Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: June 9, 1863

Awakened at three A. M. Got coffee for breakfast, baked potatoes, but didn't get done in time. Marched on at daylight. Met the 2nd Tenn. at Capt. West's,¹ they had crossed and captured 7 or 8 pickets on Mills Springs road. Co. H in advance. Soon came upon the pickets and kept skirmishing for two or three miles. Drake, Thede and I followed Co. H. Soon body of rebs was seen to the left. Fences thrown down and boys went into the field. Georgia Regt. gave L Co. a volley with no effect and soon fell back. As we were advancing, a regt. 10th Confederate from Georgia, Florida and Alabama came out into a field on the hill with flying colors and gave battle. D and I were near K Co. in a little valley, but bullets whistled lively — horse and man wounded near by. Soon howitzers came up and before long started these. Rebels made several stands before reaching Monticello. Fought well. Several killed and wounded, Corp. Laundon. Last stand near town behind a wall, determined. Aggravating to see their colors. Charged after them through town. Quaker gun in courthouse window. Went out without carbine. Got but one good shot with revolver. Picked up a musket and carried it. Advance ordered back. 45th and 7th with section of howitzers went on and drove the Rebs through the gorge. Went along. Soon drove them and turned back. Rested awhile in town. Destroyed arms and ammunition, then commenced the retreat — H, two companies of 45th, two of 7th rear guard. Went on and saw the wounded. Interesting conversation, intelligent prisoners from Georgia. One man killed whose father worth several millions of property. At Capt. West's, halted awhile, made tea, drank, when firing was heard. Col. Kautz heard enemy or force were following and overpowering the rear guard. All troops gone by but two companies of the 45th. Col. turned back with them. We went with him. Got to the woods and rear guard came up hurriedly, some boys running away. Dismounted the men and got into the woods in time to give the rebels a telling round as they charged up the road with a yell. Several of them killed and wounded. Rebs stood and gave fierce volleys. Very near a panic. Finally efforts succeeded. Kept up firing and drove Rebs a mile through the woods. Lt. Case severely wounded and other H Co. boys before. H boys did splendidly. Noble fellows. Few exceptions. Just at edge of woods rebs got behind stone wall and poured murderous volleys into the woods. All troops ordered up, and howitzers. Failed to come for half an hour. Boys had to stand and take it and be unable to do harm in return. Brush and woods too thick to see ahead far, and stone wall. Col. had good plans and had the Battery come up and everything gone off as he expected, we would have won a splendid victory. Our own boys fired some at one another — sad to see. Finally Howitzers came up and silenced the rebs and started them. Dark and too late to follow — also report that rebs were flanking us. Retreated to three miles up river. Command six miles. Brought off all wounded but Case and Chapman. Dr. Smith remained, John Devlin missing.

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¹ In the official records this fight near Capt. West's is called Rocky Gap, Ky.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 72

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, September 26, 1862

Middletown, Maryland, September 26, 1862.

Dear Mother: — Lucy is making me very happy and comfortable. She visits the wounded and is much interested in them. I am doing well, and shall probably get home in three or four weeks. Many of the wounded are starting home, and all hope to get leave to go before they return to service. I am not suffering much. The weariness from lying abed is the chief annoyance. Dr. Smith was here with Mr. Sessions and others. You need not send fruit and things. I get all I need without trouble. Love to all.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 360

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, September 26, 1862

Middletown, Maryland, September 26, 1862.

Dear Uncle: — Lucy is here and we are pretty jolly. She visits the wounded and comes back in tears, then we take a little refreshment and get over it. I am doing well. Shall, perhaps, come home a little sooner than I expected to be able to. I am now in a fix. To get me for the Seventy-ninth, some of its friends got an order to relieve me from the Twenty-third from the War Department. So I am a free man, and can go or come as I see fit. I expect, however, to stay with [the] Twenty-third.

Shall probably start home in ten days or so. I got your letter of the 18th. You need have no anxiety about me. I think I shall come home by way of Cleveland and Fremont, stopping a few days with you.

Love to all.

R.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 359-60

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, Monday, September 22, 1862

Middletown, Monday, September 22, 1862.

