's paper blockade,” and the report that the Government had ordered their cruisers to treat the crews of Confederate privateers as “pirates” provoked derisive and menacing comments. The full impulses of national life are breathing through the whole of this people. There is their flag flying over Sumter, and the Confederate banner is waving on all the sand-forts and headlands which guard the approaches to Charleston.

A civil war and persecution have already commenced. “Suspected Abolitionists” are ill-treated in the South, and “Suspected Secessionists” are mobbed and beaten in the North. The news of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts, and the Pennsylvania regiment, by the mob in Baltimore, has been received with great delight; but some long-headed people see that it will only expose Baltimore and Maryland to the full force of the Northern States. The riot took place on the anniversary of Lexington.

The “Nina” was soon in open sea, steering northwards and keeping four miles from shore in order to clear the shoals and banks which fringe the low sandy coasts, and effectually prevent even light gunboats covering a descent by their ordnance. This was one of the reasons why the Federal fleet did not make any attempt to relieve Fort Sumter during the engagement. On our way out we could see the holes made in the large hotel and other buildings on Sullivan's Island behind Fort Moultrie, by the shot from the fort, which caused terror among the negroes “miles away.” There was no sign of any blockading vessel, but look-out parties were posted along the beach, and as the skipper said we might have to make our return-journey by land, every sail on the horizon was anxiously scanned through our glasses.

Having passed the broad mouth of the Santee, the steamer in three hours and a half ran up an estuary, into which the Maccamaw River and the Pedee River pour their united waters.

Our vessel proceeded along-shore to a small jetty, at the end of which was a group of armed men, some of them being part of a military post, to defend the coast and river, established under cover of an earthwork and palisades constructed with trunks of trees, and mounting three 32-pounders. Several posts of a similar character lay on the river banks, and from some of these we were boarded by men in boats hungry for news and newspapers. Most of the men at the pier were cavalry troopers, belonging to a volunteer association of the gentry for coast defence, and they had been out night and day patrolling the shores, and doing the work of common soldiers — very precious material for such work. They wore gray tunics, slashed and faced with yellow, buff belts, slouched felt hats, ornamented with drooping cocks' plumes, and long jackboots, which well became their fine persons and bold bearing, and were evidently due to “Cavalier” associations. They were all equals. Our friends on board the boat hailed them by their Christian names, gave and heard the news. Among the cases landed at the pier were certain of champagne and pâtés, on which Captain Blank was wont to regale his company daily at his own expense, or that of his cotton broker. Their horses picketed in the shade of trees close to the beach, the parties of women riding up and down the sands, or driving in light tax-carts, suggested images of a large picnic, and a state of society quite indifferent to Uncle Abe's cruisers and “Hessians.” After a short delay here, the steamer proceeded on her way to Georgetown, an ancient and once important settlement and port, which was marked in the distance by the little forest of masts rising above the level land, and the tops of the trees beyond, and by a solitary church-spire.

As the "Nina" approaches the tumble-down wharf of the old town, two or three citizens advance from the shade of shaky sheds to welcome us, and a few country vehicles and light phaetons are drawn forth from the same shelter to receive the passengers, while the negro boys and girls who have been playing upon the bales of cotton and barrels of rice, which represent the trade of the place on the wharf, take up commanding positions for the better observation of our proceedings.

There is about Georgetown an air of quaint simplicity and old-fashioned quiet, which contrasts refreshingly with the bustle and tumult of American cities. While waiting for our vehicle we enjoyed the hospitality of Colonel Reed, who took us into an old-fashioned, angular, wooden mansion, more than a century old, still sound in every timber, and testifying, in its quaint wainscotings, and the rigid framework of door and window, to the durability of its cypress timbers and the preservative character of the atmosphere. In early days it was the grand house of the old settlement, and the residence of the founder of the female branch of the family of our host, who now only makes it his halting-place when passing to and fro between Charleston and his plantation, leaving it the year round in charge of an old servant and her grandchild. Rose-trees and flowering shrubs clustered before the porch and filled the garden in front, and the establishment gave one a good idea of a London merchant's retreat about Chelsea a hundred and fifty years ago.

At length we were ready for our journey, and, in two light covered gigs, proceeded along the sandy track which, after a while, led us to a road cut deep in the bosom of the woods, where silence was only broken by the cry of a woodpecker, the scream of a crane, or the sharp challenge of the jay. For miles we passed through the shades of this forest, meeting only two or three vehicles containing female planterdom on little excursions of pleasure or business, who smiled their welcome as we passed. Arrived at a deep chocolate-colored stream, called Black River, full of fish and alligators, we find a flat large enough to accommodate vehicles and passengers, and propelled by two negroes pulling upon a stretched rope, in the manner usual in the ferry-boats in Switzerland.

Another drive through a more open country, and we reach a fine grove of pine and live-oak, which melts away into a shrubbery guarded by a rustic gateway: passing through this, we are brought by a sudden turn to the planter's house, buried in trees, which dispute with the green sward and with wild flower-beds the space between the hall-door and the waters of the Pedee; and in a few minutes, as we gaze over the expanse of fields marked by the deep water-cuts, and bounded by a fringe of unceasing forest, just tinged with green by the first life of the early rice-crops, the chimneys of the steamer we had left at Georgetown, gliding as it were through the fields, indicate the existence of another navigable river still beyond.

Leaving the veranda which commanded this agreeable foreground, we enter the mansion, and are reminded by its low-browed, old-fashioned rooms, of the country houses yet to be found in parts of Ireland or on the Scottish border, with additions, made by the luxury and love of foreign travel, of more than one generation of educated Southern planters. Paintings from Italy illustrate the walls, in juxtaposition with interesting portraits of early colonial governors and their lovely womankind, limned with no uncertain hand, and full of the vigor of touch and naturalness of drapery, of which Copley has left us too few exemplars; and one portrait of Benjamin West claims for itself such honor as his own pencil can give. An excellent library — filled with collections of French and English classics, and with those ponderous editions of Voltaire, Rousseau, the “Mémoires pour Servir,” books of travel and history which delighted our forefathers in the last century, and many works of American and general history — affords ample occupation for a rainy day.

