Diary of Sarah Morgan: November 26, 1863

Yes! It is so, if his own handwriting is any proof. Mr. Appleton has just sent Brother a letter he had received from Gibbes, asking him to let Brother know he was a prisoner, and we have heard, through some one else, that he had been sent to Sandusky. Brother has applied to have him paroled and sent here, or even imprisoned here, if he cannot be paroled.

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 422

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Saturday, May 10, 1862

Boys broke into P. O. and a store. Major was very angry and arrested Lt. Lockwood there and made three boys walk to Carthage. Boys were mad. This morning I was sick of service or rather longed to get into some other department. Spencer, Archie and I went ahead and got a good dinner at Mr. Hammond's — old secesh. Found an old gun, which we carried through. Reached Carthage before dusk. Letter and papers from home. Learned that the day before, Co. “I” while out foraging met a squad of rebel soldiers. One was killed, two wounded and three taken prisoners. Next day Sergt. Smith was released on parole to get an exchange of three of Jockman's men for them.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 14

Diary of Sarah Morgan: Wednesday, July 15, 1863

It is but too true; both have fallen. All Port Hudson privates have been paroled, and the officers sent here for exchange. Aye! Aye! I know some privates I would rather see than the officers! As yet, only ten that we know have arrived. All are confined in the Custom-House. Last evening crowds surrounded the place. We did something dreadful, Ada Peirce, Miriam, and I. We went down to the confectionery; and unable to resist the temptation, made a detour by the Custom-House in hope of seeing one of our poor dear half-starved mule and rat fed defenders. The crowd had passed away then; but what was our horror when we emerged from the river side of the building and turned into Canal, to find the whole front of the pavement lined with Yankees! Our folly struck us so forcibly that we were almost paralyzed with fear. However, that did not prevent us from endeavoring to hurry past, though I felt as though walking in a nightmare. Ada was brave enough to look up at a window where several of our prisoners were standing, and kept urging us to do likewise. “Look! He knows you, Sarah! He has called another to see you! They both recognize you! Oh, look, please, and tell me who they are! They are watching you still!” she would exclaim. But if my own dear brother stood there, I could not have raised my eyes; we only hurried on faster, with a hundred Yankees eyes fixed on our flying steps.

My friend Colonel Steadman was one of the commissioners for arranging the terms of the capitulation, I see. He has not yet arrived.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Dreadful news has come of the defeat of Lee at Gettysburg. Think I believe it all? He may have been defeated; but not one of these reports of total overthrow and rout do I credit. Yankees jubilant, Southerners dismal. Brother, with principles on one side and brothers on the other, is correspondingly distracted.

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 398-9

Diary of Sarah Morgan: Saturday, July 10, 1863, 10 o’clock P.M.

I preach patience; but how about practice? I am exasperated! there is the simple fact. And is it not enough? What a scene I have just witnessed! A motley crew of thousands of low people of all colors parading the streets with flags, torches, music, and all other accompaniments, shouting, screaming, exulting over the fall of Port Hudson and Vicksburg. The “Era” will call it an enthusiastic demonstration of the loyal citizens of the city; we who saw it from upper balconies know of what rank these “citizens” were. We saw crowds of soldiers mixed up with the lowest rabble in the town, workingmen in dirty clothes, newsboys, ragged children, negroes, and even women walking in the procession, while swarms of negroes and low white women elbowed each other in a dense mass on the pavement. To see such creatures exulting over our misfortune was enough to make one scream with rage. One of their dozen transparencies was inscribed with “A dead Confederacy.” Fools! The flames are smouldering! They will burst out presently and consume you! More than half, much more, were negroes. As they passed here they raised a yell of “Down with the rebels!” that made us gnash our teeth in silence. The Devil possessed me. “O Miriam, help me pray the dear Lord that their flag may burn!” I whispered as the torches danced around it. And we did pray earnestly—so earnestly that Miriam's eyes were tightly screwed up; but it must have been a wicked prayer, for it was not answered.