Dear Uncle: — I am still doing well. I am looking for Lucy. My only anxiety is lest she has trouble in finding me. Indeed, I am surprised that she is not here already. I shall stay here about ten days or two weeks longer, then go to Frederick and a few days afterwards to Washington. About the 15th or 20th October, I can go to Ohio, and if my arm cures as slowly as I suspect it will, I may come via Pittsburgh and Cleveland to Fremont and visit you. I do not see how I can be fit for service under two months.

The Eighth Regiment was in the second battle and suffered badly. You must speak well of "old Frederick" hereafter. These people are nursing some thousands of our men as if they were their own brothers. McClellan has done well here. The Harpers Ferry imbecility or treachery alone prevented a crushing of the Rebels. Love to all. Send me papers, etc., here “care Jacob Rudy.”

Do you remember your Worthington experience in 1842? Well this is it. I don't suffer as much as you did, but like it.

Middletown is eight miles west of Frederick on the National Road. The nearest telegraph office is at Frederick. Two-thirds of the wounded men of my regiment have gone to Frederick. The worst cases are still here. In my regiment, four captains out of eight present were wounded, thirty-nine men killed, one hundred and thirty-seven wounded, and seven missing. I expect about twenty to twenty-five of the wounded to die. The New York Times account gives us the nearest justice of anybody in its details of the Sunday fight but we are all right. Everybody knows that we were the first in and the last out, and that we were victorious all the time. How happy the men are — even the badly wounded ones. One fellow shot through the body has gathered up a banjo and makes the hospital ring with negro songs!

Good-bye,

R.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 358-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 7, 1863

A scout came in to-day with the vexatious intelligence that a body of hostile cavalry is still in Louisa County. And later in the day we have information that the Mattapony bridge was burned last night! Thus again is communication interrupted between Gen. Lee and the city! Our wounded cannot be brought to the hospitals here, nor supplies sent to them! It really does seem as if an organization of Union men here were co-operating with the enemy, else they never could disappear and reappear so often with impunity. Every one is asking what Gens. Elzey and Winder are doing — and echo answers, What?

There is a great pressure for passports to leave the country. Mr. Benjamin writes an indignant letter to the Secretary against Gen. Whiting, at Wilmington, for detaining a Mr. Flanner's steamer, laden with cotton for some of the nationalities — Mr. B. intimates a foreign or neutral power. But when once away from our shore, many of these vessels steer for New York, depositing large sums “for those whom it may concern.”

Mr. J. B. Campbell, attorney for J. E. Hertz (Jew), writes a long letter to “J. A. Campbell, Assistant Secretary of War,” urging the payment of the slight sum of $25,200 for ninety kegs of bicarbonate of soda seized by the agent of the department! The true value is about $250!

At two o'clock this afternoon a note was received by the Secretary of War from Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet (still in the city), stating that the President last night desired him to go to Gen. Lee immediately; but the general, during the day, has become convinced that he should not leave the city until communications are reestablished with Gen. Lee, and the city in a condition of defense against the sudden dash of one or two columns of the enemy — an event, he thinks, meditated by the Yankees! And the persistency of the Federal cavalry in hanging round the city in spite of all the generals here, and the many companies, battalions, and regiments vainly sent out in quest of them, would seem to indicate such purpose.

But the raids in the West don't seem to flourish so well. We have an official dispatch from Gen. Bragg, stating that Gen. Forrest has captured 1600 of the enemy's cavalry in a body, near Rome, Georgia.

There are amusing scenes among the horrors of war, as the following, taken from a paper to-day, shows:

“Taking the Oath under Protest. — A few weeks ago a laughable incident occurred in the neighborhood of Nashville, which is worthy of record. A saucy, dashing young girl, of the Southern persuasion, was, with a number of other ladies, brought into the presence of Gen. Rosecrans, in order that their Southern ardor might be checked by the administration of the oath of loyalty. The bold, bright-eyed Juno in question, objected to take the oath, saying that her mother had taught her that it was unlady-like to swear; her sense of morality forbid her to swear, and swear she could and would not. The officer insisted that the lady must take an oath before she left his presence.