It was five o'clock before we reached our planter's house — White House Plantation. My small luggage was carried into my room by an old negro in livery, who took great pains to assure me of my perfect welcome, and who turned out to be a most excellent valet. A low room hung with colored mezzotints, windows covered with creepers, and an old-fashioned bedstead and quaint chairs, lodged me sumptuously; and after such toilet as was considered necessary by our host for a bachelor's party, we sat down to an excellent dinner, cooked by negroes and served by negroes, and aided by claret mellowed in Carolinian suns, and by Madeira brought down stairs cautiously, as in the days of Horace and Maecenas, from the cellar between the attic and the thatched roof.

Our party was increased by a neighboring planter, and after dinner the conversation returned to the old channel — all the frogs praying for a king — anyhow a prince — to rule over them. Our good host is anxious to get away to Europe, where his wife and children are, and all he fears is being mobbed at New York, where Southerners are exposed to insult, though they may get off better in that respect than Black Republicans would down South. Some of our guests talked of the duello, and of famous hands with the pistol in these parts. The conversation had altogether very much the tone which would have probably characterized the talk of a group of Tory Irish gentlemen over their wine some sixty years ago, and very pleasant it was. Not a man — no, not one — will ever join the Union again! “Thank God!” they say, “we are freed from that tyranny at last.” And yet Mr. Seward calls it the most beneficent government in the world, which never hurt a human being yet!

But alas! all the good things which the house affords, can be enjoyed but for a brief season. Just as nature has expanded every charm, developed every grace, and clothed the scene with all the beauty of opened flower, of ripening grain, and of mature vegetation, on the wings of the wind the poisoned breath comes borne to the home of the white man, and he must fly before it or perish. The books lie unopened on the shelves, the flower blooms and dies unheeded, and, pity ’tis, ’tis true, the old Madeira garnered ’neath the roof, settles down for a fresh lease of life, and sets about its solitary task of acquiring a finer flavor for the infrequent lips of its banished master and his welcome visitors. This is the story, at least, that we hear on all sides, and such is the tale repeated to us beneath the porch, when the moon while softening enhances the loveliness of the scene, and the rich melody of mockingbirds fills the grove.

Within these hospitable doors Horace might banquet better than he did with Nasidienus, and drink such wine as can be only found among the descendants of the ancestry who, improvident enough in all else, learnt the wisdom of bottling up choice old Bual and Sercial, ere the demon of oidium had dried up their generous sources forever. To these must be added excellent bread, ingenious varieties of the galette, compounded now of rice and now of Indian meal, delicious butter and fruits, all good of their kind. And is there anything better rising up from the bottom of the social bowl? My black friends who attend on me are grave as Mussulman Khitmutgars. They are attired in liveries and wear white cravats and Berlin gloves. At night when we retire, off they go to their outer darkness in the small settlement of negro-hood, which is separated from our house by a wooden palisade. Their fidelity is undoubted. The house breathes an air of security. The doors and windows are unlocked. There is but one gun, a fowling-piece, on the premises. No planter hereabouts has any dread of his slaves. But I have seen, within the short time I have been in this part of the world, several dreadful accounts of murder and violence, in which masters suffered at the hands of their slaves. There is something suspicious in the constant never-ending statement that “we are not afraid of our slaves.” The curfew and the night patrol in the streets, the prisons and watch-houses, and the police regulations, prove that strict supervision, at all events, is needed and necessary. My host is a kind man and a good master. If slaves are happy anywhere, they should be so with him.

These people are fed by their master. They have half a pound per diem of fat pork, and corn in abundance. They rear poultry and sell their chickens and eggs to the house. They are clothed by their master. He keeps them in sickness as in health. Now and then there are gifts of tobacco and molasses for the deserving. There was little labor going on in the fields, for the rice has been just exerting itself to get its head above water. These fields yield plentifully; the waters of the river are fat, and they are let in whenever the planter requires it by means of floodgates and small canals, through which the flats can carry their loads of grain to the river for loading the steamers.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 127-32

Bayard Taylor to Richard Henry Stoddard, April 21, 1862

Cedarcroft, Sunday, April 21, 1861.

Everything here is upside down. We live almost in a state of siege, with the rumors of war flying about us. At present we don't know what is going on. We have reckless secessionists within twelve miles of us. Everybody is arming. The women are at work night and day, making clothes for the volunteers. Fred has raised sixty riflemen, and goes off in two days. The people of Kennett have contributed four thousand dollars to equip them. All the young Quakers have enlisted. The excitement and anxiety is really terrible. We are so near the frontier that if the damnable Maryland traitors are not checked within three days we may have to meet them here. I never knew anything like the feeling — earnest, desperate, sublime — which the people exhibit. There are no parties any more. All are brothers, drawn together by the common danger. Chester County will furnish one thousand men, and dangerous men to meet. Of course we can't think of going to Europe now, nor until this immediate crisis is over. The danger is too near and too great. Our departure is postponed until some decisive action occurs. I cannot leave home now, though I want to go to New York to raise money. I shall have to sell one share of Tribune stock immediately, to pay Fred's pressing debts and let him go. C— L— has enlisted, W— C—, G—'s boys; everybody that can be spared, in fact. The old men are forming a home guard for the defense of their households.

I never had such a day as last Thursday in Washington. I had a private interview with Lincoln, which was very satisfactory. I passed through Baltimore just before the attack on the Massachusetts men, — four hours only. Wilmington is loyal, I think; the news to-day is favorable, but we live from hour to hour in a state of terrible excitement. Show this letter to Putnam immediately (I have no time to write to him), and let me ask him in this way immediately to send me a check for one hundred dollars, or fifty dollars, or twenty-five dollars, any sum he can spare, to buy arms. We are unarmed; that is our great danger. Just let him read this, as if written to him. Go to his house; if you don't find him at home, tell Fiske my situation. I will send him a letter as soon as I can. Seward was not to be seen when I was in Washington, and Sumner had just left. We are courageous here, and full of hope for the final result, but the next few days will decide our fate. I will write again soon. God and Liberty!

SOURCE: Marie Hansen-Taylor and Horace E. Scudder, Editors, Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor, Volume 1, p. 375-6

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: June 6, 1861

Davin! Have had a talk concerning him to-day with two opposite extremes of people.

Mrs. Chesnut, my mother-in-law, praises everybody, good and bad. “Judge not,” she says. She is a philosopher; she would not give herself the pain to find fault. The Judge abuses everybody, and he does it so well — short, sharp, and incisive are his sentences, and he revels in condemning the world en Hoc, as the French say. So nobody is the better for her good word, or the worse for his bad one.

In Camden I found myself in a flurry of women. “Traitors,” they cried. “Spies; they ought to be hanged; Davin is taken up, Dean and Davis are his accomplices.” “What has Davin done?” “He'll be hanged, never you mind.” “For what?” “They caught him walking on the trestle work in the swamp, after no good, you may be sure.” “They won't hang him for that!” “Hanging is too good for him!” “You wait till Colonel Chesnut comes.” “He is a lawyer,” I said, gravely. “Ladies, he will disappoint you. There will be no lynching if he goes to that meeting to-day. He will not move a step except by habeas corpus and trial by jury, and a quantity of bench and bar to speak long speeches.”

Mr. Chesnut did come, and gave a more definite account of poor Davin's precarious situation. They had intercepted treasonable letters of his at the Post Office. I believe it was not a very black treason after all. At any rate, Mr. Chesnut spoke for him with might and main at the meeting. It was composed (the meeting) of intelligent men with cool heads. And they banished Davin to Fort Sumter. The poor Music Master can't do much harm in the casemates there. He may thank his stars that Mr. Chesnut gave him a helping hand. In the red hot state our public mind now is in there will be a short shrift for spies. Judge Withers said that Mr. Chesnut never made a more telling speech in his life than he did to save this poor Frenchman for whom Judge Lynch was ready. I had never heard of Davin in my life until I heard he was to be hanged.

Judge Stephen A. Douglas, the “little giant,” is dead; one of those killed by the war, no doubt; trouble of mind.

Charleston people are thin-skinned. They shrink from Russell's touches. I find his criticisms mild. He has a light touch. I expected so much worse. Those Englishmen come, somebody says, with three P's — pen, paper, prejudices. I dread some of those after-dinner stories. As to that day in the harbor, he let us off easily. He says our men are so fine looking. Who denies it? Not one of us. Also that it is a silly impression which has gone abroad that men can not work in this climate. We live in the open air, and work like Trojans at all manly sports, riding hard, hunting, playing at being soldiers. These fine, manly specimens have been in the habit of leaving the coast when it became too hot there, and also of fighting a duel or two, if kept long sweltering under a Charleston sun. Handsome youths, whose size and muscle he admired so much as they prowled around the Mills House, would not relish hard work in the fields between May and December. Negroes stand a tropical or semitropical sun at noon-day better than white men. In fighting it is different. Men will not then mind sun, or rain, or wind. Major Emory,¹ when he was ordered West, placed his resignation in the hands of his Maryland brothers. After the Baltimore row the brothers sent it in, but Maryland declined to secede. Mrs. Emory, who at least is two-thirds of that copartnership, being old Franklin's granddaughter, and true to her blood, tried to get it back. The President refused point blank, though she went on her knees. That I do not believe. The Franklin race are stiff-necked and stiff-kneed; not much given to kneeling to God or man from all accounts.

If Major Emory comes to us won't he have a good time? Mrs. Davis adores Mrs. Emory. No wonder I fell in love with her myself. I heard of her before I saw her in this wise. Little Banks told me the story. She was dancing at a ball when some bad accident maker for the Evening News rushed up and informed her that Major Emory had been massacred by ten Indians somewhere out West. She coolly answered him that she had later intelligence; it was not so. Turning a deaf ear then, she went on dancing. Next night the same officious fool met her with this congratulation: “Oh, Mrs. Emory, it was all a hoax! The Major is alive.” She cried: “You are always running about with your bad news,” and turned her back on him; or, I think it was, “You delight in spiteful stories,” or, “You are a harbinger of evil.” Banks is a newspaper man and knows how to arrange an anecdote for effect.

_______________

¹ William H. Emory had served in Charleston harbor during the Nullification troubles of 1831-1836. In 1846 he went to California, afterward served in the Mexican War, and later assisted in running the boundary line between Mexico and the United States under the Gadsden Treaty of 1853. In 1854 he was in Kansas and in 1858 in Utah. After resigning his commission, as related by the author, he was reappointed a Lieutenant-Colonel in the United States Army and took an active part in the war on the side of the North.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 59-62

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 20, 1861

The news has been confirmed. It was a brickbat “Plug Ugly” fight — the result of animal, and not intellectual or patriotic instincts. Baltimore has better men for the strife than bar-room champions. The absence of dignity in this assault will be productive of evil rather than good. Maryland is probably lost — for her fetters will be riveted before the secession of Virginia will be communicated by the senseless form of ratification a month hence. Woe, woe to the politicians of Virginia who have wrought this delay! It is now understood that the very day before the ordinance was passed, the members were gravely splitting hairs over proposed amendments to the Federal Constitution!

Guns are being fired on Capitol Hill in commemoration of secession, and the Confederate flag now floats unmolested from the summit of the capitol. I think they had better save the powder, etc.

At night. We have a gay illumination. This too is wrong. We had better save the candles.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 25

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 19, 1861

Dispatches from Montgomery indicate that President Davis is as firm a States right man as any other, perfectly content to bear the burdens of government six years, and hence I apprehend he will not budge in the business of guarding Virginia until after the ratification of the secession ordinance. Thus a month's precious time will be lost; and the scene of conflict, instead of being in Pennsylvania, near Philadelphia, will be in Virginia. From the ardor of the volunteers already beginning to pour into the city, I believe 25,000 men could be collected and armed in a week, and in another they might sweep the whole Abolition concern beyond the Susquehanna, and afterward easily keep them there. But this will not be attempted, nor permitted, by the Convention, so recently composed mostly of Union men.

