Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 181. Reports of Col. John G. Mitchell, One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, of operations November 29, 1864-January 13, 1865.

No. 181.

Reports of Col. John G. Mitchell, One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Infantry,

commanding Second Brigade, of operations November 29, 1864-January 13, 1865.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, PROVISIONAL DIVISION,           

Near Nashville, Tenn., [December ––, 1864].

CAPTAIN: In obedience to instructions received from General Cruft, I have the honor to report the result of a reconnaissance toward Rains' house:

The command was in motion in fifteen minutes from the time the order was received. The skirmish line was promptly moved into the woods on this side of the said house; the outhouses were held by a small guard of the enemy, who were promptly driven back upon the main house and into the principal line of their works. The line was advanced to and held Rains' house, but was unable to drive the enemy from their works, which are about 100 yards from the house. My line could not be extended to the left because every man who understood skirmishing was already on the line. I therefore withdrew. My belief is that the line was not held in great force, but was occupied by a greater number of men than would be intended for a mere lookout.

I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN G. MITCHELL,         

Colonel, Commanding.

Capt. JOHN A. WRIGHT,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

_______________

HDQRS. SECOND BRIGADE, PROVISIONAL DIVISION,                 

ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND, 

Near Courtland, Ala., January 3, 1865.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to transmit herewith the following report of the operations of this command during the campaign just ended:

November 29, pursuant to orders, left Chattanooga on railway. November 30, arrived at Cowan, Tenn., bivouacked, and at dark received orders to re-embark on the cars and proceed to Nashville.

December 2, moved down the Nolensville road one mile, and, with my entire command, prepared a line of intrenchments on a commanding eminence between the Nolensville road and the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad. December 3, abandoned the position of yesterday and retired to a range of low hills nearer Nashville; threw up a line of works, with my right resting on the Murfreesborough road, extending to the left toward the Lebanon road. December 4 to 10, remained quietly in camp, drilling and performing ordinary camp duties. December 11, received orders at 11 a.m. to make a reconnaissance toward Rains' house, to the right and front of the Murfreesborough road. In fifteen minutes from the reception of the order the command was moving. Notwithstanding the severity of the weather and the almost impassable condition of the roads and fields the reconnaissance was accomplished with entire satisfaction and the object fully attained. December 11 to 15, remained in camp. December 15, at 3 a.m. moved into the works to the right of Franklin road. December 16, moved with command after dark and occupied the line of fortifications erected on the 2d instant. December 19, marched to La Vergne, and bivouacked. December 20, marched to vicinity of Murfreesborough. December 21 to 26, on the cars en route between Murfreesborough and Limestone Creek, Ala. December 26, disembarked and marched through Mooresville toward Tennessee River. December 27, reached river, crossed, formed line of battle at dark, and moved to Decatur. December 28, resumed march toward Courtland. December 30, reached Courtland and moved into camp.

lt would be doing injustice to the officers and men under me to fail to notice the uniform zeal and earnestness displayed in the performance of every duty assigned them in this most severe campaign. The command, composed in large part of disabled officers and men just recruited or drafted into the service, was most difficult to maneuver in the out-start. It affords me great satisfaction to say that I have never known duties more faithfully performed or dangers and hardships more un-complainingly borne than during the present campaign, which has required all the fortitude and endurance heretofore displayed in the history of this struggle.

I have the honor to remain, captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN G. MITCHELL,         

Colonel, Commanding.

Capt. JOHN A. WRIGHT,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

_______________

HDQRS. SECOND BRIGADE, PROVISIONAL DIVISION,                 

ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND, 

Near Chattanooga, Tenn., January 16, 1865.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to transmit the supplemental report of the operations of this brigade during the latter part of the campaign just ended:

Pursuant to orders this command left camp at Courtland, Ala., on the 6th of January, and arrived at Decatur on the morning of the 7th instant, where it was embarked on the cars for Huntsville, at which point it arrived at 9 p.m. of the same day. Owing to the destruction of the railroad bridge across Paint Rock River the brigade could not proceed, and was ordered into camp two miles from Huntsville, on the Meridian road. At 2 a.m., two hours after going into camp, I received an order to re-embark my command on the cars and proceed to Larkinsville to the relief of the garrison, which was threatened by the enemy. Arrived at Paint Rock River just at dawn of day of the 8th instant, crossed the whole command on rafts, and reached Larkinsville at 12 m. of that day. Scouting parties were immediately sent to all parts of the surrounding country to gain information, but nothing of importance gathered. On the morning of the 9th instant my command marched, at 4 o'clock, to the intersection of the Scottsborough and Larkinsville roads. Here my scouts brought the information that the enemy had passed down the Bellefonte road eight hours before, taking the direction of Gunter's Landing, on the Tennessee River. I moved the command as speedily as possible, on a country road, in the direction of Guntersville. The advance guard came upon small detachments of the enemy in the act of burning the bridge across Santa. The skirmishers fired on the enemy and rushed upon the bridge, throwing off a large pile of burning timbers. But little injury was done to the bridge, and the command was delayed a few minutes in crossing. But for the prompt action of the skirmishers we must have been delayed some hours in the pursuit. Command bivouacked at Pendergrass' house during the night. On 9th instant moved to Claysville. On the 10th the advance in sight of small parties of enemy during most of the morning. The Third Battalion, in command of Lieutenant-Colonel O'Brien, was moved down to the landing at Guntersville. Lieutenant-Colonel O'Brien captured a small amount of stores and an ambulance, &c., which was turned over to the quartermaster's department. 11th, remained in camp at Claysville. Third Battalion still at Gunter's Landing. 12th, marched at daylight for Woodville, twenty-two miles distant, without rations except for breakfast. Arrived at Woodville at 6 p.m., drew rations for two days, and immediately embarked on the cars for Chattanooga, where we arrived on the evening of the 13th instant.

General Lyon's cavalry was actually broken up through the persistent pursuit to which he was subjected, and although but few of them were captured they were completely disorganized and fled in small squads, escaping as they best could through the mountains.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN G. MITCHELL,         

Colonel, Commanding.

Capt. JOHN A. WRIGHT,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 524-6

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 7, 1861

Mr. Bigelow invited me to breakfast, to meet Mr. Senator King, Mr. Olmsted, Mr. Thurlow Weed, a Senator from Missouri, a West Point professor, and others. It was indicative of the serious difficulties which embarrass the action of the Government to hear Mr. Wilson, the Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, inveigh against the officers of the regular army, and attack West Point itself. Whilst the New York papers were lauding General Scott and his plans to the skies, the Washington politicians were speaking of him as obstructive, obstinate, and prejudiced — unfit for the times and the occasion.

