Showing posts with label Henry Clay. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Henry Clay. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 9, 2024

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, March 22, 1852

WASHINGTON, March 22, 1852.

MY DEAR SON,—I received your letter of the 8th. I was glad to receive your letter and to peruse all the details in it.

My health continues without any material change. I am very weak, write with no comfort, sleep badly, and have very little appetite for my food.

You must not mind what you see in the newspapers about me, such as that I was going to the Senate to make a speech, etc. Not a word of truth in it.

My love to Susan and all the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 630

Senator Henry Clay to Mary Mentelle Clay, April 7, 1852

WASHINGTON, April 7, 1852

MY DEAR MARY,—I received your letter of the 30th ultimo, and thank you for it. Your letters always give me satisfaction, as they go into details and tell me things which nobody else writes. The state of my health remains pretty much as it has been. But little sleep, appetite, or strength.

If I am spared, and have strength to make the journey, I think of going home in May or early in June, and in that case I wish to send for Thomas to accompany me.

I wish you would ask your mother to pay a small note of mine held by Ike Shelby. I have just heard to-day of the death of Mr. Jacobs. Poor Susan must be overwhelmed with grief.

We have had no good weather yet.

My love to Susan and the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 630

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, April 10, 1852

WASHINGTON, April 10, 1852.

MY DEAR SON,—I have heard of the death of Mr. Jacobs, and I offer to you and to Susan assurances of my cordial condolence. Tell her that I hope she will bear the event with the fortitude of a Christian. My health continues very feeble, so much so that I write with no comfort or ease, as you may infer from this letter being written by the pen of a friend. What will be the issue of my illness it is impossible to predict. My own opinion of the case is less favorable than that of my physicians. If my strength continues to fail me, I think I can not last a great while. I feel perfectly composed and resigned to my fate, whatever it may be. Give my love to Susan and all your children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 630-1

Thomas H. Clay to James B. Clay, May 8, 1852

WASHINGTON, May 8, 1852.

DEAR JAMES,—Summoned by a telegraphic dispatch of the 27th ultimo, I arrived here on Tuesday evening last, the 5th instant. For forty-eight hours after my arrival, my father appeared better than he had been for a week previous. He is very feeble, and there is no longer any hope of his reaching Kentucky alive.

Dr. Jackson thinks that there may be a termination of his case in a few hours, and it may be possible that he may live a week or ten days longer. He is greatly reduced in flesh; the same cough yet continues to harass and weaken him, and he is now unable even to walk across the room. Yesterday evening, supported by a friend on each side, he was very near fainting. He has now to be carried from his bed to his couch. He can not talk five minutes in the course of the day without great exhaustion.

He has directed me to say in answer to your letter of the 24th ultimo, that he is too weak to attend to the matter you write of with Corcoran and Riggs.

He is calm and composed, and will meet the enemy without any fears of the result. The Sacrament was administered to him yesterday, by Mr. Butler, the Episcopalian chaplain of the Senate. Give my love to your wife and children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 631

Thomas H. Clay to Mary Mentelle Clay, May 8, 1852

 WASHINGTON, May 8, 1852.

MY DEAR MARY,—Had you seen, as I have, the evidences of attachment and interest displayed by my father's friends for him, you could not well help exclaiming, as he has frequently done,

"Was there ever man had such friends!" The first and best in the land are daily and hourly offering tokens of their love and esteem for him.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 631-2 

Sir William Clay to Senator Henry Clay, May 8, 1852

No. 17 HERTFORD ST., Mayfair, May 8, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,—So many years have elapsed since the only intercourse I ever had the pleasure of holding with you—by letters and amity ceased—that I can hardly flatter myself you yet recollect its occurrence. I could not, however, let my son proceed to the United States without giving him at least the chance of becoming personally known to one who has so nobly illustrated the name he himself bears.

This letter, therefore, will be presented to you by my eldest son, William Dickinson Clay, who, with his friend Mr. Morris—a fellow of Oriel College, Oxford—is about to make the tour of the United States.

I know not whether you and I shall ever meet. I have the ardent wish to visit America, but whether my public duties may permit of my gratifying that wish, while I have health and strength to enjoy the journey, is more than doubtful.

Should that not occur, but should it so happen that either you or any one in whom you take an interest visits England, you will not, I hope, forget that you will afford me pleasure by showing that you perfectly rely on the friendly feeling with which I am, my dear sir, yours with great respect and regard.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 632

Tuesday, October 24, 2023

Robert Jefferson Breckinridge to John J. Crittenden, May 3, 1851

LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY, May 3, 1851.
Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

DEAR SIR,—I regret very much to perceive by your letter of the 21st ultimo that you considered my letter to you of the 12th April wanting in proper respect to you, and prompted by irritation on my part. I retained no copy of that letter; but, assuredly, I know very little of myself if it contained the evidences of either of those states of mind.

For the first time in my life I had condescended to solicit, from any human authority, anything, either for myself or any member of my immediate family, though many hundreds of times I have done what I could for others. It was particularly distressing to me that I had been seduced into such a position by the extreme kindness of an old personal friend (Mr. Duncan), as I explained in my first letter to you, and, by some ridiculous notion, that the present administration might consider itself any ways connected with that of General Taylor, so as to feel disposed to fulfill any expectations it may have raised.

Unless my memory deceives me, my first letter, making the application, intimated to you that I was not sure it was proper in me to write you such a letter, and asked you to excuse the impropriety, if indeed one existed. Such, I remember well, was the state of my mind, and I think I expressed it. The only notice ever taken of that letter, by you, is the allusion to it in your letter before me. What took place in the mean time may be uttered in a sentence, and need not be repeated here.

Under all the painful, and to me altogether unprecedented, circumstances of a very humiliating position, I thought it due to you to express my regret at having implicated you, in any degree, in such an affair by my letter of application to you; and I thought it due to myself to express to you, under such circumstances, my regret at allowing myself, in a moment of parental weakness, to embark in a matter which, in all its progress and its termination, was especially out of keeping with the whole tenor of my life and feelings. If my letter, to which yours of the 21st April is an answer, expresses more or less than these things, it is expressed unhappily and improperly. If, during the progress of the affair, you had judged it necessary or proper to have treated it differently, or had had it in your power to do so, I should not have been more bound to feel obliged by any other or further service than I am now bound to feel obliged, by such as your letter informs me you were good enough to render me, under circumstances which, it is now obvious, must have been embarrassing to you, and which, if I had known, I would have instantly released you from. But all this, as it appears to me, only the more painfully shows how inconsiderate my first application to you was, and how needless it was for my subsequent expression of regret for having made it to be taken in an offensive sense.

The sole object of this letter is to place the whole affair on the footing which, in my opinion, it really occupies.

Certainly I had no right to ask anything of the sort I did ask at your hands. But assuredly having been weak enough to ask it, and having, in the course of events, had full occasion to perceive that weakness, I had the right without offense to express sincere regret for what I had inconsiderately done,—to the needless annoyance of yourself and others, and to the wounding of my own self-esteem.

Permit me, in conclusion, to say that altogether the most painful part of this affair, to me, is that I should have given offense to a man who, for nearly if not quite thirty years, I have been accustomed to regard with feelings of the greatest esteem, admiration, and confidence, and for whom, at any moment during those thirty years, I would have periled everything but my honor to have served him; such a man will know how to appreciate the workings of a nature perhaps oversensitive and overproud, in the midst of unusual and oppressive circumstances. If not, it is better to forget all than lose our own self-respect.

As to Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Conrad, strange as it may seem to you, I would never, under ordinary circumstances, have asked either of them for any favor whatever. I rather considered myself asking you and Mr. Clay and Judge Underwood and Judge Breck and a few other old friends to whom I brought myself to the point—not without great difficulty—of saying what I did. This may seem very absurd to you; perhaps it is so; it is nevertheless the truth; and most certainly I did not suppose that any administration of which yourself and Mr. Clay and Judge Underwood and Judge Breck were avowed, if not confidential, supporters, would, under the entire circumstances of this case, have it in its power to refuse so paltry a boon; and after seeing the published list of successful applicants, from which alone I learned the fate of my application, I saw still less reason to comprehend such a result. As to yourself, three particulars separated your case from that of the other friends I have named: 1st. I loved you most, and relied most on you. 2d. I the most distrusted the propriety of writing to you, on account of your connection with the cabinet. 3d. From you alone I had no word of notice; and for these two last reasons, the more felt that an explanation was demanded of me as due both to you and myself.