“’Well, general,’” said bright eyes, ‘if I must swear, I will; but all sins of the oath must rest on your shoulders, for I swear on your compulsion: “G-d d-m[n] every Yankee to H--1!’”

“And the defiant beauty tossed her dark curls and swept out of the presence unmolested.” —Nashville Union.

7 O'clock P.m. The report that the bridge over the Mattapony had been burned by the enemy was false — invented probably by a spy or emissary, who has enjoyed the freedom of the city under the Dogberrys and Vergises imported hither to preserve the government. A number of trains containing our wounded men, guarded by a detachment of troops, have arrived at the Fredericksburg depot. An officer just arrived from the army says we have taken 15,000 prisoners. If this be so, the loss of the enemy during the week in Virginia will not be less than 40,000. Our loss in killed and wounded is estimated at from 8 to 10,000 — we lost a few hundred prisoners. We have taken, it is said, 53 guns, and lost 14.

I think the reports to-day of squadrons of the enemy's cavalry seen in the surrounding counties are not reliable — they were probably our own men in quest of the enemy.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 312-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 3, 1863

We have no further news from the army, except the usual skirmishing. A number of our wounded arrived last evening. An officer reports that, from what he could see of the enemy's conduct, the soldiers do not come to the point with alacrity. He thinks they fight with reluctance, and are liable to be routed any hour by inferior numbers.

Troops were sent up in special trains last night, and also this morning. These are some of the regiments which Gen. D. P. [sic] Hill had in North Carolina; and hence the complaints of Gov. Vance, that his State did not have its just proportion of the protection of the government. Of Longstreet's movements, I am not advised. But there will be news enough in a few days.

The President's health is still precarious, and he is still threatened with the loss of his remaining eye.

The Vice-President was in my office yesterday, and told me his health is quite as good as usual. One would suppose him to be afflicted with all manner of diseases, and doomed to speedy dissolution; but, then, he has worn this appearance during the last twenty years. His eyes are magnificent, and his mind is in the meridian of intellectual vigor.

There has been some commotion in the city this afternoon and evening, but no painful alarm, produced by intelligence that the enemy's cavalry, that cut the road at Trevillian's depot, had reached Ashland and destroyed the depot. Subsequent rumors brought them within eight miles of the city; and we have no force of any consequence here. The account was brought from Ashland by Mr. Davis, who killed his horse in riding eighteen miles in one hour and a half.

Later in the day a young man, sixteen years old (Shelton), reached the city from Hanover on a United States horse, the enemy having foraged on his father's farm and taken his blooded steed. He says, when he escaped from them (having been taken prisoner this morning) 1500 were at his father's place, and three times as many more, being 6000 in all, were resting a short distance apart on another farm; but such ideas of numbers are generally erroneous. They told him they had been in the saddle five days, and had burnt all the bridges behind them to prevent pursuit. It was after this that they cut the road at Ashland. They professed to have fresh horses taken from our people, leaving their own. I think they will disappear down the Pamunky, and of course will cut the Central and York River Roads, and the wires. Thus communication with Lee's army is interrupted!

The Fredericksburg train, of course, failed to arrive to-day at 6 P.M.; and it is rumored there were 700 of our wounded in it, and that a great battle was fought yesterday by Lee. These are rumors.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 306-7

Telegram from Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to William A. Platt: September 15, 1862

Frederick, Maryland, September 15, 1862.

To W. A. Platt, Columbus, Ohio.

I am seriously wounded in the left arm above the elbow. The Ohio troops all behaved well.

R. B. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 353

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard: September 13, 1862

Frederick, Maryland, September 13, 1862.

Dear Uncle: — We retook “Old Frederick” yesterday evening. A fine town it is, and the magnificent and charming reception we got from the fine ladies and people paid us for all the hardships endured in getting it.

