Showing posts with label USCT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label USCT. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 28, 2021

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant too Brigadier-General Elias S. Dennis, June 15, 1863

NEAR VICKSBURG, Miss., June 15, 1863.

Brig. Gen. E. S. DENNIS, Comdg. Dist. Northeast Louisiana:

My letter to you was not intended as an order, but simply advisory on my part, as to the points you should garrison.

In speaking of fortifying three points, Young's Point was not included. I merely spoke of that, as a point that must be held for military purposes. There being always transient troops passing, and gunboats on both sides of the point, no troops are necessary there, except as a guard for public property. The three points, then, to be fortified are from Milliken's Bend to Lake Providence.

It seems to me Lake Providence, Milliken's Bend, and an intermediate point, should be the places to fortify. You, however, as commander of the district, must exercise your own judgment as to where troops should be stationed, and how used.

I repeat what was before given as instructions: public property must be protected first; after that, all the protection you can give to plantations leased by Government must be given.

Negro troops should be kept aloof from white troops, especially in their camps, as much as possible. Wherever the movements of the enemy require a concentration of your forces, bring them together without regard to color.

U.S. GRANT.

SOURCES: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 374-5; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 411-2

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 23, 1864

Clear and warm.

The news of the capture of 1600 Federals, 4 guns, etc., yesterday at Petersburg, has put the people here in better humor, which has been bad enough, made so by reported rapes perpetrated by negro soldiers on young ladies in Westmoreland County. There has been talk of vengeance, and no doubt such atrocities cause many more to perish than otherwise would die.

A Mr. Sale, in the West, sends on an extract from a letter from Col. —— proposing to the government to sell cotton on the Mississippi River for sterling exchange in London, and indicating that in this manner he has large sums to his own credit there, besides $100,000 worth of cotton in this country. Col. —— is a commissary, against whom grave charges have been made frequently, of speculation, etc., but was defended by the Commissary-General.

Mr. Harvey [sic], president Danville Railroad, telegraphs to Gen. Bragg to send troops without delay, or the road will be ruined by the raiders. Bragg sends the paper to the Secretary of War, saying there are no troops but those in the army of Gen. Lee, and the reserves, the latter now being called out. Ten days ago, Mr. Secretary Seddon had fair warning about this road.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 236

Thursday, November 11, 2021

Diary of Sergeant David L. Day: February 11, 1864

The Expedition.

The morning of February 6th found us in line on the parade ground, New York and Massachusetts shoulder to shoulder. Capt. