Last night there was
a general illumination in Washington, fireworks, etc. To-day is the anniversary
of the surrender of Sumter, and the flag is to be raised by General Anderson.
General Grant was
present at the meeting of the Cabinet to-day, and remained during the session.
The subject was the relations of the Rebels, the communications, the trade,
etc. Stanton proposed that intercourse should be opened by his issuing
an order, that the Treasury would give permits to all who wished them to trade,
excluding contraband, and he, Stanton, would order the vessels to be received
into any port. I suggested that it would be better that the President should issue
a proclamation stating and enjoining the course to be pursued by the several
Departments.
McCulloch expressed
a willingness to be relieved of the Treasury agents. General Grant expressed
himself very decidedly against them; thought them demoralizing, etc. The
President said we, i. e. the Secretaries of Treasury, War, and Navy, had given
the subject more attention than he had and he would be satisfied with any
conclusion we would unite upon. I proposed to open the whole coast to any one
who wished to trade, and who had a regular clearance and manifest, and was
entitled to a coast license. Stanton thought it should not extend beyond the
military lines. General Grant thought they might embrace all this side of the
Mississippi.
Secretary Stanton
requested the Cabinet to hear some remarks which he desired to make, and to
listen to a proposition or ordinance which he had prepared with much care and
after a great deal of reflection, for reconstruction in the Rebel States. The
plan or ordinance embraced two distinct heads, one for asserting the Federal
authority in Virginia, the other for reëstablishing a State government. The first
struck me favorably, with some slight emendations; the second seemed to me
objectionable in several essentials, and especially as in conflict with the
principles of self-government which I deem essential. There was little said on
the subject, for the understanding was that we should each be furnished with a
copy for criticism and suggestion, and in the mean time we were requested by
the President to deliberate and carefully consider the proposition. He remarked
that this was the great question now before us, and we must soon begin to act.
Was glad Congress was not in session.
I objected that
Virginia occupied a different position from that of any other State in
rebellion; that while regular State governments were to be established in other
States, whose Secession governments were nullities and would not be recognized,
Virginia had a skeleton organization which she had maintained through the War,
which government we had recognized and still recognized; that we to-day
acknowledged Peirpoint as the legitimate Governor of Virginia. He had been
elected by only a few border counties, it was true; had never been able to
enforce his authority over but a small portion of the territory or population;
nevertheless we had recognized and sustained him.
The President said
the point was well taken. Governor Dennison said he thought we should
experience little difficulty from Peirpoint. Stanton said none whatever.
I remarked the fact
was not to be controverted that we had treated with the existing government and
could not ignore our own acts. The President and a portion of the Cabinet had,
in establishing the new State of West Virginia, recognized the validity of the
government of Virginia and of Peirpoint's administration, which had given its
assent to that division. Without that consent no division could legally have
taken place. I had differed with others in that matter, but consistency and the
validity of our own act required us to continue to acknowledge the existing
government. It was proper we should enforce the Federal authority, and it was
proper we should aid Governor Peirpoint, whose government was recognized and
established. In North Carolina a legal government was now to be organized and
the State reëstablished in her proper relations to the Union.
Inquiry had been
made as to army news on the first meeting of the Cabinet, and especially if any
information had been received from Sherman. None of the members had heard
anything, and Stanton, who makes it a point to be late, and who has the
telegraph in his Department, had not arrived. General Grant, who was present,
said he was hourly expecting word. The President remarked it would, he had no
doubt, come soon, and come favorable, for he had last night the usual dream
which he had preceding nearly every great and important event of the War.
Generally the news had been favorable which succeeded this dream, and the dream
itself was always the same. I inquired what this remarkable dream could be. He
said it related to your (my) element, the water; that he seemed to be in some
singular, indescribable vessel, and that he was moving with great rapidity
towards an indefinite shore; that he had this dream preceding Sumter, Bull Run,
Antietam, Gettysburg, Stone River, Vicksburg, Wilmington, etc. General Grant said
Stone River was certainly no victory, and he knew of no great results which
followed from it. The President said however that might be, his dream preceded
that fight.1
“I had,” the
President remarked, “this strange dream again last night, and we shall, judging
from the past, have great news very soon. I think it must be from Sherman. My
thoughts are in that direction, as are most of yours.