The enemy has gone northwest. They are represented as in great force, filthy, lousy, and desperate. A battle with them will be a most terrific thing. With forty thousand Western troops to give life and heartiness to the fight, we should, with our army, whip them. I think we shall whip them, at any rate, but it is by no means a certainty. A defeat is ruin to them, a retreat without a battle is a serious injury to them. A serious defeat to us is bad enough. They left here, for the most part, a day or two ago, saying they were going to Pennsylvania. They behaved pretty well here, but avowed their purpose to ravage Pennsylvania. We had a good deal of skirmishing and a little fighting to get this town. General Cox's Division did it. We lost Colonel Moor of [the] Twenty-eighth Ohio, Cincinnati, wounded and taken prisoner. We captured five hundred to six hundred sick and wounded Rebels. A few of our men killed and wounded. The whole body (Ohio infantry) behaved splendidly.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

P. S. — Cannon firing now in front.

S. Birchard.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 352-3

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: May 2, 1863

Major Purington ordered on a scout with 150 men towards Traversville. 7th on the Albany road, I went along. Learned there were 900 rebels in the fight yesterday. Cheke among them. Went to a house and saw another wounded man, wounded in the charge near Monticello, hit in thigh. Rode four to eight miles, leg bleeding, Arthur Brannon of Lebanon, Ky., Shewarth's Regt., wished the war had never commenced, still willing to fight. Citizens represented nearly 100 wounded. All demoralized. Officers could not get them to stand ground. Got into camp at 8 P. M. Rained during the night. I got wet enough.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 68

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Thursday, September 4, 1862

A cheerful bright morning and a sound sleep dispels the gloom resting on my views of the future. During the night a courier came to my tent saying that two thousand of our wounded are in the hands of the enemy and are starving! The enemy is in bad condition for food.

Siege guns were put in the fort on our right (Ramsay) during the night; the preparations are advancing which will enable us to hold this post and “save Washington.”

10 A. M. — The rumor is that the enemy is directing his course up the Potomac, intending to cross into Maryland. We now hear cannon at a great distance, in a northern direction.

About 4:30 P. M. the enemy began to fire at our cavalry picket, about three miles out. Waggoners rolled in, horsemen ditto, in great haste. The regiments of General Cox's Division were soon ready, not one-fourth or one-third absent, or hiding, or falling to the rear as seems to be the habit in this Potomac army, but all, all fell in at once; the Eleventh, Twelfth, Twenty-third, Twenty-eighth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-sixth Ohio can be counted on. After skedaddling the regiment of cavalry, who marched out so grandly a few hours before, the firing of the enemy ceased. A quiet night followed.

Cincinnati is now threatened by an army which defeated our raw troops at Richmond, Kentucky. Everywhere the enemy is crowding us. Everywhere they are to be met by our raw troops, the veterans being in the enemy's country too distant to be helpful. A queer turning the tables on us! And yet if they fail of getting any permanent and substantial advantatge of us, I think the recoil will be fatal to them. I think in delaying this movement until our new levies are almost ready for the field, they have let the golden opportunity slip; that they will be able to annoy and harass but not to injure us; and that the reaction will push them further back than ever. We shall see! A rumor of a repulse of the enemy at Harpers Ferry by Wool. Hope it is true!

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 342-3

Private Charles Wright Wills: September 30, 1861

Norfolk, September 30, 1861.

You think I'm doing pretty well in the number of my letters, don't you? I can afford to for you are the only correspondent I have. You musn't be surprised if you don't get letters from me so regularly after this, for if we start back in the country, as I expect we will, to intercept Price's retreat if Fremont whips him, we may be away from mails and such like for some time. If anything happens to me you will hear it just as quick as the news can be taken to you.

Since my last we have had some more fun here. Our company was out a few miles the other day to capture an old cuss we thought was peddling news from our camp down to Columbus. He had skedaddled though before we got to his house. We gobbled up all the loose plunder we could find lying around, it wasn't much, and marched back. We had a mighty good time on picket a few nights ago. It was confounded cold, bushwhackers or no bushwackers we concluded to have a fire. A couple of the boys volunteered to go back to camp for kettles and coffee, and we found lots of nice roasting ears in the field we were camped in, and a kind of pumpkin that ate very well after a little roast before the fire. Then there were splendid pawpaws, lots of nuts of all kinds which a little fire made ripe, and we sat and cooked and ate all night. I can eat, if necessary, 36 hours without intermission except for an occasional drink, and I drink nearly a half gallon of coffee per day.