General Scott refused to accept cavalry and artillery at the beginning of the levy, and said that they were not required; now he was calling for both arms most urgently. The officers of the regular army had followed suit. Although they were urgently pressed by the politicians to occupy Harper's Ferry and Manassas, they refused to do either, and the result is that the enemy have obtained invaluable supplies from the first place, and are now assembled in force in a most formidable position at the second. Everything as yet accomplished has been done by political generals — not by the officers of the regular army. Butler and Banks saved Baltimore in spite of General Scott. There was an attempt made to cry up Lyon in Missouri; but in fact it was Frank Blair, the brother of the Postmaster-General, who had been the soul and body of all the actions in that State. The first step taken by McClellan in Western Virginia was atrocious — he talked of slaves in a public document as property. Butler, at Monroe, had dealt with them in a very different spirit, and had used them for State purposes under the name of contraband. One man alone displayed powers of administrative ability, and that was Quartermaster Meigs; and unquestionably from all I heard, the praise was well bestowed. It is plain enough that the political leaders fear the consequences of delay, and that they are urging the military authorities to action, which the latter have too much professional knowledge to take with their present means. These Northern men know nothing of the South, and with them it is omne ignotum pro minimo. The West Point professor listened to them with a quiet smile, and exchanged glances with me now and then, as much as to say, "Did you ever hear such fools in your life?”

But the conviction of ultimate success is not less strong here than it is in the South. The difference between these gentlemen and the Southerners is, that in the South the leaders of the people, soldiers and civilians, are all actually under arms, and are ready to make good their words by exposing their bodies in battle.

I walked home with Mr. N. P. Willis, who is at Washington for the purpose of writing sketches to the little family journal of which he is editor, and giving war “anecdotes;” and with Mr. Olmsted, who is acting as a member of the New York Sanitary Commission, here authorized by the Government to take measures against the reign of dirt and disease in the Federal camp. The Republicans are very much afraid that there is, even at the present moment, a conspiracy against the Union in Washington — nay, in Congress itself; and regard Mr. Breckinridge, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Vallandigham, and others as most dangerous enemies, who should not be permitted to remain in the capital. I attended the Episcopal church and heard a very excellent discourse, free from any political allusion. The service differs little from our own, except that certain euphemisms are introduced in the Litany and elsewhere, and the prayers for Queen and Parliament are offered up nomine mutato for President and Congress.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 390-2

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 25, 1861

I believe the Secretary will resign; but “immediate” still lies on his table.

News of a battle near Springfield, Mo. McCulloch and Price defeat the Federals, killing and wounding thousands. Gen. Lyon killed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 75

John Lothrop Motley to Mary Benjamin Motley, June 23, 1861

Woodland Hill,

June 23rd, 1861.

I continue my letter interrupted at Washington. Thursday evening I passed with Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, the hardest worked man, except Mr. Cameron, just now in Washington. He is a tall, well-made, robust man, with handsome features, fine blue eye, and a ready and agreeable smile —altogether "simpatico." The conversation, of course, turned very much upon our English relations, and I told him I would stake my reputation on the assertion that the English Government would never ally itself with the Southern Confederacy, or go any further in the course already taken towards its recognition. I said that I had been over and over again assured, by those in whom I had entire confidence, that the sympathy of the English nation was with the American cause, but that it was exceedingly difficult to make the English understand that which to us was so self-evident a proposition, that we meant two things — first, to put an end for ever to slavery extension and the nationalisation of slavery; secondly, to maintain the constitution and laws of the Great Republic one and indivisible; that war was not contemplated as possible between the two countries, except by a small and mischievous faction in England.

Mr. Chase is a frank, sincere, warm-hearted man, who has always cordially detested slavery and loved the American constitution as the great charter of American liberty and nationality. Like every man, public or private, throughout the Free States, he is convinced of the simple truth that the constitutional union of the whole people is all which guarantees to each individual the possession of his life and property, because it is the basis of all our laws. Destroy this, and anarchy and civil war are the inevitable results. He expressed a most undoubting conviction that the rebellion would be put down and the Union restored. It was not of much consequence who was in power—who occupied this or that office. The people was resolved that it would not be disinherited of its constitution and its national life, nor of the right possessed by every individual in the country to set his foot at will on any part of the whole broad country of the United States. It was as idle to attempt resistance to the great elemental forces of nature as to oppose this movement. The people would put down the rebellion without a government, were it necessary. In six weeks an army of 250,000 men had been put into the field, armed and equipped for service. In six months there would be half a million, and as many more as might be necessary. There is nothing of the braggart about Mr. Chase, nor about the President, nor about Cameron, and, after all, the Minister of Finance and the Secretary of War are the men who are of necessity most alive to the stern realities of the crisis. They know that money, men, beef, bread and gunpowder in enormous amounts are necessary for suppressing this insurrection, but they have not the slightest doubt as to the issue.

“Already a great result is secured,” said Chase. The idea even of extending slavery has for ever vanished from men's minds. It can never go an inch further on this continent, and, in addition, slavery as a governing power (as it has been for forty years) is for ever dethroned. It can never be nationalised, but must, so long as it remains, be local, exceptional, municipal and subordinate, restricted to the States where it at present exists, while the policy of the Government will be the policy of freedom. The South will be forced to come back into the Union, such as it has ever existed under the Constitution. This, he thinks, will be brought about by the pressure caused by the blockade, by the sufferings of the people thus imprisoned, as it were, and thrown out of employment, by the steady pressing down upon them of immense disciplined armies, backed by the boundless resources of a fertile country and a well-organised commissariat and vast wealth; while, on the other hand, the South cannot be inspired by the enthusiasm which has often enabled a feebler nation to resist triumphantly & foreign invasion. The United States Government is no foreigner. It is at home everywhere upon its own soil, from the Canada line to the Gulf of Mexico, but conspirators have excluded it for a time from its own rights, its own property, and the exercise of its benignant functions over the whole people of which it is the minister and guardian, appointed by the people itself. The inhabitants of the Slave States must ere long awake from the madman's dream which has deprived them of their reason. For the leaders, of course, there is no returning.

There is already a beginning, and a good beginning, on the border. Maryland, which seemed but a few weeks ago so rabid in the Secession cause, has just voted largely for the Union. The progress of the counter revolution in Virginia is steady. The inhabitants of Western Virginia have repudiated the action of the State Convention, and are about establishing a government of their own — not as a separate state, but as claiming to be Virginia, with the intention of sending members and senators to Congress, and electing governor and legislature. This course is supported by United States troops, and will be recognised by Congress, which has had to deal with similar cases before, and is the sole judge according to the Constitution as to the claims of its members to their seats. According to Chase and other Cabinet Ministers with whom I have conversed, this movement will be triumphant. Thus in the rebel States, fire is fighting fire, as in a prairie conflagration. The same phenomenon will be manifested in Eastern Tennessee, where there are 30,000 or 40,000 fighting men, who will fiercely dispute the power of a Convention to deprive them of their rights as citizens of the United States, and who will maintain the Union with arms in their hands to the death. The same will be sooner or later the case in North Carolina, in North Alabama, in Louisiana.