Dr. S––– has out a magnificent display of black cotton grammatically inscribed with “Port Hudson and Vicksburg is ours,” garnished with a luminous row of tapers, and, drunk on two bits' worth of lager beer, he has been shrieking out all Union songs he can think of with his horrid children until my tympanum is perfectly cracked. Miriam wants to offer him an extra bottle of lager for the two places of which he claims the monopoly. He would sell his creed for less. Miriam is dying to ask him what he has done with the Confederate uniform he sported before the Yankees came. His son says they are all Union men over there, and will “lemonate” (illuminate) to-night. A starving seamstress opposite has stuck six tallow candles in her window; better put them in her stomach!

And I won't believe Vicksburg has surrendered! Port Hudson I am sure has fallen. Alas, for all hopes of serving the brave creatures! the rumor is that they have been released on parole. Happily for them; but if it must go, what a blessed privilege it would have been to aid or comfort them!

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 396-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 12, 1862

Mr. Child has been appointed agent to effect exchanges of paroled men. He is also acting as judge advocate.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 143

A Woman's Diary Of The Siege Of Vicksburg: July 7, 1863

I did not enjoy quiet long. First came Martha, who announced her intention of going to search for her sons, as she was free now. I was hardly able to stand since the severe cold taken in the cave that night, but she would not wait a day. A colored woman came in and said she had asked her mistress for wages and she had turned her out (wanting a place). I was in no condition to stand upon ceremony then, and engaged her at once, but hear to-day that I am thoroughly pulled to pieces in Vicksburg circles; there is no more salvation for me. Next came two Federal officers and wanted rooms and board. To have some protection was a necessity; both armies were still in town, and for the past three days every Confederate soldier I see has a cracker in his hand. There is hardly any water in town, no prospect of rain, and the soldiers have emptied one cistern in the yard already and begun on the other. The colonel put a guard at the gate to limit the water given. Next came the owner of the house and said we must move; he wanted the house, but it was so big he'd just bring his family in; we could stay till we got one. They brought boarders with them too, and children. Men are at work all over the house shoveling up the plaster before repairing. Upstairs they are pouring it by bucketfuls through the windows.

Colonel D––– brought work for H––– to help with from headquarters. Making out the paroles and copying them has taken so long they wanted help. I am surprised and mortified to find that two-thirds of all the men who have signed made their mark; they cannot write. I never thought there was so much ignorance in the South. One of the men at headquarters took a fancy to H––– and presented him with a portfolio, that he said he had captured when the Confederates evacuated their headquarters at Jackson. It contained mostly family letters written in French, and a few official papers. Among them was the following note, which I will copy here, and file away the original as a curiosity when the war is over.

Headquarters Dept. Of Tenn.

Tupelo, Aug. 6, 1862.

Capt: The Major-General Commanding directs me to say that he submits it altogether to your own discretion whether you make the attempt to capture General Grant or not. While the exploit would be very brilliant if successful, you must remember that failure might be disastrous to you and your men. The General commends your activity and energy and expects you to continue to show these qualities.

I am, very respectfully, yr. obt. svt.

Thomas L. Snead, A. A. G.

Capt. Geo. L. Baxter,

Commanding Beauregard Scouts.

I would like to know if he tried it and came to grief or abandoned the project. As letters can now get through to New Orleans I wrote there.

SOURCE: George W. Cable, “A Woman's Diary Of The Siege Of Vicksburg”, The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, Vol. XXX, No. 5, September 1885, p. 775

Parole of Louis T. Wigfall, alias J. A. White, April 10, 1865

appomattox Court House, Va.,

April 10th, 1865.

The Bearer, pri. J. A. White, of Co. M. First Regt. of Texas Vols., a paroled Prisoner of the Army of Northern Virginia, has permission to go to his home, and there remain undisturbed.

Jno. N. Wilson, Capt.

commdg.

SOURCE: Louise Wigfall Wright, A Southern Girl in ’61, p. 243

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 21, 1865

CHESTER, S. C. – Another flitting has occurred. Captain Ogden came for me; the splendid Childs was true as steel to the last. Surely he is the kindest of men. Captain Ogden was slightly incredulous when I depicted the wonders of Colonel Childs's generosity. So I skilfully led out the good gentleman for inspection, and he walked to the train with us. He offered me Confederate money, silver, and gold; and finally offered to buy our cotton and pay us now in gold. Of course, I laughed at his overflowing bounty, and accepted nothing; but I begged him to come down to Chester or Camden and buy our cotton of General Chesnut there.