Last night the Pekin company in our regiment were on picket and at 3 this morning they were attacked. Ten of them held their ground against 150 half-mounted and half-foot and finally made them scoot. It was a devilish brave thing. The Rebels left one dead and one so badly wounded that he’ll die to-night, and carried off two others dead and four badly wounded. A lot more were scratched. But one of our men was wounded, and that a flesh wound in the arm, that will hardly take him off duty. The firing roused us here in the camp and we thought from the noise that the longed fight had come at last for certain. I tell you it was funny when the long roll (we would not get out of bed without the long roll for a thousand cannons these cold nights) to see the boys scramble for shoes and accoutrements. There was some profanity. I have just been to see a poor devil that has blown half of his head off this afternoon to get rid of his troubles. A soldier. Don't know what he suicided for. We are messed off now, 15 in a tent, each tent's inmates cooking and eating by themselves.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 33-4

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Wednesday, September 21, 1864

I was moved up to Winchester yesterday with the rest of the wounded. The city is one vast hospital — in fact nearly every house is used to accommodate the wounded, and it was a smart place of about four thousand before the war, but now is one of about ten thousand, owing to this battle. Most of the wounded officers were left at Taylor's Hotel. The surgeons for home. Well, let them go, they are deserving of such joy! It's a good regiment. My wound has gotten very sore and painful and don't give me a moment's peace. My system is beginning to feel the strain, too, and my tongue seems paralyzed yet. I can't utter a word. At any rate I'm not noisy company for anyone — not even the ladies here who are very sympathetic.

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No. 10 – Taylor Hotel. Winchester. Va.. used during the Civil War by the Union and Confederate armies as Headquarters and Hospital. 1861-65. Said to have sheltered 1.300 wounded of both armies after Sheridan's battle of Winchester, Sept. 19, 1864; it was here Lieut. D. G. Hill, Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry, died. It is now (1908) vacant.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 210-3

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Tuesday, September 20, 1864

My wounds were very painful during the night, my lips and face are terribly swollen and my jaws are in shocking condition, but I'm thankful it is no worse. My side and chest are very lame, but I hope it is nothing more serious than a bruise or contusion. Lieut. Hill has had his leg amputated, but I don't think he can live, the stump is so short — poor, brave, gallant, natty Hill with the most of life before him.

Sheridan's loss was 5018 of which 4300 were killed and wounded. Early's loss was about the same. About 850 of his wounded fell into our hands. Our division lost 600 in killed and wounded and seventeen are missing, more than both of the other two divisions of our corps together. Our regiment lost twelve killed and forty-six wounded. Sheridan captured two thousand prisoners, five pieces of artillery and nine battle flags. Generals Rhodes and Godwin of Kershaw's Division were killed, and General York lost an arm. I saw Major Dillingham at a distance as he lay stricken, when I entered the hospital grounds yesterday. He was no shirk in battle but valiant. We feel like sparing him least of any, and had not looked for it, therefore it is a great shock. Only a moment before the order to advance he was talking with several officers near me and was in the best of spirits which, it occurred to me at the time, greatly contrasted with my feeling for I never dreaded more to go into battle. I was greatly but silently depressed.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 209-10

Diary of Lieutant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Tuesday, September 2, 1862

Upton's. — A clear, cold, windy day; bracing and Northern. No news except a rumor that the armies are both busy gathering up wounded and burying dead; that the enemy hold rather more of the battlefield than we do.

12:30 P. M. — I have seen several accounts of the late battles, with details more or less accurate. The impression I get is that we have rather the worst of it, by reason of superior generalship on the part of the Rebels.