In short, the whole white population of the Seceding States is five and a half millions, against twenty-two or twenty-three millions. Not another State can secede by any possibility, and within the five and a half million seceders there are large numbers who are fierce against the rebels, and still larger numbers among the ignorant masses, who will be soon inquiring, What is all this about? Why is all this bloodshed and misery? And they will be made to understand, despite the lies of the ringleaders of the rebellion, that the United States Government is their best friend; that not one of their rights has been menaced—that it wishes only to maintain the constitution and laws under which we have all prospered for three-quarters of a century, and which have now been assaulted, because the people at the ballot-box, last November, chose to elect Mr. Lincoln president, instead of Mr. Breckenridge. This plunging into “pronunciamiento” and civil war, by a party defeated at the polls, may be very good Mexican practice, but it will not go down in the United States; and ere long the people, even at the South, will make this discovery. So thinks Mr. Chase, and I think he is right. I am much pleased with the directness and frankness of his language. “And if all these calculations fail,” said he, “if the insurrection is unreasonably protracted, and we find it much more difficult and expensive in blood and treasure to put it down than we anticipated, we shall then draw that sword which we prefer at present to leave in the sheath, and we shall proclaim the total abolition of slavery on the American continent. We do not wish this, we deplore it, because of the vast confiscation of property, and of the servile insurrections, too horrible to contemplate, which would follow. We wish the Constitution and Union as it is, with slavery, as a municipal institution, existing till such time as each State in its wisdom thinks fit to mitigate or abolish it, but with freedom the law of the territories and of the land; but if the issue be distinctly presented — death to the American Republic or death to slavery, slavery must die. Therefore,” said he, “the great Republic cannot be destroyed. The people will destroy slavery, if by no other means they can maintain their national existence.” In this connection we came to talk again of England and its policy. But it is hardly worth while to repeat anything more to you on this subject. Every man with whom I have conversed holds the same language.

I battle stoutly for England and the English, for no man knows better than I all the noble qualities of that great nation; and how necessary it is to our moral greatness and true prosperity to cultivate the closest and warmest relations with our ancient mother. I maintain, and I think have partly convinced many minds, that England has only acted under a great delusion as to the permanence of our institutions, for which error we are ourselves somewhat to blame; that the great heart of the nation is in sympathy with us; that the idea of going to war with us, has never entered the minds of any but a few mischief-makers; that the Times is no representative of English opinion, nor of the English Government. I would pledge myself for a marked difference before long in the whole attitude of England, and that the last thing she contemplated was allying herself with the South in a war against the United States Government. Already my words have been partly justified. Recent news from England to the 8th of June has produced a good effect. Notwithstanding the violence of language which I have described to you (in order that you and such of our dear English friends who care to read my first impressions may hear and see exactly as I have seen and heard), I believe that the hearts of this, the most excitable and the most warmhearted people on the earth, will soon turn to England, if they catch any warm manifestations of sympathy with our cause.

While I was at Mr. Chase's, General McDowell, with one of his aides, came in. He is a firm, square, browned, powerful-looking soldier, some forty years of age, educated at West Point, and thoroughly experienced in all the active warfare which we have had in his time. He commands, as I mentioned, all the forces on the Virginia side of the Potomac, for the defence of Washington. He told us of an alarm the night before; that the rebels were about attacking his lines, and that they were in force to the number of 3000 in the immediate vicinity of Alexandria. He went there, but the 3000 melted to three, who were taken prisoners. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that there are ready 100,000 rebels under arms in Virginia, and that they are bound by every rule of war to carry out their boasts and make the attack.

On the other hand it is the object of the Government daily to strengthen itself. This, as I told you, was the language of General Scott to me the evening before. By the way, I did not tell you that on that occasion we rather took the General by surprise (as I think Jefferson Davis will never do). The servant ushered us at once into his little drawing-room. He inhabits a small, modest house in — I forget what street — and we found him, the evening being very sultry, taking a nap in his shirt sleeves, with an aide-de-camp at each knee, and a servant brushing flies, at his, back. He started up, somewhat confused, and beat a hasty retreat to an adjoining room, whence he emerged, a quarter of an hour later, arrayed in all the splendour of an old black bombazine frock coat. But he is a magnificent old fellow. He told us, with a smile, that a price had been set upon his head by his native State of Virginia, but he doubted whether it would ever be earned. Nevertheless his house was only guarded by a sergeant and ten men. The rest of his conversation I have already reported to you.

As I told you before, there is no lack of good officers. The great cause of future trouble may be in neglecting to make proper use of them, through this detestable system of appointing politicians and militia men to be brigadiers and major-generals. General Mansfield, who commands in Washington, seems to me a first-class man in every respect, and so do McDowell and Colonel Heinzelmann. McClellan, who commands in the West, is said to be equal to Scott in talent, and thirty years his junior; while General Lyon, a Connecticut man and a West Pointer, seems to be carrying all before him in Missouri, and is rather the favourite of the hour. I do not go quite into military details, because you get them, true or false, in the papers. I have already ordered you the Daily Advertiser, and to-morrow I shall see that you get the New York Times regularly. Up to this time nothing of importance has happened, and I think that you will derive from my letters as much information to be relied upon as you could get anywhere. With regard to Missouri, there is not the slightest possibility of her getting out of the Union. The Governor is a Secessionist and a fugitive, and his following is comparatively small. I had a long conversation last evening with the Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Bates, who is himself of Missouri, and he tells me that secession there is simply an impossibility. General Lyon with his United States forces has already nearly put down secession there; but should the insurrection be protracted much longer, the State would be entered on three sides at once (for it is surrounded by Free States) and 150,000 slaves liberated. There is no child's play intended any longer, and the word compromise, which has been the country's curse for so long, has been expunged from the dictionary. Bates has been the champion of freedom for many years, and he has lived to sit in a cabinet with men of his own faith. He is a plain man, shrewd, intelligent.

Sumner, who arrived Wednesday night, told me that Montgomery Blair, the Postmaster-General, was desirous of making my acquaintance. Friday morning I was engaged to breakfast with Mr. Chase. The conversation was very pleasant and instructive to me, turning on the topics already mentioned, and as I walked down with him to the Treasury Department, he insisted on my going with him into his office to finish the subject, the purport of which, he said, I have already given you. Afterwards I went with Sumner to Mr. Blair's. He is a Virginian by birth and education, and it is therefore the more to his credit that, like General Scott, he is of the warmest among Unionists, and perhaps the most go-ahead, uncompromising enemy to the rebels in the cabinet, not even excepting Mr. Chase. While we were talking, he asked me what I thought of the President's views. I told him that I had only passed half-an-hour with him a few evenings before, when I had been introduced to him by Mr. Seward, and that since then it had been advertised conspicuously in all the papers that the President would receive no visitors, being engaged in preparing his message to Congress. “But you must see him; it is indispensable that you should see him, and tell him about English affairs,” said Blair. I told him that I was leaving Washington that afternoon. He asked if I could not defer my departure. I said no, for my arrangements were already made.

The truth is, I had resolved not to force myself upon the President. If he did not care to converse with me, it was indifferent to me whether I saw him or not. But Mr. Blair begged me to stop a moment in his library, and incontinently rushed forth into the street to the White House, which was near, and presently came back, saying that the President would be much obliged if I would pay him a visit.