If you have had patience to read this letter, it is needless for me to say more than that I still desire to be considered your friend.

R. J. B.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 387-9

Monday, October 23, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann, June 18, 1850

JUNE 18, 1850.

Yesterday Mr. Webster made his last and special declaration. A motion was pending, that it should be no objection to the admission of any State hereafter to be formed out of the territory ceded by Mexico, that is, California, Utah, or New Mexico,—that its constitution should recognize or provide for or establish slavery. The present Congress, it is admitted on all hands, has no power to act on that subject; but the movement was designed to give some moral power to the claims of slavery hereafter, should such claims be made. Mr. Webster took a retrospect of his whole course since the 7th of March speech, his Newburyport letter, &c., and declared that he had seen, heard, and reflected nothing which had not confirmed him in the soundness of his opinion; and so, in the most solemn manner, he declared his purpose to go for the bill. I think it will pass the Senate beyond all question. I fear it will also pass the House. It is said that Mr. Clay put in the provision about buying out the claims of Texas at some eight or ten or twelve millions of dollars, for the very purpose of securing a sufficient number of votes to carry it.

The Texan debt consists of bonds or scrip, which, at the time the Compromise Bill was brought in, was not worth more than four or five cents on the dollar: but the same stock is said to be now worth fifty per cent; and, should the bill pass, the stock will be worth a premium. Now, where so many persons are interested, will they not influence members? May not members themselves be influenced by becoming owners of this stock? It affords at least a chance for unrighteous proceedings; and, should the bill pass, there are members who will not escape imputation and suspicion.

A rumor has reached us from New Mexico, that the people are taking steps there to call a convention for the formation of a State Constitution. Should this prove authentic, as most people here think it will, and should they put a proviso against slavery in their constitution, would it not look like a godsend, like a special providence, notwithstanding all we say about that class of events?

Oh, may it turn out to be so!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 303-4

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, June 28, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1850.
S. DOWNER, Esq.

DEAR SIR,—The fate of the Compromise Bill is still doubtful in the Senate, though public opinion here is against its success. Nothing but the prowess of Clay could have kept the breath in it to this time.

The news from New Mexico, if confirmed, knocks the bottom all out of the compromise. If they organize a government there, choose a governor and a legislature, appoint judges, &c., it will present a very pretty anomaly for us to be sending governor, judges, &c., to them. But the great point is the presumed proviso in their constitution. With that, the longer the South keeps them out of the Union, the more antislavery they will become.

. . . Well, Downer, it is the greatest godsend in our times that Taylor was elected over Cass. It is the turning-point of the fortunes of all the new Territories. Had Cass been President, they would have all been slave, and a fair chance for Cuba into the bargain. I am not sorry because I did not vote for Taylor; but I am glad others did. I think he has designedly steered the ship so as to avoid slavery. . . .

Best regards to your wife. You know you always have them. Look out for the boy, and make a hero of him.