9:30 P. M. — New and interesting scenes this P. M. The great army is retreating, coming back. It passes before us and in our rear. We are to cover the retreat if they are pursued. They do not look or act like beaten men; they are in good spirits and orderly. They are ready to hiss McDowell. When General Given announced that General McClellan was again leader, the cheering was hearty and spontaneous. The camps around us are numerous. The signal corps telegraphs by waving lights to the camps on all the heights. The scene is wild and glorious this fine night. Colonel White of the Twelfth and I have arranged our plans in case of an attack tonight. So to bed. Let the morrow provide for itself.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 339

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, September 19, 1864 – Part 10

So far as this first assault is concerned it can be summed up quite briefly. The only considerable amount of the enemy's infantry in the immediate front of the Union infantry line of battle was in the ravine in front of our division, and it was about two hundred and fifty yards away from where we formed line behind the woods; it was a very strong force. If the troops to our right and left instead of instinctively obliquing away from us veteran like to an easier place in their right and left fronts respectively, had guided on our division as it is claimed they were directed to do, they would have had an enfilading fire on the enemy on our front, the same as General Russell's division would have had when it filled the gap to my right which the enemy knew would make their position untenable and so instantaneously retreated in a rout when it saw him coming dangerously near, his right flank overlapping their left. When Russell's movement was executed the Nineteenth Corps' lines of battle hadn't even broken. There was no considerable number of the enemy before it within striking distance so far as I could see, and therefore nothing to break its lines so far as the enemy was concerned until it reached the breaks in its front.

The Vermont Brigade could have easily advanced at any time of the assault or any other part of the Second Division, as there was nothing to speak of — as virtually acknowledged by Colonel Aldace F. Walker of that brigade in his “History of the Vermont Brigade in the Shenandoah Valley, 1864”— in its immediate front except about a regiment of the enemy which crossed the pike from his right and the left of our Brigade to my front.* (See No. 7 illustration). Had the Vermont Brigade borne to its right instead of its left it would have done much more effective service, as it would have been on high ground overlooking the enemy in my front when out of the ravine. In this instance the credit given this excellent brigade in at least one Civil War history is erroneous, without the Third Division was expected to whip at once and alone a considerable part of the infantry and artillery of Early's army in its immediate front, no small part of which was in our regimental front and its immediate right. In proof that there was no considerable rebel force in front of the Second Division to the left of the pike until Early's second stand, the reader is invited to examine the official War Department map of this battle and note the fact; but aside from this I know there was none. What, therefore, was to prevent the Second Division or Vermont Brigade from advancing? Unlike our front, where the strip of timber was narrow, with the enemy strongly posted just beyond, the scrub or second growth oak, etc., in front of a part of the Second Division next to us, extended from the top of the ridge or divide which ran several hundred yards southerly, down to the bottom of the ravine a hundred yards more or less, which covered here the Second Division's advance and the cleared ground beyond, after emerging from the wooded side hill and ravine towards Winchester, contained no force of the enemy, as there was no immediate protection for it, sufficient to prevent its or even the Vermont Brigade's advancing, or the enemy would have done so. (See Nos. 3, 7 and 8 illustrations.) I mention this here because I know the facts in the premises, and because this Division is complimented —unfortunately, but probably unwittingly so — in one or more histories for advancing, in unpleasant contrast to our Division, which was up against the real thing, and its advancing depended largely on the help or enfilading fire along our front, we had a right to expect from the troops which should have guided on us from both flanks, but which we never got, as they pulled away from us. It was useless to try to take such a place as confronted the right of our regiment and Division by assaulting from its immediate front (see Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations), as the enemy had to be flanked out of its position, which is what Russell's men would have done on the rebel left in case the enemy hadn't seen them in season to get away and thereby saved many casualties on both sides, and probably largely there the enemy's capture.

There were none of the Second Brigade of our Division on my right after advancing through the woods, nor had there been up to the time General Russell's command filled the gap occasioned by the Second Brigade's absence, together with the space caused by the Nineteenth Corps obliquing to its right. It being level, shell and bullet swept, it was untenable until a force came large enough to drive the enemy's infantry from cover, as Russell did. (See No. 5 illustration). I was the only officer except Adjutant Wyllys Lyman, who is deceased, so far ahead at that time on my part of the battlefield, and I can make affidavit to this statement. We and a goodly number of scattering men who generally led in most assaults were within a rod of the enemy's strongest manned works, which no map in existence shows that I have seen, where I was twice almost instantaneously wounded when the enemy ran as it saw General Russell's Division coming, as though their lives depended upon it, and I know whereof I am writing.