I went and had an hour's talk with Mr. Lincoln. I am very glad of it, for had I not done so, I should have left Washington with a very inaccurate impression of the President. I am now satisfied that he is a man of very considerable native sagacity; and that he has an ingenuous, unsophisticated, frank, and noble character. I believe him to be as true as steel, and as courageous as true. At the same time there is doubtless an ignorance about State matters, and particularly about foreign affairs, which he does not affect to conceal, but which we must of necessity regret in a man placed in such a position at such a crisis. Nevertheless his very modesty in this respect disarms criticism.

Our conversation was, of course, on English matters, and I poured into his not unwilling ear everything which my experience, my knowledge, and my heart, could suggest to me, in order to produce a favourable impression in his mind as to England, the English Government, and the English people. There is no need of my repeating what I said, for it is sufficiently manifest throughout this letter. And I believe that I was not entirely unsuccessful, for he told me that he thought that I was right, that he was much inclined to agree with me, but, he added, it does not so much signify what I think, you must persuade Seward to think as you do. I told him that I found the secretary much mitigated in his feelings compared with what I had expected. He expressed his satisfaction. I do not quote any of his conversation because he was entirely a listener in this part of the interview. Afterwards he took up his message, which was lying in loose sheets upon the writing table, and read me nearly the whole of it, so far as it was written. On the whole, the document impressed me very favourably. With the exception of a few expressions, it was not only highly commendable in spirit, but written with considerable untaught grace and power. These were my first impressions, which I hope will not be changed when the document comes before the world. It consists mainly of a narrative of events from the 4th of March up to the present hour. Nothing had yet been written as to foreign relations, but I understand from Seward that they are all to be dismissed in a brief paragraph, such as will create neither criticism nor attention anywhere.

We parted very affectionately, and perhaps I shall never set eyes on him again, but I feel that so far as perfect integrity and directness of purpose go, the country will be safe in his hands. With regard to the great issue, we have good generals, good soldiers, good financiers, twenty-three millions of good people “whose bosoms are one,” a good cause, and endless tin.

The weather has been beautiful ever since I landed, magnificent sunshine and delicious heat. Just now there is a heavy shower. When it is over I am going to drive over to Camp Andrew, to see the Massachusetts 2nd.

Ten more regiments have been ordered from Massachusetts, and seven, including Gordon's, will soon be ready to take the field at once. This will make 15,000 men from Massachusetts alone. New York has already sent 20,000, and has a reserve of 20,000 ready. Pennsylvania about the same, and so on. The only struggle is who shall get the greatest number accepted.

Give my love to all my English friends. Kiss my three darlings 3000 times, and believe me,

Most lovingly,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Volume 1, p. 387-95

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman, September 6, 1863

September 6ih, 1863

I promised to tell you how I invited General Meade to go with me and see General Sykes. If I didn't know anything, I looked like a Commander-in-Chief, for I had the best horse and the best accoutrements, and as for clothes, General Meade was nowhere; besides which, he had no sword, while I had. The cavalry escort reminded me exactly of the Guides that go with the little Prince along the rue de Bivoli. No two of them had caps alike, none had their jackets buttoned; all were covered with half an inch of dust, and all eschewed straps to their pantaloons. Nevertheless, had the Rebs appeared, I should have preferred these informal cavaliers to the Guides. Each man had a sabre with a rusty scabbard, and a revolver hung at his belt. They all ride well, and would be handsome horsemen, if “got up.”

General Humphreys, with his usual bland smile, appeared on a small gray, which was of a contrary and rearing disposition; but the General remarked, with the air of an injured man, that he had had three valuable horses killed under him in battle, and now he should only get cheap ones. General Meade, whose saddle-flap was ornamented with a bullet-hole within an inch of his leg, was mounted on a small bay. And so we jingled off; sometimes in the road, sometimes in the open fields, sometimes in the woods and sometimes through creeks and mudholes. The Chief rides in a most aggravating way, neither at a walk nor a gallop, but at a sort of amble, which bumps you and makes you very uncomfortable.  . . . In due season we got to the 5th Corps Headquarters, near the Rappahannock, which is a very narrow affair at this point, and not over four feet deep on the shallowest fords. General Sykes looks a little like the photograph of General Lyon and has a very thick head of hair, which stands up like Traddles's. He is a mild, steady man, and very polite, like all the officers I have seen down here. Indeed, a more courteous set of men it would be hard to find. I have yet to meet a single gruffy one. They are of all sorts, some well educated, others highly Bowery, but all entirely civil.

. . . The astute Sykes talked some time with the Chief, and then we rode to the Headquarters of General Newton, who commands the 1st Corps, hard by. This chieftain had a very gorgeous tent, erected for the express accommodation of Mrs. Newton, who, however, was soon driven forth by the general order excluding all ladies from the lines; and the tent was all that remained to remind one of her presence. General Newton also has a thick head of hair, and is a tall and finely built man and “light complected.” He was in great glee over a tete-de-pont he had erected, and hoped to decoy some unfortunate Rebels to within range of it. He produced a huge variety of liquids which I had to refuse. The drinks I have refused will be a burden on my conscience in time to come. They come from all sides and in great variety, even champagne! . . .

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 8-9

The Jones Family

One would naturally suppose that Geo. W. Jones, after his arrest for treasonable correspondence with the arch traitor Jeff. Davis and incarceration at Fort Lafayette and release only on taking the oath of allegiance to support the Government and the capture of his son in arms against the Government at Fort Donelson, would not have the temerity to show his face to the people of Iowa, let alone traveling among them and trying to reorganize the Democratic Party.  But the brazen impudence of the man is only exceeded by the fact that loyal Iowa should contain enough disloyalists to give a show of success to his efforts.  Another item has leaked out to show the treason of the Jones family.  A Shiloh correspondent of the N. Y Times, who was in the battle at Wilson’s Creek, picked up a letter from another son of the notorious George W., introducing to a Captain in the rebel army a citizen of Dubuque, who wished to fight against his Government.  But the letter and extract will explain the matter, and show the traitor propensities of the family:

In roaming about the woods I found a well worn letter, whose contents may prove of interest.  It is dated:

DUBUQUE, Iowa, July 1, 1861.

DEAR HUNTER: By this I introduce to you my friend, Daniel O. C. Quigly, of this town, and bespeak your kindness and attention toward him.  I believe he will prove himself worthy of your friendship.  With every wish for your prosperity and happiness, your friend.

CHARLES D. JONES.

To Captain S. E. Hunter, Hunter’s Rifles,

Clinton, Louisiana.

The particularities of this document consist in the fact that the writer is a son of Gen. Geo. W. Jones, of Dubuque, (late Minister to Bogota, Fort Lafayette, &c.,) and a brother of the Lieut. Jones who was bagged at Fort Henry.  The Quigly spoken of, is a son of a prominent citizen of Dubuque, and one who, soon after the war commenced, bolted to the South and offered his services to the scoundrels who are trying to break up this government.  I offer the letter for publication from the fact that the writer now lives in Dubuque, and pretends, as he ever has pretended since the war began, to be loyal.  How far such loyalty will be tolerated by a Government whose burdens are already heavy enough, should be tested.  The letter was given, and for a treasonable purpose, at a time when the gallant Lyon was struggling against the traitorous uprisings in Missouri – at a time when hundreds of Jones’ townsmen in the First Iowa, were toiling and suffering beneath the burning sun of Missouri, inspired only by motives of patriotism, by a wish to preserve intact their beloved Constitution – it was at such a time that Jones chose to perpetrate his treason and assist in the work of breaking up the Government.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 21, 1862, p. 2

See Also:

• The Jones Family of Dubuque, Iowa

The public ear is again stunned with . . .