To-night we have rumors of a collision in Baltimore. A regiment of Northern troops has been assailed by the mob. No good can come of mob assaults in a great revolution.

Wrote my wife to make preparations with all expedition to escape into Virginia. Women and children will not be molested for some weeks yet; but I see they have begun to ransack their baggage. Mrs. Semple, daughter of President Tyler, I am informed, had her plate taken from her in an attempt to get it away from New York.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 24-5

Joseph Green Cogswell to George Ticknor, April 29, 1861

NEW YORK, April 29, 1861

. . . The humiliating condition to which Southern insolence and ruffianism have reduced us has preyed upon me greatly. I never wished to be young again until now, and, old as I am, I would have volunteered with any adequate number to go down and force a way through Baltimore, by laying it in ruins, if it could have been done in no other way. It was no disgrace to have the lawful authority of the country fallen upon by a mob, for that might happen under the strongest government. It is an indelible one to have allowed the mob to keep up the obstruction for days, between every part of the country and the capital of it. If it is not soon wiped out I shall be ashamed to own that I am an American.

The course which has been pursued by the South has changed all my feelings towards them. If they had taken the ground, that they had a right to secede if such was the clear and express will of the people, and maintained the right like honest men, I, for one, would have said, “Go, you shall have what fairly belongs to you” — but to buccaneers I would give no answer except from the mouth of the cannon.¹

Out of all this evil great good will come. The Northern States will be more united, the principle of unlicensed democracy will be checked, our vainglorious boasting will be silenced, and the practical acknowledgment that Cotton is King will no more be heard. I firmly believe that the substantial and permanent prosperity of the North was secured by the first gun that was fired at Fort Sumpter, and the rapid decline of the South will date from the same event. I rejoice to find that Massachusetts has come up so nobly to the rescue

_______________

1 In connection with this strong expression of feeling, it is pleasant to be allowed to present the testimony of a lady whose relations with different parts of the country, as well as her high standing in society, and refined estimate of the demands of good breeding, entitle her words to be accepted and highly valued. In a note written after Mr. Cogswell's death, Mrs. Gilpin of Philadelphia speaks of “His information on all subjects of conversation so correct and extended, and his manners so mild and unobtrusive, with great delicacy of feeling for others. This,” she goes on to say, “I particularly observed during the war, as he was often my guest during that unfortunate period, when, from the peculiarity of my own position, Southern ladies and gentlemen were often with us.  No word ever escaped his lips to wound the feelings of any, and at the same time he was known to be firm in his own opinion. He avoided argument or heated discussion on the merits of the war question, and gave to all around him a beautiful example of forbearance, with the most kindly feeling for those whom I knew he thought in the wrong.”

SOURCE: Anna Eliot Ticknor, Editor, Life of Joseph Green Cogswell as Sketched in His Letters, p. 286-7

Diary of Reverend James Freeman Clarke: April 19, 1861

Massachusetts men attacked and killed in Baltimore by the mob. Spent two or three hours in the governor's room at the State House.

SOURCE: Edwin Everett Hale, Editor, James Freeman Clarke: Autobiography, Diary and Correspondence, p. 271

Henry L. Higginson to James J. Higginson, April 22, 1861

Dearest Jim, —

We are in for the fight at last and we will carry it thro' like men. One week ago to-day appeared the President's proclamation calling on the states for troops. To-day Washington is cared for, Fort Monroe garrisoned, and the route to Washington held open. Never in my whole life have I seen anything approaching in the slightest degree to the excitement and the enthusiasm of the past week. Everything excepting the war is forgotten, business is suspended, the streets are filled with people, drilling is seen on all sides and at all times. Our Massachusetts troops were poured into Boston within 12 to 24 hours after the command was issued from here, and were the first to go on and the first to shed blood. May the devil catch those Baltimorean rioters, the cowards! On the 19th April, the anniversary of the Lexington fight, our first men were shot in Baltimore.

But you should have seen the troops, Jimmy: real, clean-cut, intelligent Yankees, the same men who fought in '76, a thousand times better than any soldiers living. They left their wives and children in some cases without a farewell, and marched thro' to Washington. We've been told of our degeneracy for years and years: I tell you, Jim, no more heartfelt enthusiasm or devotion was to be found in '76 than now. Everyone is longing to go. One man walked 100 miles to join a volunteer company raised and gone between Wednesday and Sunday. Two thousand Irish volunteers have been raised in Boston, besides many companies of Americans and Germans and French. One hundred Germans put their names down as volunteers in a half-hour at a small meeting which was held Friday. Money is forthcoming, everyone is making clothes for the troops. Yesterday sailed from N.Y. 5000 troops (1200 from here, commanded by one of my classmates); they say 500,000 people were present to see them march down Broadway and sail. That famous N.Y. 7th regiment is holding the R.R. to Washington from Annapolis. A regiment of 800 N.Y. firemen has been raised in two or three days, and will go as skirmishers to-morrow or to-day. The Ohio troops are in Washington, and the Westerners are coming on perfectly wild. Every slave-state has refused troops; we do not want them. The Southern army is, they say, well-drilled: we may lose at first, but they will be wiped out from the face of the earth in the end. We want arms sadly; those villains have stolen everything that they could find in our armories and arsenals. And for us — George will, I hope and trust, finish his house at Lenox before moving . . . father is of course too old. I have been laid up all winter with a sprained foot, which is still weak, but I 'll go if I can march possibly. I've committed myself to a regiment of volunteers to be raised and drilled in our harbor before going. It is the best way, if they are not wanted immediately, for then a disciplined body of active troops will be opposed to the enemy, instead of raw recruits. Jim Savage will go in this regiment as an officer. This foot has been a great nuisance to me for months, and now may prevent my going, for a lame man will not be accepted. And now, Jim, you must decide for yourself whether you'll return just yet or not; you might wait a few months to advantage. There will be little business in any way for beginners until the war is over, I suppose: the first quota is gone and the second will be off also before you can reach here. Then will come much drilling and preparation for the future: the war will, I fancy, be very severe, but of short duration. You might get all possible information as to the muskets and rifles with sword-bayonets to be got in each country, Germany, France and England; we must import from Europe to meet our immediate wants. Send this letter to Johnny with my love: I 've not time to write him to-day and he'll want to know of these things. Father is very well indeed and drills hard, with a view to teaching others — as also Frank. Father gets dreadfully excited; indeed so does everyone. My best love to you, Jimmy.