I write this
conversation three days after it occurred, in consequence of what took place
Friday night, and but for which the mention of this dream would probably have
never been noted. Great events did, indeed, follow, for within a few hours the
good and gentle, as well as truly great, man who narrated his dream closed
forever his earthly career.
I had retired to bed
about half past-ten on the evening of the 14th of April, and was just getting
asleep when Mrs. Welles, my wife, said some one was at our door. Sitting up in
bed, I heard a voice twice call to John, my son, whose sleeping-room was on the
second floor directly over the front entrance. I arose at once and raised a
window, when my messenger, James Smith, called to me that Mr. Lincoln, the
President, had been shot, and said Secretary Seward and his son, Assistant
Secretary Frederick Seward, were assassinated. James was much alarmed and
excited. I told him his story was very incoherent and improbable, that he was
associating men who were not together and liable to attack at the same time.
“Where," I inquired, “was the President when shot?" James said he was
at Ford's Theatre on 10th Street. "Well," said I, “Secretary Seward
is an invalid in bed in his house yonder on 15th Street." James said he
had been there, stopped in at the house to make inquiry before alarming me.
I immediately
dressed myself, and, against the earnest remonstrance and appeals of my wife,
went directly to Mr. Seward's, whose residence was on the east side of the
square, mine being on the north. James accompanied me. As we were crossing 15th
Street, I saw four or five men in earnest consultation, standing under the lamp
on the corner by St. John's Church. Before I had got half across the street,
the lamp was suddenly extinguished and the knot of persons rapidly dispersed.
For a moment and but a moment I was disconcerted to find myself in darkness,
but, recollecting that it was late and about time for the moon to rise, I
proceeded on, not having lost five steps, merely making a pause without
stopping. Hurrying forward into 15th Street, I found it pretty full of people,
especially so near the residence of Secretary Seward, where there were many
soldiers as well as citizens already gathered.
Entering the house,
I found the lower hall and office full of persons, and among them most of the
foreign legations, all anxiously inquiring what truth there was in the horrible
rumors afloat. I replied that my object was to ascertain the facts. Proceeding
through the hall to the stairs, I found one, and I think two, of the servants
there holding the crowd in check. The servants were frightened and appeared
relieved to see me. I hastily asked what truth there was in the story that an
assassin or assassins had entered the house and assaulted the Secretary. They
said it was true, and that Mr. Frederick was also badly injured. They wished me
to go up, but no others. At the head of the first stairs I met the elder Mrs.
Seward, who was scarcely able to speak but desired me to proceed up to Mr. Seward's
room. I met Mrs. Frederick Seward on the third story, who, although in extreme
distress, was, under the circumstances, exceedingly composed. I asked for the
Secretary's room, which she pointed out, — the southwest room. As I entered, I
met Miss Fanny Seward, with whom I exchanged a single word, and proceeded to
the foot of the bed. Dr. Verdi and, I think, two others were there. The bed was
saturated with blood. The Secretary was lying on his back, the upper part of
his head covered by a cloth, which extended down over his eyes. His mouth was
open, the lower jaw dropping down. I exchanged a few whispered words with Dr.
V. Secretary Stanton, who came after but almost simultaneously with me, made
inquiries in a louder tone till admonished by a word from one of the
physicians. We almost immediately withdrew and went into the adjoining front
room, where lay Frederick Seward. His eyes were open but he did not move them,
nor a limb, nor did he speak. Doctor White, who was in attendance, told me he
was unconscious and more dangerously injured than his father.
As we descended the
stairs, I asked Stanton what he had heard in regard to the President that was
reliable. He said the President was shot at Ford's Theatre, that he had seen a
man who was present and witnessed the occurrence. I said I would go immediately
to the White House. Stanton told me the President was not there but was at the theatre.