Ever truly yours,
H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 304-5

Saturday, October 14, 2023

James A. Seddon to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 7, 1852

RICHMOND, [Va.], February 7, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: For some days past, I have been suffering serious inconvenience and confinement from my vexatious complaints (of which I have a score) and consequently have been prevented from either acknowledging your friendly letter to myself or communicating my views upon the interesting points suggested in your confidential letter to our friend Goode who in pursuance of the leave allowed him submitted it to me. My opinions are worth very little indeed, especially now that my thoughts and feelings are so little given to political subjects but such as they are, will ever be most sincerely and frankly at the services of a friend so highly valued as yourself. I agree with you readily as to the position and duty of the Southern Rights (or as I prefer the States Rights) party of the South in the coming presidential struggle. Personally I should have preferred a separate organization and action on their part and 18 months ago, when I still hoped their spirit and their strength might prove equal to their zeal and the justice of their cause, I should have advised that course. Now however it is apparent, their cause as a political one is lost and thus separate action would be more than preposterous-would be suicidal. The cursed Bonds of party paralized our strength and energy when they might have been successfully exerted, and now as some partial compensation must sustain and uphold us from dispersion and prostration. In reviewing the past I am inclined to think the great error we committed in the South was the uniting at all in council or action with the Whigs. Their timidity betrayed more than treason. We should have acted in and through the Democratic party alone. Certainly that is all that remains to us now to do. We have and can maintain (within certain limits of considerable latitude) ascendency in the Democratic party of the South and probably controlling influence on the general policy and action of the whole party in the Union. The Union party, par excellence, we can proscribe and crush. What miserable gulls the Union Democrats of the South find them, and I am inclined to think the Union Whigs will not fair much better. "Woodcocks caught in their own springs." Of both for the most part, it may be safely said, they were venal or timid-knaves or fools and most richly will they deserve disappointment and popular contempt. The Southern Rights men by remaining in full communion with the Democratic party will be at least prepared for two important objects-to inflict just retribution on deserters and traitors to sustain, it may be, reward friends and true men. I go for the States Rights men making themselves the Simon pures of Southern Democracy—the standard bearers and champions in the coming presidential fight.

Now as for the candidate. We must exclude Cass and every other such cats paw of Clay and the Union Whigs. We must have a candidate too who will carry the Middle States or rather on whom the Democracy of the Middle States will rally. Too many factions prevail in those states to allow any prominent man among them to unite all the Democracy. Besides they are peculiarly wanting in fit available men. It is rather farcical to be sure to those who know to insist on Douglas as most fit. The best man for the Presidency and yet I have for more than than [sic] a year thought it was coming to that absurdity. On many accounts I concur with you in believing he is our best chance and that we had better go in for him at once and decidedly, making our adhesion if we can [be] conclusive of the nomination. You know I have long thought better of his capacity than most of our friends, especially the Judge and he is at least as honest and more firm than any of his competitors. I should be disposed therefore to urge him.

As to the vice presidency, I am strongly inclined to urge the continued use of your name, unless your personal repugnance is insuperable. I can readily understand your present position to be more acceptable to your personal feelings. I think it the most agreeable position under the Government, but ought not other considerations to weigh seriously. There is the chance of the Presidency by vacancy, not much perhaps but still to be weighed. There is a certain niche in History to all time which to a man not destitute of ambition is an object. There is to your family the highest dignity and respect attached to the Vice Presidency in popular estimation. In this last point of view, is not something due too to your State. Southern States can hardly longer aspire to give Presidents. Whatever belated honors are to be cast on them must be through sub or direct stations and of these the Vice Presidency is the first.

These considerations I think should prevail and I suspect would, if some personal feelings reflected from the general estimate of your friends in regard to Douglas and a just estimate as I know and feel it of your own subornity did not make you revolt at a secondary position on his ticket. You may too fear that the influence and estimation of your character among the true men of the South might be impaired by this sort of a doubtful alliance with Northern politicians and schemers even of the most unobjectionable stamp. All these considerations are not without weight with me. I feel them to the full as much on your account as you can well do yourself, and yet I think they ought not to control. We must be practical as politicians and statesmen to be useful—a high position—good—a position of acknowledged influence and confessed participation in the administration ought not to be lost to the States Rights men from over refined scruples and feelings. As Vice President, I believe you could and would have great influence in the administration and that influence might prove of immense value to our cause in the South.

If however your objections personally are insuperable, I am too truly your friend to insist on their reliquishment. We must then look out for and obtain the next best of our school, who is available. I should not advise as you suggest J[ohn] Y. M[ason]. He is not strictly of us—is too flexible—too needy and too diplomatic to be fully relied upon. I fear we should have to go out of our State, unless Douglas could be content with Meade or with Goode himself. Bayly might have done but for his desertion, which has lost all old friends and gained none new. Jefferson Davis would be the best if he would accept. If not, what would be said to Gov[ernor] Chapman of Al[abam]a. He is I think a true man. Excuse an abrupt close. I have exhausted my only paper.