Yrs.

H.

SOURCE: Life and letters of Henry Lee Higginson, p. 142-3

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: March 29, 1864

Arrived in Baltimore early this morning. Nothing happened to mar the pleasure of the journey. All were soon out of the cars, line quickly formed, ready to march from the Camden Street station to the Philadelphia R. R. station, on the east side. Our march led through Pratt Street, the scene of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts regiment in April, 1861, by the Baltimore toughs, who claimed to be in sympathy with the South.

At the Philadelphia station a train was soon made ready for us, which we quickly boarded, and were soon under way, passing the scenes of our first soldier life, Camp Emory and Fort Marshall. These were points of interest to us, and very pleasant recollections. After an uneventful trip we arrived in Philadelphia late this P. M. Ordered out of the cars, line formed for marching, stopping at a place known as the Cooper Shop, where a good dinner was served by the ladies of Philadelphia. It was a very pleasant occasion in our lives, never to be forgotten. Again journeying on towards New York. Our train being special was often side-tracked and we were forced to wait.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 48-9

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to the House of Representatives of the State of Iowa, May 23, 1861

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: — In reply to your resolutions of inquiry in regard to clothing furnished the First Iowa Regiment, I have the honor to say:

When the telegraphic dispatch from the Secretary of War informing me of the requisition for the First Regiment reached me, I did not anticipate the uniforming the men at the expense of the State, as such course had not, so far as I knew or could learn, been pursued in the Mexican War. Fearing, however, that the suddenness of the danger might render it desirable to furnish uniforms, I immediately wrote to the Secretary of War asking information on that point; but the interruption of communication at Baltimore prevented me from receiving any answer. Judging from the fact that other States were preparing for uniforming their volunteers, that it would be desirable to have the same done here, I sent an agent to Chicago to purchase materials for uniforms; but the sudden and great demand for that kind of goods had exhausted the supplies in that city. On learning this by telegraph, and fearing there would not be time to await a supply from New York, I immediately instructed the persons acting as Commissaries to purchase materials and make uniforms at the points where the several companies had been raised. The persons who had the matter in charge at the several points were, at Dubuque, D. N. Cooley Esq. and Capt. F. J. Herron. Capt. Herron was sent specially from Davenport to Dubuque to select the materials and direct the uniforms in such manner as the companies preferred. At Cedar Rapids, Dr. Carpenter; at Davenport, Hiram Price Esq.; at Muscatine, Hon. Jos. A. Greene, and at Burlington, Major J. G. Laumau. At Muscatine and Iowa City the material was purchased and the making of the clothes superintended by committees of citizens. Under these circumstances it was impossible to procure the same uniform for the whole regiment. All that could be done was to have the men of each company clothed alike, but differing from those of other companies. It was also impossible to procure as good material as would have been desirable, had more time been allowed. Much of the clothing was made by the ladies, which to that extent lessened the cost. The amount of clothing furnished, so far as the means now in my possession enable me to state, is as fallows:

Capt. Herron's company, Dubuque; each man, hat, frock coat, pants, two flannel shirts, two pairs of socks and pair of shoes.

Capt. Gottschalk's company, Dubuque; blouse instead of coat, and other articles same as Capt. Herron's.

Capt. Cook's company, Cedar Rapids; hat, two flannel shirts, pants, socks and shoes, no jacket or coat.

Capt. Mahanna's company, Iowa City; hat, jacket, pants, two flannel shirts, socks and shoes.

Capt. Wentz's company, Davenport; hats, blouse, pants, two flannel shirts, socks and shoes.

Capt. Cumming's company, Muscatine; cap, jacket, pants, two flannel shirts, socks and shoes.

Capt. Mason's company, Muscatine; same as Capt. Cumming's.

Capt. Matthies' company, Burlington; hat, blouse, pants, two flannel shirts, socks and shoes.

Capt. Streaper's company, Burlington; same as Capt. Matthies’.

Capt. Wise's company, Mt. Pleasant; same as Capt. Matthies’.

I am not certain that all the companies were furnished with socks, shoes and shirts. Some of the shoes, I have reason to believe, were not of good quality costing only from $1.25 to $1.50 per pair, others I know were good, costing from $2.00 to $2.50 per pair. One thousand extra shirts were sent to Keokuk to supply any deficiency that may have existed in that particular. Most of the material for pants was satinett, and not of good quality, costing, as far as the same came under my observation, from forty to sixty cents per yard by the quantity. The entire amount expended for clothing, so far as I can give it from the data in my possession, is about $12,000 or $13,000. If it be desirable in your judgment to have the companies of this regiment uniformed alike, it will be necessary to furnish all with coats and pants of the same make, and to furnish an additional number of hats or caps. Hats were procured for all, but some preferred the cap and procured it, and the cost has been provided for. I cannot think that all the companies need new shoes, as some of the shoes furnished were of excellent quality and have not yet been worn more than two or three weeks.

I am satisfied that it is for the comfort of these troops that many of them be furnished with pants and shoes, and some with socks. As the Second and Third regiments will be clothed throughout alike, it would no doubt be very gratifying to the First regiment to be placed in the same position, and it will afford me much pleasure to carry out whatever may be your wishes in regard to it.

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

May 23, 1861.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 131-2

Special Message of Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to the Legislature of Iowa, May 15, 1861

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:

The Constitution requires that I shall state to you the purpose for which you have been convened in Extraordinary Session.