“Then,” said I, “let us go immediately there.” He said that was his intention,
and asked me, if I had not a carriage, to go with him. In the lower hall we met
General Meigs,2 whom he requested to take charge of the house, and
to clear out all who did not belong there. General Meigs begged Stanton not to
go down to 10th Street; others also remonstrated against our going. Stanton, I
thought, hesitated. Hurrying forward, I remarked that I should go immediately,
and I thought it his duty also. He said he should certainly go, but the
remonstrants increased and gathered round him. I said we were wasting time,
and, pressing through the crowd, entered the carriage and urged Stanton, who
was detained by others after he had placed his foot on the step. I was impatient.
Stanton, as soon as he had seated himself, turned round, rose partly, and said
the carriage was not his. I said that was no objection. He invited Meigs to go
with us, and Judge Cartter of the Supreme Court3 mounted with the
driver. At this moment Major Eckert4 rode up on horseback beside the
carriage and protested vehemently against Stanton's going to 10th Street; said
he had just come from there, that there were thousands of people of all sorts
there, and he considered it very unsafe for the Secretary of War to expose
himself. I replied that I knew not where he would be more safe, and that the
duty of both of us was to attend the President immediately. Stanton concurred.
Meigs called to some soldiers to go with us, and there was one on each side of
the carriage. The streets were full of people. Not only the sidewalk but the
carriage-way was to some extent occupied, all or nearly all hurrying towards
10th Street. When we entered that street we found it pretty closely packed.
The President had
been carried across the street from the theatre, to the house of a Mr.
Peterson. We entered by ascending a flight of steps above the basement and
passing through a long hall to the rear, where the President lay extended on a
bed, breathing heavily. Several surgeons were present, at least six, I should
think more. Among them I was glad to observe Dr. Hall, who, however, soon left.
I inquired of Dr. H., as I entered, the true condition of the President. He
replied the President was dead to all intents, although he might live three
hours or perhaps longer.
The giant sufferer
lay extended diagonally across the bed, which was not long enough for him. He
had been stripped of his clothes. His large arms, which were occasionally
exposed, were of a size which one would scarce have expected from his spare
appearance. His slow, full respiration lifted the clothes with each breath that
he took. His features were calm and striking. I had never seen them appear to
better advantage than for the first hour, perhaps, that I was there. After
that, his right eye began to swell and that part of his face became discolored.
Senator Sumner was
there, I think, when I entered. If not he came in soon after, as did Speaker
Colfax, Mr. Secretary McCulloch, and the other members of the Cabinet, with the
exception of Mr. Seward. A double guard was stationed at the door and on the
sidewalk, to repress the crowd, which was of course highly excited and anxious.
The room was small and overcrowded. The surgeons and members of the Cabinet
were as many as should have been in the room, but there were many more, and the
hall and other rooms in the front or main house were full. One of these rooms
was occupied by Mrs. Lincoln and her attendants, with Miss Harris. Mrs. Dixon
and Mrs. Kinney came to her about twelve o'clock. About once an hour Mrs.
Lincoln would repair to the bedside of her dying husband and with lamentation
and tears remain until overcome by emotion.
_______________
1 General Grant interrupted to say Stone River
was no victory, — that a few such fights would have ruined us. The President
looked at Grant curiously and inquiringly; said they might differ on that point,
and at all events his dream preceded it. This was the first occasion I had to
notice Grant's jealous nature. In turning it over in my mind at a later period,
I remembered that Rawlins had been sent to Washington to procure action against
General McClernand at Vicksburg. Later there was jealousy manifested towards
General Thomas and others who were not satellites. - G. W.
2 Montgomery C. Meigs, Quartermaster-General.
3 That is, of the Supreme Court of the
District of Columbia.
4 Maj. T. T. Eckert, Assistant Superintendent
of the Military Telegraph.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon
Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864
— December 31, 1866, p. 280-7