. . . the noise and clamor of the base northern politicians who went out of office one year ago with Mr. Buchanan, execrated in every loyal quarter as among the guilty authors of the civil war and rebellion.  They then were pleasant comforters who consoled us, as did Job’s friends.  They said States had no right to secede, but having seceded we had no right to COERCE them!  They exhorted our troops that the President had no right to call out the militia – that the militia could not be taken out of the State – that none but Back Republicans should enlist – that they had made the war and must fight it out.  And then they stood upon the street corners, when our brave boys marched towards Dixie – when the 1^st Iowa marched from Burlington – and openly proclaimed their ardent wish that every man who crossed the line might be killed!  They openly rejoiced over the murder of Ellsworth and the death of Lyon and felt exceedingly happy at Bull Run.

Time has taught these treacherous mercenary scoundrels caution, but has made then no better.  They are the same false, heartless brawling villains who have for years earned their bread by swearing black was white, virtue vice, truth falsehood.  Now they throw up their hats and utter a deal of stinking breath in huzzas over Federal victories and Rebel defeats.  They have quit sniveling over “our misguided Southern brethren.”  They tell us no more about the chivalry being unconquerable.  Their programme now is to blacken every man in the Cabinet, in Congress, in the field, whether Democrat or Republican, who is laboring effectively to put down the Rebellion.  They are howling “Abolitionist,” “Abolitionist” – the old cry – with the pertinacity of famished wolves.  They are looking for a restoration of the old pro-slavery rule of Davis, Mason, Hunter, Rhett and other worthies to their imperial sway at Washington.  They desire a reconstruction of the Union, the loyal States paying all the expenses of the war and restoring the broken scepter to King Cotton.  They are looking forward to a restoration of the “good time” when northern doughfaces shall again feed upon the bounty of Southern nigger drivers and the life of no man opposed to slaver and slavery extension be safe at the National Capital.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 8, 1862, p. 1

Gen. Lander

In the death of this able General our country has lost one of its most able and energetic officers.  The daring charge he made at Blooming Gap, which was a few days ago described in this paper, was alone sufficient to cover his name with a halo of glory.  Lander was brave even to rashness, and in his campaign the reader is forcible reminded of the short but glorious careers of Lyon and Baker.  A contemporary speaking of Gen. Lander adds, that his widow was formerly and honorably known in dramatic circles as Miss Davenport; and the celebrated sculptor, Miss Louisa Lander, is his sister.  He was about 40 years of age at the time of his decease, and up to the time of his wound, all his physical as well as mental faculties, were in the highest contention.  In person he was tall, stalwart, graceful and proud, and mounted on his charger and in his fine military costume, he looked like a knight of the olden time.  In his death the country lost one of its best men and soldiers, and the tears of his command and the nation follow him to the grave.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 11, 1862, p. 2

A Damaging Item

We cut the following significant item from the Shiloh correspondence of the New York Times.  The writer was in the battle of Wilson’s Creek and was at that time corresponding for the New York Times and the Dubuque Herald.  Doubtless the Jones family is very loyal, but it has been exceedingly unfortunate.  Our illustrious ex-Senator and ex-Minister has been guilty of writing a “love letter” – that is what he styles it – to Jeff. Davis.  One son was bagged at Fort Donelson, fighting against his country in the secesh army.  The other son, always claiming to be loyal, has sent a valuable recruit to Dixie, from the Mahony Democracy of the lovely city of Dubuque, with a most affectionate introductory letter.  One would think that a person, in standing a position so questionable would keep himself a little in the back ground.  But no.  Jones is apparently upon a pilgrimage among the people, holding himself up as a martyr, and seeking to organize a party in this State, the evident purpose of which is to aid the rebellion and assist in making satisfactory terms for Jeff. Davis & Co. when they are beaten and “subdued.”  But the letter introductory to Mr. Quigly:

In roaming about the woods I found a well worn letter, whose contents  may prove of interest.  It is dated:

DUBUQUE, Iowa, July 1, 1861.

DEAR HUNTER:  By this I introduce to you my Friend, Daniel O. C. Quigly, of this town, and bespeak your kindness and attention toward him.  I believe he will prove himself worthy of your friendship.  With every wish for your prosperity and happiness, your friend.

CHARLES D. JONES.

To Captain S. E. Hunter, Hunter’s Rifles,

Clinton, Louisiana

The Particularities of this document consist in the fact that the writer is a son of Gen. Geo. W. Jones of Dubuque, (late minister to Bogota, fort Lafayette, &c.) and a brother of the Lieut. Jones who was bagged at Fort Henry.  The Quigly spoken of, is a son of a prominent citizen of Dubuque, and one who, soon after the war commenced, bolted to the South and offered his services to the scoundrels who are trying to break up this Government.  I offer the letter for publication from the fact that the writer now lives in Dubuque, and pretends, as he ever has pretended since the war began, to be loyal. – How far such loyalty will be tolerated by a Government whose burdens are already heavy enough, should be tested.  The letter was given, and for a treasonable purpose, at a time when the gallant Lyon was struggling against the traitorous uprisings in Missouri – at a time when hundreds of Jones’ townsmen in the First Iowa, were toiling and suffering beneath the burning sun of Missouri, inspired only by motives of patriotism, by a wish to preserve intact their beloved Constitution – it was at such a time that Jones chose to perpetrate his treason and assist in the work of breaking up the Government.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 1

COLONEL JOHN FRANCIS BATES

FIRST INFANTRY.

John Francis Bates was the first colonel of the first regiment furnished by the State for the War of the Rebellion. He was born the 3d day of January, 1831; and is a native of Utica, Oneida County, New York. His parents were poor, and, thrown upon his own resources in acquiring his education, he defrayed his expenses for six years at the Utica schools, by sweeping the school-room and by building fires. Two years, he subsequently passed in the office of the Utica Daily " Gazette," and then became a book-keeper and salesman in a mercantile establishment of that city. From 1852 to 1855, he was engaged in the insurance business in New York City, since which time he has been a resident of Dubuque, Iowa. In Dubuque, he has been an insurance agent, a land-broker and a county politician. He was elected in 1858 to the clerkship of the District Court for Dubuque County, and was holding that office at the time of entering the volunteer service. After the expiration of his term of service, he was again elected to that office.

The 1st Iowa Infantry was the only Iowa regiment furnished by the State for the first call of the President. It was the only three-months Iowa regiment in the war. But, though its term of service was short, it made a brilliant record, and what sacred memories cluster about its name!

During the long four-year's bitter struggle that is now about to close, Iowa, in practical patriotism, in the promptness with which she has filled her quotas, and in the general efficiency of her troops, stands second to none of the loyal States. I will not say first, where all have done so well; but a press of the metropolis of our sister Empire State gives "All honor to the enterprise and gallantry of Iowa. She has, uncomplainingly and unselfishly, borne more than her share of the onerous burdens of the war; and in the field her sons have carried the Stars and Stripes well in the front, and made the name of Iowa soldiers synonymous with heroism and invincibility."

The 1st Iowa Infantry was the oldest of her sister regiments, and how much her example at Wilson's Creek had to do in making her junior sisters "heroic and invincible," it is impossible to say; but we believe that no State, whose military sun rose in such splendor as did Iowa's, would allow it to set in disgrace. All honor to the 1st Iowa Infantry!

To know the counties from which this regiment was made up will be matter of interest, as it also will to know the names and subsequent history of many of its officers and enlisted men. The members of the regiment had their homes in the counties of Dubuque, Muscatine, Scott, Johnson, Des Moines, Henry and Linn. Muscatine gave companies A and C; Des Moines, D and E; Dubuque, H and I; Johnson, B; Henry, F ; Scott, G; and Linn, K.

Of Company A, Captain Markoe Cummings was subsequently lieutenant-colonel of the 6th Iowa Infantry; Lieutenant Benjamin Beach, a captain of the 11th; First Sergeant H. J. Campbell, major of the 18th; and private Robert B. Baird, quarter-master of the 35th.

Of Company B, Lieutenant Harvey Graham was subsequently lieutenant-colonel of the 22d Iowa Infantry; and Sergeants Charles N. Lee and J. H. Gurkee, captains in the same regiment.

Of Company C, Lieutenant W. Pursell was subsequently major of the 16th Iowa Infantry; First Sergeant W. Grant, a captain of the 11th, and Corporal A. N. Snyder, a captain of the 35th.

Of Company D, the facetious, jolly captain, Charles L. Matthies, was subsequently lieutenant colonel of the 5th Iowa Infantry, then colonel, and then brigadier-general.

Of Company E, Lieutenant J. C. Abercrombie was subsequently lieutenant-colonel of the 11th Iowa Infantry; private W. J. Campbell, a captain of the 14th; private C. A. Cameron, a captain of the 39th; and private A. Roberts, lieutenant- colonel of the 30th.
Of Company F, Captain Samuel M. Wise was subsequently major of the 17th Iowa Infantry; Lieutenant George A. Stone, colonel of the 25th; private J. S. Clark, a lieutenant of the 34th; private C. W. Woodrow, a lieutenant of the 17th; and private T. J. Zollars, captain of Company F, 4th Iowa Cavalry.

Of Company G, Captain Augustus Wentz was subsequently lieutenant-colonel of the 7th Iowa Infantry, and was killed at Belmont; and private Ernest Arp, a lieutenant of the 12th Missouri Infantry.

Of Company H, Sergeant Charles Schaeffer was subsequently a major of the 5th Iowa Cavalry, and a staff officer of General Curtis; private T. Groetzinger, a lieutenant in the 27th Infantry.

Of Company I, Captain F. J. Herron was subsequently lieutenant-colonel of the 9th Iowa Infantry, then brigadier-general, and then major-general; Sergeant Samuel F. Osborn, a lieutenant in the 21st; private N. E. Duncan, adjutant of the 12th; private David Greaves, a captain in the 21st; private D. B. Green, a captain in the 3d Missouri Infantry; and private C. A. Reed, an assistant-surgeon of the 9th Infantry.

Of Company K, First Sergeant John H. Stibbs was subsequently a captain, then lieutenant-colonel of the 12th Iowa Infantry; Sergeant Edward Coulter, a captain in the 20th ; private G. C. Burmeister, a captain in the 35th; and private Jackson D. Furguson, a lieutenant in the 12th. He was killed at the battle of Shiloh.

In its line officers and enlisted men, this noble old regiment has been represented in a majority of the Iowa regiments, since formed; and, from these officers and men, it has furnished officers of every grade in the army, from a second lieutenant to a major-general. Its example at Wilson's Creek was not the only influence it had on the military history of the State.

The 1st Iowa rendezvoused at the city of Keokuk, and its camp was Camp Ellsworth. War, at that day, was a novelty, and there was no end to the curiosity that a boy, dressed in uniform, excited. And an officer—my! One who visited the camp of this regiment at Keokuk discourses thus:

"Their mode of life was a great novelty to us; those sentinels marching to and fro, so stern, so mute! All within ten feet of their beat was forbidden ground. What did all this signify ? Their officers were putting on style, we said, and the men were learning to be soldiers pretty easily. Then there was a gate, where stood sentinel No. 1. Through this, all who went in or out were compelled to pass. And there stood the officer of the guard — how magnificently attired! If men's merits were to be judged by their appearance, we would have supposed him a hero of twenty battles. But we forgot to salute him. What daggers he looked at us! We asked him to let us pass in.

'Where do you belong?'

'To the Third Regiment!'

'What do you want here ?'

'To see some friends.'

'Sentinel, pass them in, sir.'"

Farther along the author says:

" We plied them with all manner of questions, in reply to which they told us prodigious stories of what they had already seen and suffered for their country's sake. If we were to believe them, they were suffering greatly now. They had been in the service six weeks and a half, and the government had furnished them no clothing, and not a cent of pay! Besides, they were half-starved; and the rations furnished them were not fit for a dog! And their officers treated them shamefully too."

Thousands will recognize this as a true picture of their early soldiering.

If in the spring of 1861, a soldier in rendezvous was a novelty, he was on the eve of his departure for the field, still more so. He became an object of veneration; and, as he moved through the streets, he stirred in the hearts of the citizens the deepest emotions. "Brave, noble boy! He is going to defend our rights and the glory of the flag; and will probably never return." Big tears started in many a manly eye that had never known weeping before.

The 1st Iowa Infantry received orders from General Lyon to report at Hannibal, Missouri, on the 12th of June, and the next day the regiment left on transports. The 2d Iowa Infantry under Colonel, now Major-General Curtis, left only the day before for the same destination. The good people of Keokuk were wild with excitement, and lavish of their hospitalities; and when all was in readiness and the boats were about to drop out into the stream, a vast assemblage stood on the wharf, waving and weeping their adieus. But how all was changed in one year's time! The same people wished the 15th and 17th Iowa on their departure for the field, "good riddance;" they still admired the soldier's intrepid spirit; but they had become impatient of his mischievous conduct.

Colonel Bates was at first assigned to duty with his regiment on the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. His section extended from Hannibal to Macon City. The character of these services appears in the sketch of Colonel Wilson G. Williams, and need not be repeated. The duties, which were arduous, and which required the greatest vigilance, were discharged with much credit, and the regiment became popular with the loyal citizens of Missouri.

Early in July, Colonel Bates was relieved from guard duty on the railroad, and ordered to report to General Lyon at Brownsville. Soon after, the long and tedious march over the Missouri prairies in the direction of Springfield began.