[P. S.] My best regards to the Judge and Mr. Mason. Write whenever you have a spare hour to bestow on a friend.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 136-9

Thursday, October 12, 2023

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, September 26, 1851

ASHLAND, September 26, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 19th instant, with the memorial inclosed. On the subject of the next Presidency, my opinions and views have undergone no change since I last wrote to you. Should I be able, as I now hope to be, from my slowly improving health, to attend the next session of the Senate, we will confer more freely on that subject. In the mean time, I am glad that my friends in New York have foreborne to present my name as a candidate.

I have looked at the list of events and subjects which are proposed to be inscribed on the medal. I have made out and sent herewith a more comprehensive list, embracing most of the important matters, as to which I had any agency, during my service in the National councils. As to the Cumberland Road, no year can be properly fixed. Appropriations for it were made from year to year, for a series of years, which were violently opposed, and the support of which chiefly devolved on me. So in regard to Spanish America, the first movement was made by me in 1818, and my exertions were continued from year to year, until the measure of recognition was finally completed in 1822.

The list now sent may be too large for inscription on the medal. Of course it is my wish that it should be dealt with, by abridgment, or omission as may be thought proper. The two reports, made by me in the Senate, which gave me much credit and reputation were, 1st. That which proposed an equal distribution among the States of the proceeds of the public domain; and 2d. That which averted General Jackson's meditated war against France, on account of her failure to pay the indemnity. I carried both measures against the whole weight of Jackson; but he pocketed the Land Distribution bill, which was not finally passed until 1841. He could not, however, make war against France, without the concurrence of Congress, and my report preserved the peace of the two countries.

My Panama instructions were the most elaborate (and if I may be allowed to speak of them), the ablest State paper that I composed while I was in the Department of State. They contain an exposition of liberal principles, regulating Maritime War, Neutral Rights, etc., which will command the approbation of enlightened men and of posterity.

I was glad to see that you were nominated for Attorney-General at Syracuse, and I heartily wish for your election.

The address to me from New York, although published in the papers, has not been received officially by me. What is intended? I have had some correspondence about it with Mr. James D. P. Ogden, who sent me a copy informally. I can not venture to encounter the scenes of excitement which would attend me, if I were to go to New York; but in anticipation of the reception of the address I have prepared a pretty long answer, in which I treat of Secession, the state of the country, in regard to the Slavery question, etc. If this answer be capable of doing any good, the sooner it is published the better.

[The medal alluded to in the foregoing letter, was presented to Mr. Clay the 9th of February, 1852, and is described as follows:1

It is of pure California gold, massive and weighty, and is inclosed in a silver case, which opens with a hinge in the manner of a hunting-watch. On the face of the medal is a fine head of Mr. Clay, most felicitous in the likeness, and conveying the characteristic impression of his features in a higher degree than any of the busts or medallions usually seen. The relief is very high, and must have required a pressure of immense power to give it its fullness, sharpness, and delicacy of outline. The reverse exhibits the following inscription:

SENATE,

1806.

SPEAKER, 1811.

WAR OF 1812 WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

GHENT, 1814.

SPANISH AMERICA, 1822.

MISSOURI COMPROMISE, 1821.

AMERICAN SYSTEM, 1824.

GREECE, 1824.

SECRETARY OF STATE, 1825.

PANAMA INSTRUCTIONS, 1826.

TARIFF COMPROMISE,

1833.

PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1833-1841.

PEACE WITH FRANCE PRESERVED, 1835.

COMPROMISE, 1850.

The lines are supported on either hand by tasteful wreaths, in which the six chief American staples—wheat, corn, cotton, tobacco, rice, and hemp-are very happily intertwined.

On the silver case is represented on one side a view of the Capitol (with its contemplated additional wings fully displayed); and on the other in two distinct compartments above, an elevation of the great commemorative monument on the Cumberland road; below, a view of Ashland and its mansion.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 620-2

Senator Henry Clay to Mrs. Mary Mentelle Clay,* September 26, 1851

WASHINGTON, December 25, 1851.