On the train after leaving Lincolnton, as Captain Ogden is a refugee, has had no means of communicating with his home since New Orleans fell, and was sure to know how refugees contrive to live, I beguiled the time acquiring information from him. “When people are without a cent, how do they live?” I asked. “I am about to enter the noble band of homeless, houseless refugees, and Confederate pay does not buy one's shoe-strings.” To which he replied, “Sponge, Sponge. Why did you not let Colonel Childs pay your bills?” “I have no bills,” said I. “We have never made bills anywhere, not even at home, where they would trust us, and nobody would trust me in Lincolnton.” “Why did you not borrow his money? General Chesnut could pay him at his leisure?” “I am by no means sure General Chesnut will ever again have any money,” said I.

As the train rattled and banged along, and I waved my handkerchief in farewell to Miss Middleton, Isabella, and other devoted friends, I could only wonder if fate would ever throw me again with such kind, clever, agreeable, congenial companions? The McLeans refused to be paid for their rooms. No plummet can sound the depths of the hospitality and kindness of the North Carolina people.

Misfortune dogged us from the outset. Everything went wrong with the train. We broke down within two miles of Charlotte, and had to walk that distance; which was pretty rough on an invalid barely out of a fever. My spirit was further broken by losing an invaluable lace veil, which was worn because I was too poor to buy a cheaper one—that is, if there were any veils at all for sale in our region.

My husband had ordered me to a house in Charlotte kept by some great friends of his. They established me in the drawing-room, a really handsome apartment; they made up a bed there and put in a washstand and plenty of water, with everything refreshingly clean and nice. But it continued to be a public drawing-room, open to all, so that I was half dead at night and wanted to go to bed. The piano was there and the company played it.

The landlady announced, proudly, that for supper there were nine kinds of custard. Custard sounded nice and light, so I sent for some, but found it heavy potato pie. I said: “Ellen, this may kill me, though Dover's powder did not.” “Don't you believe dat, Missis; try.” We barricaded ourselves in the drawing-room that night and left the next day at dawn. Arrived at the station, we had another disappointment; the train was behind time. There we sat on our boxes nine long hours; for the cars might come at any moment, and we dared not move an inch from the spot.

Finally the train rolled in overloaded with paroled prisoners, but heaven helped us: a kind mail agent invited us, with two other forlorn women, into his comfortable and clean mail-car. Ogden, true to his theory, did not stay at the boarding-house as we did. Some Christian acquaintances took him in for the night. This he explained with a grin.

My husband was at the Chester station with a carriage. We drove at once to Mrs. Da Vega's.

SOURCES: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 367-9

Major-General John A. Dix to Brigadier-General Joseph K. F. Mansfield, August 12, 1862

Head-quarters, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Va.,

August 12, 1862.

Brigadier-General J. K. [F]. Mansfield, commanding at Suffolk, Va.:

General,—I have read your instructions to your Provost-marshal, and think them right and proper.

I was yesterday at Fort Wool, and discharged a large number of prisoners on parole. I found quite a number from Nansemond and Gates Counties, and retain them for the purpose of communicating with you. I examined several of them, and am satisfied that they have committed no act of hostility against the United States. That they sympathize with the insurgents there is no doubt; but if we undertake to arrest all such persons, our forts and prisons would not contain a tithe of them. So long as they continue quietly about their business they should not be molested.

The exercise of this power of arrest is at the same time the most arbitrary and the most delicate which a state of war devolves on a military commander, and it is one which should not be delegated to a subordinate. I find that many of the persons imprisoned at Fort Wool were arrested by Colonel Dodge, and some of them on suspicion. This must not be repeated. Your subordinates may arrest persons detected in open nets of hostility to the Government. But in every other instance, and in every case, the order for arrest should come from you; or, if an arrest is made in an emergency without your order, the case should be brought directly before you, and the evidence taken before the party is sent here for imprisonment. Two of the persons sent to Fort Wool by you have died within the last three days — one of them Mr. Jordan, the most respectable of all in standing. His body goes to his friends in Norfolk to-day. Imprisonment at Fort Wool is a most severe punishment at this season. The water is bad, and the heat is intense; and no citizen should be sent there for a light cause, and without pretty clear evidence of guilt. If parties in your neighborhood need temporary restraint, you must find some place of safe keeping there, unless the case is very marked.