General Sheridan made no mistake when he selected the First Brigade for the centre and most important point of his line of battle, nor was it a mistake to place our regiment and the Fourteenth New Jersey — with direction for the rest of the army to guide on our Division in the first assault, for the road was practically straight — squarely across the pike, with their colors on it, with such men as Corporals Alexander Scott, F. H. Hoadley, Tenth Vermont, and other of the color guard like them, to keep them there, for such men would go wherever told to, if into the very jaws of death. The leaving off from the official map of this battle of the enemy's infantry in the ravine in front of the Third Division (see Nos. 6 and 8 illustrations), is a great injustice to our regiment, which never wholly fell back, but the usual per cent. of men under such circumstances stubbornly pressed forward under the most trying circumstances at any rate where I was. The leaving off of the enemy's infantry in my front, where it was strongest, is misleading and is doubtless what has caused so many wrong descriptions of this fight. No one can give a correct description of it where I was except at that point during the fight. The enemy contested this point more stubbornly than any other during the day and it was here the most intrepid of our men assaulted; it was the doorway to the great battlefield, and if the enemy couldn't hold this point it couldn't hope to any other, and didn't. Although our division was smaller than either of the other divisions of our Corps, its loss was much heavier. General Grant had one hundred shotted guns fired on his lines in front of Petersburg in honor of this day's victory by Sheridan. A citizen of Winchester told me that one of the saddest things he saw during the day was a horse going through the streets of the city with two badly wounded and one dead Confederate soldiers on it — probably chums — the latter thrown over the horse's back with his head and arms hanging on one side and his feet on the other; but war is a cruel teacher and produces the most shocking sights imaginable. It is not pleasant to record and much less dwell on them.

No. 9 – Straight view of about a half mile of the pike looking westerly towards Winchester, Va., from the divide on Sheridan's battle-field, Sept. 10. 1864. Observe the cut through the divide for the road. 

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* Haynes’ “History of the Tenth Vermont Infantry,” p. 253.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 175-80

Diary of John Hay: February 22, 1864

. . . There was a ball to-night at Beaufort, gotten up by young officers there in honor of the 22d. Gen'l Gillmore went up for a few moments to lend his influence to counteract the gloom which was overspreading the camp. We got there early and loafed about till the dancing began. The room was exquisitely decorated; several very clever pictures, eagles, etc., were done on the walls with magnolia leaves; flags of all nations, from the Navy, etc.

I left with Gen'l Gillmore and went on board the Hospital Ship, filled with wounded; went through hold and up-stairs where the artillery boys were. Saw many desperately wounded; Col. R—— mortally, clutching at his bed-clothes and passing garments; picked up, bed and all, and carried away, picking out his clothes from a pile by shoulder-straps — “Major?” “No! Lieutenant-Colonel.” H——, M——, D—— and E——, all very chipper and jolly; M—— shot in toes and hat (like a parenthesis) and sabre; H—— between seat and saddle, and in fore-arm. M proposed to H—— "to go to party; I'll do dancing, and you hugging.”

Suddenly Gen'l S——, who had been much moved by R——’s appearance, started off up to the ball. He arrived during a moment's pause in the Lanciers. He stamped his foot: “Let the music stop!” and it did. “The ball cannot go on. Lights to be out in half an hour.” A friend of the General asked: — “Can we eat supper?” “Anyone who has the heart to eat at such a time.” All had a heart of that peculiar construction, for all ate. He came back glowing with the triumph of a generous action performed, and asked us up to his room, where we drank champagne and whiskey, and ate cake. Coming out found the grumbling feasters and went to Hilton Head after two o'clock.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 168-9.

Diary of John Hay: February 2, 1864

The enemy's fire was getting pretty warm. They had the range perfectly; most of the shell burst in or over the works; but the men were so well protected that all the time we were there but three were hit, and they were said to be imprudent. The men dodged and broke to cover at the flashing of the enemy's battery, but the officers exposed themselves with perfect insouciance.