MY DEAR MARY,—I received to-day your letter of the 19th instant, and I was very glad to get the details contained in it about yourself, your family, and affairs at Ashland. And I am under very great obligations to you and to Thomas for the kind offer which you have made, to come either one or both of you to Washington, to attend me during my present illness. If there were the least occasion for it, I should with pleasure accept the offer; but there is not. Every want, every wish, every attention which I need, is supplied. The hotel at which I stay has a bill of fare of some thirty or forty articles every day, from which, I can select any for which I have a relish, and if I want any thing which is not on the bill of fare, it is promptly procured for me. The state of my case may be told in a few words. If I can get rid of this distressing cough, or can materially reduce it, I may yet be restored to a comfortable condition. That is the present aim of my physicians, and I have some hope that it has abated a little within the last few days. But if the cough can not be stopped or considerably reduced, it will go on until it accomplishes its work. When that may be, it is impossible to say, with any sort of certainty. I may linger for some months, long enough possibly to reach home once more. At all events, there is no prospect at present of immediate dissolution. Under these circumstances, I have no desire to bring any member of my family from home, when there is not the least necessity for it. With regard to the rumors which reach you from time to time, and afflict you, you must bear with them, and rest assured of what I have already communicated to your mother, that if my case should take a fatal turn, the telegraph shall communicate the fact. I occupy two excellent rooms, the temperature of which is kept up during the day at about 70°. The greatest inconvenience I feel is from the bad weather, which has confined me nearly a fortnight to my room, and I can take no exercise until the weather changes. My love to Thomas and all your children, to your mother, and to all others at Ashland.
_______________

* Wife of Clay’s son, Thomas Hart Clay

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 623

Senator Henry Clay to Thomas H. Clay, January 10, 1852

WASHINGTON, January 10, 1852.

MY DEAR THOMAS,—I received two or three letters from you since I came here, and should have answered them with pleasure if my strength and health would have admitted of it. You observe now I am obliged to employ the pen of a friend. I was very thankful for the kind offer of yourself and Mary to come here and nurse me. I should have promptly accepted, if it had been necessary, but it was not. Every want and wish that I have are kindly attended to. I am surrounded by good friends, who are ready and willing to serve me; and you and Mary yourselves could not have been more assiduous in your attentions than are my friends the Calverts.

The state of my health has not very materially altered. Within the last eight or ten days there has been some improvement; not so great as my friends persuade themselves, but still some improvement. The solution of the problem of my recovery depends upon the distressing cough which I have, and I think that it is a little diminished. I am embargoed here by the severity of the winter, which has confined me to the house for the last three weeks. I hope to derive some benefit when I shall be again able to drive out in the open air. You must continue to write me without regard to my ability to reply. It is a source of great comfort to me to hear, and to hear fully, from Ashland and Mansfield. John has been very kind in writing very frequently to me. Give my love to Mary and all the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 624-5

Theodore Frelinghuysen to Senator Henry Clay, January 19, 1852

NEW BRUNSWICK, January 19, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have heard with great interest and anxiety of your continued feeble health, and that it had rather been more feeble since your decided testimony in behalf of Washington's foreign policy. I was rejoiced to hear your words of soberness and truth on the exciting question of Hungarian politics; and I trust that a divine blessing will follow your counsels.

In this time of impaired health, and sometimes trying despondency that ensues, it must be refreshing to look away to Him who is a helper near in trouble, and able and willing to sustain and comfort you. This blessed Gospel, that reveals the riches of God's grace in Jesus Christ, is a wonderful remedy: so suited to our condition and character, and so full of inexpressible consolation to us, as sinners needing mercy. His blood cleansing us from the guilt of sin, His Spirit purifying our hearts, and restoring us to God's image and favor. May you, my dear friend, largely partake of its comforts, and leaning all your hopes on the Almighty Saviour's arm, hold on your way, for life and for death, for time and eternity, in His name and strength.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 625-6

William McLain to Senator Henry Clay, February 9, 1852

COLONIZATION ROOMS, WASHINGTON CITY, February 9, 1852.

DEAR SIR, —At the recent annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with our venerable President, the Hon. Henry Clay, in his present protracted illness, by which we are deprived of his presence and able counsels at this annual meeting of our Society, to which he has, from its foundation, devoted himself with signal ability and unwavering fidelity; and that we hold him in affectionate and grateful remembrance for the distinguished services he has rendered in the prosecution of the great scheme of African colonization.

I take great pleasure, my dear sir, in furnishing you with the foregoing resolution.

Hoping, that you may be restored to health, and that this Society may continue to have the honor of your name and influence as its President, I remain, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 626

Senator Henry Clay to Mrs. Susan Jacob Clay,* February 12, 1852

WASHINGTON, February 12, 1852.

MY DEAR SUSAN,—I received your letter of the 27th ultimo, and I had received that of James' of the 1st. I write now so uncomfortably and so slow, that I take up my pen with great repugnance. I was very glad to receive both of your letters, and was delighted to contemplate the picture of your domestic happiness with your husband and children. As the world recedes from me, I feel my affections more than ever concentrated on my children, and theirs.

My health has improved a little within the last few weeks, but the cough still hangs on, and unless I can get rid of it, or greatly diminish it, I can not look for a radical cure. The winter has been excessively rigorous, and I have not been out of the house for eight weeks. You must not believe all you see in the newspapers, favorable or unfavorable, about my health.

I hope you and James will continue to write to me, whether you receive regular replies or not. How has the dairy got through the winter?

My love to James and all my dear grandchildren.

_______________

* Wife of Clay’s son James Brown Clay

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 626-7

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, February 24, 1852

WASHINGTON, February 24, 1852.

MY DEAR SON,—I received your letter of the 10th. I should have written you oftener, but I am so feeble, and write with so little comfort, that I take up the pen reluctantly. I hope that you and Susan, notwithstanding my apparent delinquency, will write me frequently, giving me full details of all your plans, improvements, and business. There is nothing now that interests me so much as to receive full accounts from the members of my family frequently. Although you have got more in debt than I could have wished, you ought to be very happy. In dear Susan you have an excellent wife, and you have a fine parcel of promising children, and you have ample means of support.

I gave my deposition in your case with Miller week before the last, and it was sent to Lexington. It proved all that was expected of me.

My health continues very delicate. I have not been out of the house for upward of two months. I can not recognize any encouraging change. My cough still hangs on, although I sometimes hope that it is a little abated. If I can not get rid of it, or at least greatly diminish it, I think it must prove fatal. But I may linger for months to come. I should be glad to get home once more.

My love to Susan, and kisses for all the children. I would be glad to write more, but you can not conceive how this little letter has exhausted me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 627

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, March 6, 1852

WASHINGTON, March 6, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor transmitting an engrossed copy of the address which you did me the honor to make to me on the occasion of presenting the medal which my New York friends had offered me. I thank you for this corrected copy of the address which is very beautifully engrossed.

The medal has been in the possession of the goldsmiths of this place, who desired the custody of it to gratify public curiosity. You wish it returned that a more accurate impression may be made by striking another. I examined it to see if I could discern the defect in the letters to which you refer, and I confess I could not. If to strike it again will occasion any trouble or expense to my friends, I think it might well be avoided, but if you persist in your desire to have it done, I will have it sent to you by Adams' Express next week.

You rightly understood me in expressing a preference for Mr. Fillmore as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. This I did before I left home, and have frequently here in private intercourse, since my arrival at Washington. I care not how generally the fact may be known, but I should not deem it right to publish any formal avowal of that preference under my own signature in the newspapers. Such a course would subject me to the imputation of supposing that my opinions possessed more weight with the public than I apprehend they do. The foundation of my preference is, that Mr. Fillmore has administered the Executive Government with signal success and ability. He has been tried and found true, faithful, honest, and conscientious. I wish to say nothing in derogation from his eminent competitors, they have both rendered great services to their country; the one in the field, the other in the Cabinet. They might possibly administer the Government as well as Mr. Fillmore has done. But then neither of them has been tried; he has been tried in the elevated position he now holds, and I think that prudence and wisdom had better restrain us from making any change without a necessity for it, the existence of which I do not perceive.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 628

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, August 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, Politically I have nothing good to write. The appearance is, that Taylor's administration will prove a failure. I fear he is in the hands of the Northern Whigs, exclusively. In the meane time, the alienation between North and South is daily progressing. Benton and Clay are both playing for the North. I enclose in pamphlet form my notice of his1 assault on me. I would have sent it earlier, but only received it in that form, a few days since. It is, as far as I have heard regarded as triumphant. It is said, that he will not be able to sustain himself in Missouri. His colleague, Genl Atchison, says he has no chance to be reelected.

We are all anxious about the fate of Hungary, and the future condition of Europe. Write me in your next fully, what is your impression and the intelligent portion of Europe in reference to both. If Hungary should be able to maintain herself, the condition of Russia will become critical. What is to become of Germany and France?

_______________

1 Benton's. See the letter of June 23, 1849.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771-2

Sunday, September 24, 2023

Senator John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, June 7, 1850

FRANKFORT, June 7, 1850.

DEAR ORLANDO,—I returned last Sunday from Indianapolis after a week's absence. Nothing could exceed the kindness and hospitality which attended me throughout the State. The receptions and honors with which they endeavored to distinguish me were almost overwhelming to one so plain as I am and so unaccustomed to such ceremonies and distinctions. I feel that I owe to Indiana and her governor a great debt of gratitude. In that State there is very little political abolition, and, with a strong and patriotic feeling for the Union, there is mingled a particularly fraternal kindness and affection for Kentucky. The prevailing sentiment there is for a compromise and amicable settlement of all the slavery question. The plan suggested in General Taylor's message was spoken of frequently as most acceptable, but I think they would be satisfied with Mr. Clay's bill. In my speech at Indianapolis I spoke of old Zack as the noble old patriot in whom the country might have all confidence, and, without discriminating between the various plans that had been proposed, I expressed my hope and confidence that they would result in some form of amicable adjustment. The occasion required me to avoid, as far as possible, the appearance of partisanship or party politics; but it was due to my heart to give old Zack a good word, and I did it. I felt it a duty, too, to talk right plainly to them about abolition and the mischiefs that its meddlesome and false humanity had brought and was tending to bring upon the country. I went so far as to advise those who, from tenderness of conscience about slavery, could not acquiesce in what our fathers had done, and could not reconcile themselves to the Constitution of the United States and the performance of the duties it enjoined, to quit the country, etc. All this seemed to be well received except, as I learned afterwards, by some half-dozen abolitionists out of a crowd of as many thousand. The convention is in session, and I have scarcely time to steal a moment to write to you.

Well, you have resigned. It makes me glad, and it makes me sorry; glad that you are coming back to us,—sorry, that you are leaving General Taylor. The difficulties that are surrounding him only tend to increase my sympathy and zeal for him, and I retain my confidence that the storm will rage around him in vain, and that his firm and resolute integrity and patriotism will bear him through triumphantly. There is one peril before him that is to be carefully avoided, and that is the peril of having thrown upon his administration the responsibility of defeating the bill of the committee of thirteen or any other measure of compromise. It has appeared to me that the principal questions of the slavery controversy might have been disposed of more quietly and easily on the plan recommended by the President; but the people are anxious for a settlement, and comparatively indifferent as to the exact terms, provided they embrace anything like a compromise; and it seems to me that any concession or sacrifice of opinion as to the mode ought to be made to accomplish the end. It is not necessary to enlarge upon this subject. General Taylor's message is the foundation of all their plans in this, that it avoids the Wilmot proviso; all the rest is the mere finish of the work. My whole heart is bent on the success of General Taylor. I know that he deserves it, and believe he will achieve it. Tell Robert his little girls are gay as birds, and are continually dragging me into the garden to pull strawberries with them. I have taken poor Bob's disappointment quite to heart; but let that go.

Your friend,
J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 372-4