At that day, the people of the entire State of Missouri were in a state of anarchy. The great dividing lines were being drawn, and both the Federal and Confederate authorities were, In the same district, and often in the same county, recruiting their forces. Everything seemed to threaten civil order in Missouri. We know little of the terrors of civil war in Iowa. Citizens upon our southern border only have had a foretaste. All business pursuits were not only suspended, but no one at night could rest soundly, for fear of the knife, bullet or torch of the assassin.

Harris, Green and others, had large rebel forces even north of the Missouri river. Near Springfield, the enemy were concentrating. They boasted that they would capture St. Louis, which was Fremont's excuse for his elaborate fortifications around that city. General Lyon resolved to march on and disperse the enemy, though his force consisted of not more than six thousand men, and the enemy claimed more than treble that number. He marched from Springfield on the First of August, in the direction of Dug Springs, and at that place encountered the enemy in force; but after slight skirmishing they retired. He followed them into Northern Arkansas; but not bringing them to a stand, and fearing for his own safety on account of being so far removed from his base, he fell back to Springfield. On this march, the 1st Iowa Infantry had several skirmishes with the enemy. So soon as Lyon began retracing his steps the enemy followed, and on his arrival at Springfield, or soon after, they had reached Wilson's Creek. Why did General Lyon fight the battle of Wilson's Creek? Why, if necessary, did he not fall back in the direction of Rolla, and await reinforcements? General Lyon fought this battle, I believe, for the same reasons that would have controlled any other brave, resolute general at that stage of the war. He believed that the enemy, though strong in numbers, were weak in that strength which arises from a sense of being in the right, and on the side of law and order. As a bailiff with his posse disperses a crazy, lawless mob, so he believed he could triumph over the combined rebel forces; and, had he not fallen, he might have done so, though probably not.

The battle of Wilson's Creek was not great in its proportions— only great in results. In the South West, it demonstrated the falsity of Southern boasting, that one of the chivalry "could whip six northern mud-sills;" indeed it well nigh demonstrated the converse of the proposition. It resulted in establishing military prestige in the South West in favor of the federal arms — a prestige which was never after lost.

Wilson's Creek is a tributary of White River, and, at the point where was fought the celebrated battle which bears its name, is about twelve miles west-south-west of Springfield. In the vicinity of the battle-ground, the country through which it runs is hilly and barren, and, to a considerable extent, covered with dense scrub-oak. To the west and south-west of Springfield, the stream is crossed by two roads, the one west leading to Little York and Mount Vernon, and the one southwest to Fayetteville, Arkansas. The distance between these two roads at the points where they cross the creek is between three and four miles. Nearly mid-way between these the battle was fought.

On the afternoon of the 9th of August, 1861, Lyon, with all his forces, was at Springfield, and the enemy in their camp on Wilson's Creek. That afternoon, in council with his officers, he determined to move out against them, and his plan of attack was as follows:—Sigel, with a small force, going down the Fayetteville road, was to move on the enemy and attack them in rear, while Lyon, with the chief part of the troops, was to move west over the Little York and Mount Vernon road, and attack them in front. The attack was to be made at day-light of the 10th instant. Sigel, though successful in surprising the enemy, was afterwards defeated and narrowly escaped capture. This was early in the day. Lyon's command, therefore, did the chief fighting at Wilson's Creek. The First Iowa Infantry was under Lyon, and the movements of this officer I will therefore trace.

About six o'clock in the evening of the ninth instant, Lyon ordered his troops under arms, and without music, marched quietly out from Springfield. His course for nearly two miles was the same as that followed by Sigel. Continuing his course westward till arriving in the neighborhood of Wilson's Creek, he then took a blind or by-road to his right; for a portion of the enemy were encamped near the junction of the main road with the creek, on the bluffs south-west of the stream; and these, to make his surprise the more complete in the morning, he wished to avoid. Before midnight, and without disturbing the enemy, he gained the bluffs south-west of the creek, and at a point some three miles distant from their main camp. His position was on their left flank, and their vedettes and pickets were not far distant. There he bivouacked till three o'clock in the morning. Sigel, on the other hand, halting in the low ground on the north-east side of the creek, rested till about the same hour, with only the high bluffs of the creek separating him from the enemy.

At three o'clock, Lyon put his troops under arms, and with his skirmishers thrown out, moved down the bank of the creek in the direction of the enemy. The enemy's pickets and their reserves were encountered and driven in, about five o'clock, and very soon after quite a strong force was met on a high point, some quarter of a mile north of where they were forming their main line of battle. These were engaged and partially driven back by the First Kansas Volunteer Infantry and a battalion of Regular Infantry under Captain, afterwards, General Plummer; and near this spot, let me say, was done the principal fighting of that day. The Reverend John S. C. Abbott represents the fighting as having taken place on the north-east bank of the creek, but Mr. Abbott was misinformed. He was also misinformed as to the spot where General Lyon fell. That General was shot some four rods in rear of the First Iowa, and was not at the time leading a charge.

The First Iowa Infantry first formed line of battle on the ground in question, and on the left of Dubois' Battery, which it was ordered to support. After taking position, Lieutenant-Colonel Merritt, commanding the regiment, and who it is but just to add distinguished himself by his coolness and courage, at once sent out as skirmishers companies D and E, commanded respectively by Lieutenants Keller and Abercrombie.

The topography of the Wilson Creek battle-ground is nearly as follows: Between the Federal and Confederate forces was a ravine, penetrating the bluffs of the creek in a semi-circular course from the west. Its bed and its sides were partially wooded as before stated — enough so, to afford cover to an attacking party. On the north bank of this ravine was Lyon, and on its south bank, McCulloch. Price had in the bed of the ravine, artillery supported by infantry. Between these guns and those of Dubois, an artillery duel opened. For a time the infantry engaged each other at long range; but presently the First Kansas, stationed down the hill, were assaulted and repulsed, when instantly the First Iowa was ordered forward to relieve them. Advancing, the regiment met the First Kansas retreating in confusion. They dashed through Colonel Merritt's line, and threw it into disorder, and at the very instant he received a galling fire from the enemy. Orders were given to re-form, but the din of fire-arms and loud talking drowned Colonel Merritt's voice, and he was left with only two companies. With these he continued to advance. At this juncture, the Black Horse Cavalry made their appearance on our right and rear. They had gained their position by moving through ravines, under cover of timber.. They were commanded by one Captain George S. Laswell, a former resident of Ottumwa. Led on by this man, they were about charging Totten's Battery, when the two companies under Colonel Merritt, about-facing, delivered a fire that emptied several saddles, and placed the rebel captain out of battle; and thus the fight went on.

In the meantime, rebel infantry had been pushed up the ravine, and appeared on our extreme right. They advanced rapidly up the hill, delivering a continuous fire, but were repulsed. They reformed and advanced again, and were a second time repulsed. During the second advance, Lyon fell. I should state that before this happened, Major A. B. Porter, with companies A, F, D, and E, of the First Iowa, had been sent to the rear to watch the Black Horse Cavalry.