When, a little more than a year ago, your regular session closed, the whole country was in the enjoyment of peace and prosperity. At home, life, liberty and property were secure, and abroad the title of an American citizen was claimed with pride, and a full assurance that it was a sure guaranty of respect and protection to all who could make good the claim. To-day civil war is upon us, and a wide-spread conspiracy against the General Government, which we now know has been maturing for years, has been developed, and the whole country is filled with the din of arms. On the one hand, and from one section of the country, men who should be loyal citizens, if benefits conferred by a government should make men loyal to it, are mustering in armed bands with the intent to dissolve the Union and destroy our government, and on the other hand, partially from the same section, and as one man, from the other, our loyal people are rallying around our Union and our government, and pledging for their maintenance what our fathers so freely periled to secure for them — life, fortune and honor.

In this emergency Iowa must not and does not occupy a doubtful position. For the Union as our fathers formed it, and for the government they founded so wisely and so well, the people of Iowa are ready to pledge every fighting man in the State and every dollar of her money and credit; and I have called you together in extraordinary session for the purpose of enabling them to make that pledge formal and effective.

Those who, to gratify their mad ambition, have brought upon the country this great evil, seek to disguise their true intent, to cover their true purpose. They say they do not desire to destroy our Government, but that it has become hostile to them, and they only wish to peacefully withdraw themselves from it, which they claim the right to do whenever, in their judgment, their interest or safety may require such action. Many loyal men, deceived by their professions and not perceiving that “peaceful secession” was destructive alike of the Constitution and Union, were unwilling that any coercive measures should be used to bring them back to a sense of their duty. How are the facts? Our government is based on these great central, controlling ideas. The people are the only true source of power. In the exercise of their power, they have created our present form of government, retaining in their own hands its management and control. They have honesty enough to desire, and intelligence enough to discern, the right, and if at any time they should, by reason of excitement or passion, misdirect the action of government and do wrong to any portion of themselves, their honesty and their intelligence can be surely relied upon to correct such wrongs. These are the fundamental ideas of our form of government, and when any section of our country or any portion of our people, alleging that wrongs have been done them, declare they cannot and will not rely upon the honesty and intelligence of our people to right such wrongs, but will right their wrongs in their own way and by their own hands, they strike a blew which, if not arrested, will crumble the fabric of our government into ruins.

Has the Government been hostile to them? At the time this unnatural rebellion commenced there was not on the statute books of the United States a single law that had not been dictated or assented to by their Representatives. The recent election, of the result of which they so loudly complain, had placed in the Presidential chair a person opposed to their policy upon one important question, but had left them in possession of two other independent and co-ordinate branches of the Government, so that it was utterly impossible any injury could result to them from the election of a President who was not their choice. Under these circumstances, without waiting to see what would be the disposition of the newly elected President, without trusting to Congress and the Judiciary yet under their control, without waiting for an appeal to the honesty and intelligence of the people to right any wrongs that might be attempted against them, they rebelled against the Government, and sought to destroy it by arms. They have seized by force the forts, arsenals, ships and treasure, and have set at defiance the laws and officers of the United States, and they have sought to set up within the Union another and independent government. They have for months past been levying troops, building forts and gathering munitions of war, with intent to make war upon our Government, if it should attempt to perform its lawful functions, and after months of preparation, have attacked with overwhelming numbers and captured the troops of the United States, holding a fort of the United States and have, so far as in them lies, dishonored that proud flag, which throughout the world is the emblem of the power, the honor and the glory of our nation.

What in the meantime has been the action of our Government towards these misguided men? The history of the world cannot show equal moderation and forbearance by any government towards a portion of its people in rebellion against its laws. For months some of these men were allowed to hold high positions in the Cabinet, and used their official power only to betray the government of which they were the sworn and trusted servants. For months many of them were allowed to retain their seats in both branches of Congress, and used their positions to defeat the enactment of wholesome laws necessary for the protection of the government. For months many of them were permitted to hold high command in the army and navy, and used their position to betray and dishonor the flag they had sworn to protect and defend. For months the government yielded, step by step, and had used only words of kindness and good-will. But forbearance, moderation and kindness were regarded only as evidences of weakness, imbecility and cowardice, until at last the crowning outrage at Fort Sumter convinced all men that further forbearance had indeed ceased to be a virtue, and would make those charged with the safety of the government as criminal as those who were seeking to destroy it. At last the Government has spoken, and has called the loyal men of the country to rally to its support, and the answer has been such as to show the world the strength of a government founded on the love of a free people.

On the 15th day of April last the President issued his Proclamation, calling upon the loyal States for aid to enforce the laws. On the 25th day of the same month, I received from the Secretary of War a requisition on this State dated on the 15th, calling for one regiment of troops. Having been before advised by telegraph that such requisition had been issued, I felt well assured that I would be carrying out your will and the will of the people of the State, in responding to the call as promptly as possible. I therefore did not wait the receipt of the formal requisition, but proceeded at once to take such steps as seemed to me best adapted to speedily effect that object. I was met at the outset by two difficulties. There were not any funds under my control to meet the necessary expenses, nor was there any efficient military law under which to operate. Your action only could furnish these aids in a legal way, and yet to await your action would involve great, perhaps dangerous, delay.

The first difficulty was obviated by the patriotic action of the chartered Banks and citizens of the State, who promptly placed at my disposal all the money I might need, and I determined, although without authority of law, to accept their offer, trusting that you would legalize my acts. One difficulty thus avoided, I trusted, as the result shows, safely, to the patriotism of the people for the removal of the other, and on the 17th day of April issued my Proclamation calling for the requisite number of troops.

The telegraphic dispatch of the Secretary of War informed me that it would be sufficient if the troops required of this State were in rendezvous at Keokuk, by the 20th inst. The prompt and patriotic action of the people enabled me to place them there in uniform on the 8th, twelve days in advance of the time fixed, and they would have been there a week sooner had not the action of the mob at Baltimore cut off all communication with the seat of Government, and left me without any instructions for two weeks. I recommend that you make suitable appropriations, covering expenses thus incurred.