My inclination is to discharge all these persons on a stringent parole. But before doing so I await your reply, with your views on any particular case or cases.

I am, very respectfully, yours,

John A. Dix.

SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 43-4

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse, December 22, 1862

Camp Near Fairfax Station,

December 22, 1862.

As my first announcement, I will tell you that Hogan is all right with the exception of being paroled. He arrived at camp last Friday, having been kept by the guerrillas three days. The terms of his parole are so strict that I asked him very few questions. He told me that one of the scamps appropriated my overcoat, and that another rode off on my mare the morning after her capture. He managed to save some of my letters which were in my coat pocket. I felt that it was dangerous for him to stay with us; so Saturday morning I sent him off to a parole camp, with all the good advice I could think of and five dollars in money. He will write to me of his whereabouts, and I shall endeavor to get him a furlough. We are still lying here, in a miserable state of uncertainty about our future movements; no officers' tents, nothing, in fact, to make us comfortable.

It has been very cold for the last two or three days and nights. You would be amused to see us, sitting around a fire trying to eat our breakfast or dinner before it freezes hard; dippers of water soon become iced, and yesterday we enjoyed the luxury of frozen buttered toast and frozen sardines. In washing, our hair becomes a solid mass before it can be brushed or combed. We have one comfort, that is, that we sleep warm at night.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 114-5

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, June 3, 1862

June 3, 1862.

Last night, as we officers were sitting around our tents after supper, we suddenly heard a shout from the further side of the camp of “Major! the Major!” which was instantly taken up all over the field, followed by a rush of the men towards the guard tent: we all followed, and, passing across the lines, discovered the Major coming up the hill to camp, in a little old wagon. I wish you could have heard the shout the men set up when he fairly came in reach of them. They finally made a rush at him; it seemed as if they would tear him to pieces in their eagerness to touch his hand or some part of him; every cap was off and every face was on the broad grin. When he did get through the men, Colonel Gordon got hold of him and shook his hands and hugged him in the heartiest and most affectionate way; so he was passed along until all had given him a greeting.

After a short time spent in congratulations, Major Dwight returned to the men, who had not yet dispersed and were watching his every movement. He made a short speech, and then proceeded to give an account of every man of the regiment who was killed, wounded, or a prisoner. He had attended the burial, himself, of all of our dead, and had visited the wounded, who were all doing well. He was able to contradict entirely all stories of the rebel soldiers' cruelties; they had not killed a single wounded man, but had treated them kindly; the citizens were much worse than the soldiers. When he spoke of Company I and their large number of killed and wounded, he said he could not help asking for three cheers for their gallant conduct at the Kernstown bridge on Saturday night; they were given with a will. The Major mentioned each of the wounded by name, and had something pleasant to say about almost every one relating to some little peculiarities, which the men understood.

After Major Dwight had finished, Colonel Gordon made a few remarks, ending by calling for three cheers for the Major. Three times three and a “tiger” were given, and the men dispersed, happy as they could be. One of the pleasantest things that has developed by our late action is the kindly feeling shown by the men to the officers; they have learned their dependence on them, and have confidence now in their pluck and willingness to share every danger with them.

We received a great deal of interesting information from the Major, — none more so than this: Major Wheat, of a Louisiana battalion, told Major Dwight that on Saturday night their loss must have been ten to our one, and he wanted to know what regiment it was that was ambuscaded all along the road; he said that after their cavalry had been driven back, the Second and Fifth Virginia regiments had been ordered to the front, and it was with them that we did most of our fighting that night. Their loss was very heavy, including a number of officers.