Sigel had, a long time ere this, been defeated, and a portion of the rebel troops that had repulsed him were now advancing up the north-east bank of the creek. To check these, the Regulars were sent across the creek ; but in that quarter there was little fighting. The battle was of more than five hour's duration. The First Iowa was at the front five hours. Of the retreat Colonel Merritt says:

"About twelve o'clock, M., the order was given to retire from the field, which was done in good order. As we retired over the hill, we passed a section of Totten's Battery occupying a commanding point to the right, and supported on the right by companies A, F, D, and E, of the Iowa troops, under command of Major Porter, and on the left by one company of Regular Infantry under command of Colonel Lothrop. This command sustained our retreat with great coolness and determination, under a most terrific fire from the enemy's infantry. After the wounded were gathered up, our column formed in order of march, and, the enemy repulsed, the battery and infantry retired in good order. Thus closed one of the most hotly-contested engagements known to the country."

Such, briefly, was the battle of Wilson's Creek. Though imperfect in detail, I believe that, so far as it goes, it is correct. Compared, however, with the brilliant accounts of our modern war-historians, it would not be recognized as the same engagement. It was the first battle of importance fought in the South West, and, becoming the theme of exciting comment in almost every paper in the loyal and disloyal States, gradually increased in proportions, till it was in print one of the most sanguinary battles of modern times. And it was in fact a severely contested and bloody fight; for the loss of the 1st Iowa Infantry alone was more than one hundred and fifty. This regiment however suffered more severely than any other of the troops, and was admitted by all to have borne itself with conspicuous gallantry. Captain Alexander L. Mason, a native of Indiana, and a resident of Muscatine, was the only commissioned officer killed. He fell in a charge at the head of his company. Captain Frederick Gottschalk and Lieutenants H. Graham and William Pursell were wounded. The loss of the regiment in killed was only eleven, though several died afterwards of their wounds. Colonel Bates was not present in the engagement, though I am advised he made an effort to be. He was left sick at Springfield.

The following is the roll of honor, as given by Lieutenant- Colonel Merritt:

"It is with great pleasure that I acknowledge valuable aid and assistance from Major A. B. Porter, Adjutant George W. Waldron, who was wounded in the leg, and Sergeant-Major Charles Compton; and to express my unbounded admiration of the heroic conduct displayed by both officers and men. No troops, regular or volunteer, ever sustained their country's flag with more determined valor and fortitude. They have covered themselves with Imperishable honor, and must occupy a conspicuous place in the history of their country."

In this connection, it is proper to state that the term of service of every line officer of the regiment expired on the afternoon of that evening in which they marched out to Wilson's Creek; but not one of them claimed exemption from the coming battle. The same can not be said of officers of some other troops. The term of service of the enlisted men of the 1st Iowa Infantry expired four days after the battle.

Wilson's Creek was a drawn battle; for, though the Confederates kept the field, they did not make pursuit. They had been severely punished; but I doubt if that alone deterred them, for, in numbers, their strength exceeded that of the Federals more than four to one. They had not yet nursed their treason to that fanatical point which made it synonymous with patriotism, and they were cowards.

After the fall of General Lyon, Major, now General Sturgis, assumed command of the Federal forces and fell back to Springfield, and soon after to Rolla. In the meantime General Sterling Price, who had succeeded McCulloch in command of the rebel forces, occupied the country, and in the latter part of the month, moved north and laid siege to, and captured Lexington.

The term of service of the 1st Iowa Infantry had now expired, and, returning to their homes, they were welcomed as the first heroes of the State in the war. Wherever they appeared, they were looked on with wonder. They had gained more distinction in that solitary battle than is now accorded our veterans of twenty battles; but they are the sires of our military prowess, and who would detract from their hard-earned glory ?

Colonel Bates is a fine looking man. He is five feet nine inches in hight, and has a well developed and pre-possessing person. He has a social disposition, and makes a warm friend and a sleepless enemy. I do not admire his political course, and may be prejudiced against him; but this certainly must be conceded—he is entitled to much credit for surmounting the obstacles of poverty and a deficient education, and for making himself what he is.

The Colonel, I think, was not popular with his regiment. He would allow no foraging. In restoring the seceded States to their proper functions in the Union, and in establishing within their limits a respect for the laws of the Government, he believed more in moral suasion than in corporal castigation. His officers and men charged him with being too kind to the rebels, though they gave him credit of being sincere in his convictions. After leaving the service, he continued to act and vote with the so-called Peace Party.

SOURCE: Stuart, A. A., Iowa Colonels and Regiments, p. 22-34

Col. Thomas W. Sweeny

The gallant Col. Thomas W. Sweeny, who, from the news just received, has again been wounded at the recent great battle at Pittsburg in the defence [sic] of his country’s flag and in the maintenance of its laws, was born in Ireland, and came to this country with his parents when about ten years of age. On the passage across the Atlantic he was washed overboard, but in the providence of God was saved. At an early aged he went to Patterson, N. J., where he was apprenticed to the printing business. He afterward came to this city, and was engaged as a compositor till the war with Mexico was declared. He was among the first to volunteer in the service of his adopted country in the capacity of Second Lieutenant. He was at the storming of Vera Cruz, and was twice wounded in the battle at the taking of the City of Mexico, losing his right arm. On Col. Sweeny’s return to this city he received the commission of Second Lieutenant, 2nd Regiment U. S. Infantry, and was soon ordered to California, where he performed many arduous duties, from which he never faltered; among the first of which was the taking a detachment of recruits in a state of disorganization across the desert, from San Diego to the interior, without losing a man. He was afterwards assigned to Fort Yumah, on the Colorado, with a command of ten men; and shut off for ten months from all communications with the settlements, and surrounded by a large band of hostile Indians, but for this watchfulness and indefatigable intrepidity would have been massacred before being relieved. From California he, with a portion of his regiment, was ordered to Fort Pierre, in Northern Nebraska, where he served as Aid to Gen. Harney; and when arduous duty was required he was always at his post. At the commencement of the rebellion Col. Sweeny was on the recruiting service, but was ordered to Newport Barracks, and soon afterward to the command of St. Louis Arsenal. This was previous to the time when Gen. Lyon took the command. He was second in command at the surrender of the notorious rebel Claib. Jackson, when Gen. Lyon being disabled by a kick from his horse, the negotiations were conducted by Col. Sweeny. He was afterward appointed Brigadier General of the Three months Missouri volunteers. Previous to the battle of Wilson’s Creek, when it was decided not to attack the Rebel General Price, Gen. Sweeny was so impressed that a retreat would be worse than a defeat, that he prevailed on Gen. Lyon to make the attack. In that battle he was again wounded and still carries the ball in his leg. At the close of the battle, when Gen. Sturgis assumed command, Gen. Sweeny was urgent in following up the retreating rebels, believing that had it been done, they would have been compelled to surrender. Gen. Sweeny is as noble and generous as he is gentlemanly and brave. Devoted entirely to his adopted country, when the rebellion broke out he expressed himself in a letter to a friend: “I will, through flood and flame, sacrifice, if necessary, any remaining limb in defence of my country’s flag.” Such merit as his is not likely to be overlooked by the Government. – {Tribune.

– Published in the Burlington Daily Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Tuesday, April 15, 1862