Tenders of troops were made altogether beyond the amount required, and learning from the newspapers and other sources, that an other requisition would probably be made on this State, I took the responsibility of ordering into quarters, in the respective counties where raised, enough companies to form a second regiment in anticipation of such requisition, that they might acquire the necessary discipline and drill. The second requisition has not yet reached me, but I am expecting it daily, and am prepared to respond to it promptly when made.

The officers and men composing the first regiment were in quarters for some time before being mustered into the service of the United States, and those called out in anticipation of a second requisition, will have been in quarters a considerable time before they will be called into service, if at all. It is but just that provision be made for payment-of the men who have thus promptly and patriotically stepped forth in defense of the country, for the time lost by them before being actually received by the United States, and I recommend that you make the necessary appropriations for that purpose.

In addition to the two regiments thus accepted by me, I have already received tenders of companies enough to make up five regiments more, and I have been strongly urged by them, and by many other good citizens, to accept the whole, and place them in quarters at the expense of the State. In view of the facts that all I had done was without authority of law, and the further fact that you, the lawmaking power of the State, was so soon to assemble, I did not feel justified in so doing, but have recommended in all cases that all such companies should if possible keep up their organization, and should devote as much of their time as possible to the drill without interfering materially with their ordinary business, thus keeping in reserve a large organized and partially drilled force, to meet emergencies.

In several localities patriotic citizens have at their own expense furnished subsistence for companies thus organized, and not accepted, and they have been in quarters drilling daily. Whether any of the expenses thus incurred shall be paid by the State, or whether any compensation shall be made to the men for the time thus spent in quarters, is peculiarly within your province to determine.

In addition to the passage of laws legalizing what has thus far been done, and providing for expenses thus far incurred, it will be your duty carefully to examine what further the State should do to meet present necessities, and future contingencies.

In my judgment there are two objects which in your deliberation your should keep steadily in view, and which I recommend to your serious consideration, viz: the protection of our State against invasion and the prompt supply to the General Government of any further aid it may require.

Our State is supposed by many to be exposed to attack, on two sides — our Southern and Western borders — on the South by reckless men from Missouri; on the West by Indians. Missouri is unfortunately strongly infected with the heresy of secession, which is hurrying so many of the Southern States to ruin. What may be the ultimate result in that State, we do not know. Should she unfortunately attempt to dissolve her connection with the Union, serious trouble may, and probably will, spring up along our Southern border. Even in that event I can hardly anticipate an armed invasion by regular military forces from that State. Surrounded as she is by Kansas, Illinois and Iowa such invasion by her would be sheer madness, and it seems to me we are guarded against such danger if not by her calm judgment and her neighborly good will, at least by her instinct of self-preservation. But lawless, reckless men within her limits may take advantage of the unsettled condition of public affairs to organize a system of border warfare, for the purpose of plunder, and it is your duty to properly guard against this danger.

The known facts that the troops have wholly or in a great part been withdrawn from the forts in the territories west of us, and the restraint of their presence thus removed from the Indian tribes on our border, that the Indians have received, probably highly-colored statements in regard to the war now upon us, and that since the massacre at Spirit Lake in our State, some years since, which went wholly unpunished, they have shown an aggressive disposition, coupled with the probability that they may be tampered with by bad men, render it, in my judgment, matter of imperative necessity that proper measures be taken to guard against danger from that quarter.

I have already done what I could, with the limited means at my command, to furnish arms on both borders.

Two modes for the protection of the State and furnishing further aid, if needed, to the General Government, suggest themselves to me. One is the mustering into the service of the State, arming, equipping and placing in camp to acquire discipline and drill, a number of regiments of volunteers. The advantages of this are, that we would have at hand a disciplined force, ready to meet any emergency, State or National. The disadvantages are its expense, and its insufficiency, by reason of the great extent of our border, to protect our frontier against the lawless bands to which we are exposed. The other plan is to organize along our Southern and Western frontier, arm and equip but not muster into active service, a sufficient force of minute men, who may be called upon at any moment to meet any emergency that may arise at any point. This will be the more effective plan for home protection, but will not place the State in position to render such effective aid to the General Government. Which, if either, of these plans, or whether a combination of both, or whether something wholly distinct from either shall be adopted, I leave for your wisdom to decide.

It will be necessary that you enact a military law, authorizing, among other things, the formation of a military staff under which I can have the assistance and advice of such officers as compose it, in raising, arming, equipping and supporting such further troops as you may direct to be raised for the use of the State or as may be required by the United States.

It will also be necessary to use the credit of the State to raise means to meet the extraordinary expenses incurred, and to be incurred. You have the power to do this under that provision of the Constitution which authorizes without a vote of the people the contracting of a debt “to repel invasion” or to “defend the State in war.”

In most or all of the counties in which companies have thus far been accepted, the Board of Supervisors or public spirited citizens have raised means for the support of the families of volunteers who have left families dependent on them for support. This action is eminently praiseworthy and yet its operation is partial and unequal. It is scarcely to be presumed that companies will be received from all the counties of the State, or equally from those counties from which they may be received, and it seems to me much more equitable and just that the expense be borne by the State, and the burden thus equally distributed among our people.

The procuring of a liberal supply of arms for the use of the State, is a matter that I earnestly recommend to your early and serious consideration. The last four weeks have taught us a lesson which I trust we may never forget, that during peace is the proper time to prepare for war.

I feel assured the State can readily raise the means necessary to place her in a position consistent alike with her honor and her safety. Her territory of great extent and unsurpassed fertility, inviting and constantly receiving a desirable immigration, her population of near three quarters of a million of intelligent, industrious, energetic and liberty-loving people, her rapid past, and prospective growth, her present financial condition, having a debt of only about one quarter of a million of dollars, unite to make her bonds among the most desirable investments that our country affords.

The people of Iowa, your constituents and mine, remembering that money is the sinews of war, will consider alike criminal a mistaken parsimony which stops short of doing whatever is necessary for the honor and safety of the State and a wild extravagance which would unnecessarily squander the public treasure.