Major Dwight was taken prisoner in Winchester; he had just helped a wounded man into a house and was surrounded by rebel cavalry before he could get away. He surrendered in the cool manner he does everything. He made friends with everybody and succeeded in getting paroled; he left this morning for Washington with his brother, to try and effect his exchange. Drs. Stone and Leland have both been unconditionally released. L. is still at Winchester, taking care of our wounded. The correct statement about our company is, one killed, four wounded, and twelve prisoners. Jackson and his army are disheartened; they did not entertain a doubt but that they would capture Banks and his division, bag and baggage, and then make a foray into Maryland, but by good luck, we got out of this scrape with pretty whole skins. Captain Mudge is at Frederick; his wound is very painful. Crowinshield will be able to be moved in a few days and will go home. Major Dwight saw over a hundred of their dead buried Sunday.

I have just come in from a brigade review, almost melted; two mortal hours have we stood under a scorching sun, ready to drop.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 64-6

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Tuesday, September 23, 1862

At breakfast this morning, I proposed to Katie to ride over to the Insane Asylum and see Genl. Hooker, to which she agreed; and she having provided a basket of grapes, peaches, etc., we went. We were very kindly received by Mrs. Nichols, who ushered us into the General's room. He was lying on a couch, but suffering no pain, he talked very freely as far as time would permit, of the recent events. He said that at Richmond, when the order came to withdraw the army, he advised McClellan to disobey, and proposed a plan for an advance on Richmond. McClellan gave him the order to advance, but, before the time for movement came, recalled it, and gave orders for evacuation. When Hooker expected to march to Richmond, therefore, he found himself, to his surprise, compelled to fall back to the Chickahominy on his way to Aquia. I said to him, “General, if my advice had been followed, you would have commanded after the retreat to James River, if not before.” He replied, “If I had commanded, Richmond would have been ours.” He then spoke of the Battle of Antietam, where he received his wound, and expressed his deep sorrow that he could not remain on the field three hours longer. “If I could have done so,” he said, “our victory would have been complete; for I had already gained enough and seen enough to make the route of the enemy sure.” After he had been carried off, he said, McClellan sent for him again to lead an advance. The General impressed me favorably as a frank, manly, brave and energetic soldier, of somewhat less breadth of intellect than I had expected, however, though not of less quickness, clearness and activity.

While we were conversing, Dr. Nichols came in and I had some talk with him in an adjoining room. He said the General's wound was as little dangerous as a foot wound could be, the ball having passed through the fleshy part just above the sole and below the instep, probably without touching a bone. I suggested the trial of Dr. Foster's balm. He made no special objection, but said the wound was doing as well as possible, without inflammation and very little matter; and he thought it unnecessary to try any experiments. I could not help concurring in this and postponed Dr. F. and his balm. — The Doctor said he first knew him when he encamped below him last year; that he became deeply interested in him; that when he heard he was wounded, he went up to Frederic, seeking him; that he missed him; but that his message reached him, and he came down to the Asylum himself. I asked, “What is your estimate of him?” — “Brave, energetic, full of life, skilful on the field, not comprehensive enough, perhaps, for plan and conduct of a great campaign; but at least equal in this respect, if not superior to any General in the service.”

Mr. Rives (of the Globe), his daughter and son-in-law came in and we took our leave; Dr Nichols having first strongly recommended to me to secure the appointment of Col. Dwight, of Mass., as a Brigadier General.

Returned home and went to Department Found Genl. Robinson, of Pittsburgh, there, and Mr. Piatt and Dr. Harkness. Got Harrington to go with P. and H. to War Department. — Mr. Welles came in, about appointment of Pease, in Wisconsin, and I asked him to write a note about it. — Attorney-General Bates called, with Mr. Gibson of St. Louis, about pecuniary aid to Gov. Gamble — both telling a very different story from Farrar and Dick. Promised to look at papers and answer tomorrow. — Stanton came in about payment of paroled soldiers at Camp Chase, which I promised to provide for. Said that he proposed to make the Department of Florida, with Thayer as Governor and Garfield as Commanding General, if I approved of Garfield. I said 1 approved heartily. Said he had insisted on removal of Buell, and leaving Thomas in command. I could not disapprove of this, though I think less highly of him than he seems to think. — He went and Barney came in. Asked him to dine. Declined, but promised to call in the evening. — Mr. Hamilton, on invitation, came to our house to stay while in town.