The shells had singular voices. Some screamed frightfully; some had a regular musical note like Chu-chu-weechu-weechu-brrr; and each of the fragments a wicked little whistle of its own. Many struck in the black, marshy mud behind us, burying themselves, and casting a malodorous shower into the air. Others burrowed in the sand. One struck the face of Chatfield, while I was standing on the parapet, with a heavy thud, and in a moment afterward threw a cloud of sand into the air. I often saw in the air a shell bursting, — fierce, jagged white lines darting out first, like javelins — then the flowering of the awful bud into full bloom, — all in the dead silence of the upper air; — the crack and the whistle of the fragments.

Col. Drayton took us to see the great 300 pounder Parrot. At a very little distance, an ugly-looking hole where a shell had just burst; — beside the gun traces in the sand of hasty trampling and wagon-wheels; — dark stains soaking into the sand; — a poor fellow had just had his leg taken off by a piece of a shell.

I saw them putting a crushed and mangled mass into an ambulance. He was still and pale. The driver started off at a merry trot. A captain said: — “D[amn] you, drive that thing slower!”

Two or three young fellows were playing with their horses in the parade. The horses joining in the fun threw riders over their heads and started off.

The ill-starred boat got badly pounded, her machinery and works battered in. She seemed sinking before we left. The navy were off nearly two miles, but still made passable shooting. Their ricochet shots, however, were generally failures.

With a good glass we could see a good many anxious spectators on the rebel side.

Chatfield to boat, 2,600 yards.

Wagner to boat 3,000 yards

Monitors, 2 miles.

We walked back on the beach to Wagner. A shell exploded close behind us. I made a bad dodge. Walked all over Wagner and got a sympathetic view of the whole affair.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 160-2

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Tuesday, July 19, 1864

The enemy did not press us further than the river last night, nor have they made an advance to-day, yet they remain in our front. They are busy caring for their wounded. Both sides are within shelling distance; have remained in our works all day which we built last night.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 125

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Sunday, April 2, 1865

Get the co up at 2. A. M. to get their breakfasts. At 3 take them to the paralel & get our position before daylight, bullets & shell keep a continual screeching & whistling over our heads. About dark Co B which was on the skirmish line bring down a man wonded in the head, his name is William Harris, at 8. we are relieved & return to camp, is after 10. before we get supper over & get to bed. not being right well the day has worn heavy on me. One piece of good news is the arrival of 300 prisoners captured by Steele, one Maj Genl was killed I am told that when the prisoners were captured a soldier presented his gun at the Genl saying to him dismount & surrender, the Genl said I will surrender but will dismount for no one but a commissioned officer Mr. soldier thought he was not safe on horseback & as he still refused to dismount shot him killing him instantly.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 583

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Tuesday, March 28, 1865

Working parties return at daylight at which time the ball opens again The Enemy were reinforcing last night from Mobile, a little bolder & give us a shell occasionally & quite a no of minnie balls fly over our heads, one of the 35th Iowa is killed in camp near us while packing his Knapsacks At 9.30 Cos. "G" & "B" ordered out as sharpshooters & skirmishers had to advance 100 yds through fallen timber exposed to the fire of the enemy, while advancing, Martin Walraven was wounded in the right fore arm. gain our position within 100 yds of the Fort & throw up earth works to protect us, were relieved at 3.30 by co K, in coming away John Mety, is wounded in the left shoulder & Jo. Dungan in the back passing into the thigh, K Co is to stay until morning. Our Gunboats get up close enough to lift a few shells into the main fort this P. M. When this is seen the boys raise a shout for we all depend a great deal on the Monitors. All the Regts build earthworks from 6 to 10 ft. high to camp behind, 1 man of the 50th Ind Killed by a shell while in camp some guns in our camp broken by a shell. The 1st Ind heavy artillery is reported to have arrived at the landing with 72. Mortors & heavy Parrot guns. It is rumored that our gunboats sunk one & disabled one transport for the enemy. 4 rockets sent up from the fort & it is rumored that the Infty is being transported to Mobile.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 581