Our revenue law is, in my judgment, defective in some particulars, requiring, perhaps, some unnecessary expense and not being sufficiently stringent to compel the prompt payment of taxes. At all times, and more especially at a time like this, every good citizen should cheerfully contribute his share of the public burdens, and those who are not disposed to do so should feel the force of stringent laws insuring the performance of that duty. A failure to pay taxes promptly compels the State to use her warrants instead of cash, to carry on the operations of the government, and adds to the expense of the State, not only the increased prices she is compelled to pay for articles purchased for her use over and above the prices at which she could buy for cash, but also the interest upon the warrants issued until the same are paid.

I earnestly recommend a careful examination and a full use of your Constitutional powers to punish the men, if any there be, in our State who may feel disposed to furnish aid in any way to those who are or may be in rebellion against the United States or engaged in acts of hostility to this State.

The great haste in which, amidst the pressure of other duties, I have been compelled to prepare this message, renders it very probable that I may have overlooked some subjects that you may deem of importance in the present emergency. When convened in extra session, your powers of legislation have the same scope and limit as at your regular sessions, and I feel confident your wisdom and foresight will supply all such omissions.

Permit me in conclusion to express the hope that what you do, may be done promptly, calmly and thoroughly. Let us take no counsel from passion, nor give way to excitement. Let us look our situation boldly and squarely in the face, and address ourselves to and do our duty like men who believe that while we hold to our father's faith and tread in our father's steps, the God of our fathers will stand by us in the time of our trial as He stood by them in the time of theirs.

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 120-7

Edwin M. Stanton to James Buchanan, May 16, 1861

WASHINGTON, 16 May, 1861.

DEAR SIR:

Your letter by Mr. Magraw was received, and I designed to send an answer by him, but he left here without my knowledge.

On the 24th of April, the day after the Baltimore riot, and again on Blue Tuesday, the day before the arrival of the New York regiments, I wrote to you. These letters will probably reach you sometime, if they have not already arrived, but I regret their miscarriage, as they kept up a regular chain of Washington events from the date of Lincoln's first proclamation after the capture of Sumter, and since that time incidents have passed so rapidly that I cannot recall them in their order.

The fling of Mr. F. W. Seward about "negotiations" would merit a retort if there were an independent press and the state of the times admitted discussion of such matters. The negotiations carried on by Mr. Seward with the Confederate Commissioners through Judge Campbell & Judge Nelson will some day perhaps be brought to light, and if they were as has been represented to me, Mr. Seward and the Lincoln administration will not be in a position to make sneering observations respecting any negotiations during your administration. It was in reference to these that Jeff Davis in his message spoke with so much severity. You no doubt observed his allusion to informal negotiations through a person holding a high station in the Government of the United States, and which were participated in by other persons holding stations equally high. I have understood that Judge Campbell was the person alluded to, and that Judges Nelson & perhaps Catron were the other persons cognizant of Mr. Seward's assurances respecting the evacuation of Fort Sumter.

Mr. Holt is still here. Judge Black has been absent some weeks but returned night before last. Mr. Holt stays at home pretty closely, and I have met him very seldom though I occasionally hear of his visiting some of the Departments. The state of affairs is tolerably well detailed in the public prints. But no description could convey to you the panic that prevailed here for several days after the Baltimore riot, and before communications were reopened. This was increased by reports of the trepidation of Lincoln that were circulated through the streets. Almost every family packed up their effects. Women & children were sent away in great numbers; provisions advanced to famine prices. In a great measure the alarm has passed away, but there is still a deep apprehension that before long this city is doomed to be the scene of battle & carnage.

In respect to military operations going on or contemplated, little is known until the results are announced in the newspapers. General Scott seems to have carte blanche. He is in fact the Government, and if his health continues, vigorous measures are anticipated.

For the last few days I have been moving my family, my former residence being made unpleasant by troops & hospitals surrounding me. In the present state of affairs I do not like to leave home or I would pay you a visit, but no one knows what may happen any day, or how soon the communications may be again interrupted. Marching and drilling is going on all day in every street. The troops that have arrived here are in general fine-looking, able-bodied, active men, well equipped, and apparently ready & willing for the service in which they are engaged.

Your cordial concurrence in the disposition to maintain the Government & resist aggression gives great satisfaction, and I am pleased to observe a letter from you in the Intelligencer of this morning.

I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane. There are many stories afloat among the ladies in the city that would amuse her, but as they are no doubt told her by lady correspondents, it is needless for me to repeat them.

I hope you may continue in the enjoyment of good health, & remain with sincere regard

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON

SOURCE: John Bassett Moore, editor, The Works of James Buchanan: Comprising His Speeches, State Papers and Private Correspondence, Volume 11 1860-1868, p. 190-1

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, May 7.

SENATE. – Mr. McDougal from the naval committee, reported a bill for the relief of Capt. D. G. Farragut.  The bill authorizes the payment of advances made by him while in California.  It passed.

A committee from the House appeared and impeached Judge Humphreys of Tenn.

The president said the Senate would take proper order in the premises.

HOUSE. –Mr. Elliott from the committee on commerce, reported a bill establishing a port of entry and delivery in the collection district of Beaufort S. C., at or near Hilton Head, to be called the Port of Port Royal, providing for the appointment of a collector at a salary of $1,500 per annum, and for weighers, guagers; &c.

Mr. Elliott remarked that a letter from the Secretary had been sent to the committee, stating the importance of this measure.  The bill was passed.

Mr. Crisfield caused to be read the resolution of the Maryland Legislature, appropriating $10,000 for the relief of the families of those Massachusetts 6th, who suffered by the 19th of April riot in Baltimore, and the response of the Massachusetts Legislature in acknowledgment of the generous sympathies and kind fraternal feelings they exhibited, which should always prevail among the States of the Union.

Mr. Crisfield said these proceedings afforded some sign of a restoration of peaceful relations, while we were receiving accounts of the glorious success of our arms.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 8, 1862, p. 1