In the evening, many callers — Miss Schenck, Genl. and Mrs. McDowell, Genl. Garfield, and others. Young Mr. Walley came, with letters from his father, and I brought him in and introduced him to Katie and our guests.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 90-2

Francis Lieber to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, August 2, 1863

New York, August 2, 1863.

My Dear General, — Doubtless you agree with me that now, the Mississippi being cleared, we shall have prowling assassins along its banks, firing on passengers from behind the levees. You share, I know, my opinion, expressed in my Guerilla pamphlet, regarding these lawless prowlers. Will it not be well to state distinctly, in a general order, that they must be treated as outlaws? Or would a proclamation touching this point —and the selling or massacring of our colored soldiers, as well as the breaking of the parole — be better? I cannot judge of this from a distance, but it reads very oddly that a rebel officer who has broken his parole was among the prisoners that recently arrived at Washington, as all the newspapers had it. I hope it is not true; and if not true, Government should semi-officially contradict it. That Government has too much to do, would be no answer. Napoleon even wrote occasionally articles for the “Moniteur.”  . . . I have pointed out a most important military position, near my house, in case of repeated riot. It is the highly elevated crossing of Fourth Avenue and Thirty-fourth Street. It has been adopted. Did I tell you that I, too, patrolled for three nights during that infamous, fiendish, and rascally riot. To be sure, wholly unprotected as we were, our patrolling was hardly for any other purpose than to take away in time our wives and children. The one good feature in this riot was that no blank cartridges were fired. The handful of troops we had — invalids and full combatants, as well as the police — behaved well, I believe, and did what was possible. My son Hamilton was in the midst of it during the whole time with his invalids. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 335-6

Francis Lieber to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, February 20, 1863

New York, February 20, 1863.

My Dear General, — Here is the projet of the code I was charged with drawing up.¹ I am going to send fifty copies to General Hitchcock for distribution, and I earnestly ask for suggestions and amendments. I am going to send for that purpose a copy to General Scott, and another to Hon. Horace Binney. For two or three paragraphs you will observe we should want the assistance of Congress. That is now too late; but I suggest to you to decide with the Secretary of War whether it would be advisable and feasible to send the Code even now, and as it is, to our generals, to be a guide on some difficult and important points. I observe from some orders of General Rosecrans that he has used my pamphlet on “Guerilla Warfare,” unless there be a remarkable spontaneous coincidence.  . . . I do not believe that it will be possible to change for the present war, or at least immediately, the usage which has grown up regarding parolling privates, but you will agree with me that the law, as I have laid it down, is the law and usage. As parolling is now handled by us, it amounts to a premium on cowardice, e. g. in the affair of Harper's Ferry.  . . . You are one of those from whom I most desire suggestions, because you will read the Code as lawyer and as commander. Even your general opinion of the whole is important to me. I have earnestly endeavored to treat of these grave topics conscientiously end comprehensively; and you, well read in the literature on this branch of international law, know that nothing of the kind exists in any language. I had no guide, no groundwork, no text-book. I can assure you, as a friend, that no counsellor of Justinian sat down to his task of the Digest with a deeper feeling of the gravity of his labor, than filled my breast in the laying down for the first time such a code, where nearly everything was floating. Usage, history, reason, and conscientiousness, a sincere love of truth, justice, and civilization, have been my guides; but of course the whole must be still very imperfect.  . . . Ought I to add anything on a belligerent's using, in battle, the colors and uniform of his opponent? I believe when this has been done no quarter has been given. I have said nothing on rebellion and invasion of our country with reference to the treatment of our own citizens by the commanding general. I have three paragraphs on this subject, but it does not fall within the limits, as indicated in the special order appointing our board. . . .

_______________

¹ This refers to the pamphlet entitled “Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field,” published by the War Department, in April, 1863, as General Orders, No. 100.

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 330-1

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Saturday, May 10, 1862

Boys broke into P. O. and a store. Major was very angry and arrested Lt. Lockwood there and made three boys walk to Carthage. Boys were mad. This morning I was sick of service or rather longed to get into some other department. Spencer, Archie and I went ahead and got a good dinner at Mr. Hammond's — old secesh. Found an old gun, which we carried through. Reached Carthage before dusk. Letter and papers from home. Learned that the day before, Co. "I" while out foraging met a squad of rebel soldiers. One was killed, two wounded and three taken prisoners. Next day Sergt. Smith was released on parole to get an exchange of three of Jockman's men for them.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 14

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, April 16, 1864

April 16, 1864.

. . . I have been very busy, so much so that up to this hour, 10 P. M., I have just found a moment to write to you, and while I write Colonel Bowers is waiting for my assistance in fixing up General Grant's old report of the battle of Belmont, Mo., for his new record book, and I have no idea of getting to bed before one or two A. M. You see I am never where work is not referred to me. Among the letters I wrote to-day was an official letter to General Butler on the subject of the exchange of prisoners. It requires a full acknowledgment of the validity of the Vicksburg and Port Hudson paroles, and a release to us of a number of officers and men equal to those we captured and paroled at those places, before another one of theirs will be exchanged, and also exacts the same treatment for colored soldiers while prisoners and the same conditions in their exchange and release as for white soldiers. I wrote this document with great care, I assure you, and although it is plain and clear in its meaning and seems to be written without labor, yet I measured it with my best judgment. I expect it to end further exchanges for the present.

I am recovering from my recent very sick turn slowly, and hope in a few days to feel as well as I did just preceding it. ...

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 418

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: July 22, 1862

Yesterday, while we sat at dinner, who should step into the dining room but Frank Preston! Poor fellow! it was a piteous thing to see him with but one arm; but what a relief to see him again, and have him safe, when we were mourning him as perhaps ill and carried to Fort Delaware! He looks right well, though he had to endure the pain of a second amputation, which was done by the Federal surgeons, from whom he says he received skilful treatment and true kindness. They would not parole him, so a lady who lives outside the pickets, about eight or ten miles from Winchester, came in and took him to her house in her carriage, no one challenging them: there he remained two days; when two other sick prisoners, whom she had sent her carriage for in the same way, were seized and taken back. As soon as this was known to her, she sent Frank on in her own carriage, immediately, twenty miles (after night), lest he too should be sent for: and so he escaped. He was confined to bed several weeks with his wound. Two or three hours before Frank came, Willy P. started to join his company, the Liberty Hall Volunteers; so the brothers just missed each other.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 145-6

Special Orders, No. –, Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, April 10, 1865

SPECIAL ORDERS No. –.

HDQRS. ARMY OF NORTHERN VA.,

April 10, 1865.

The following order is published for the information of all parties concerned:

SPECIAL ORDERS No. –.

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

In the Field, April 10, 1865.

All officers and men of the Confederate service paroled at Appomattox Court House who to reach their homes are compelled to pass through the lines of the Union armies, will be allowed to do so, and to pass free on all Government transports and military railroads.

By command of Lieutenant-General Grant:

E. S. PARKER,

Lieutenant-Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General.

By command of General R. E. Lee:

 C. S. VENABLE,

 Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: Arthur Caswell Parker, The Life of General Ely S. Parker, p. 140; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 1392

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Monday, July 13, 1863

We left this morning at 3 o'clock on our return trip via Black river bridge, with a train of two hundred and fifty empty wagons. We took with us sixty-one prisoners, giving them the first free ride they have had for some time. We all rode on the wagons, standing, and in order to keep from falling out when the teams made a lurch, we removed the canvas covers so as to hold to the bows. The road was lined the whole way with troops going to reinforce General Sherman. The day was cloudy, and we were thankful, as it kept the deep dust from rising somewhat. We reached the bridge at dark and went into bivouac. I was on a detail to guard the prisoners during the night. The paroled prisoners are all being sent out of Vicksburg to their homes. They are a hard-looking set of men.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 128-9

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to General Robert E. Lee, April 9, 1865

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

Appomattox Court-House, Va., April 9, 1865.

General R E. LEE,

Commanding C. S. Army:

GENERAL: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate – one copy to be given to an officer to be designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as you may designate; the officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers, nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside.

Very respectfully,

 U. S. GRANT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 665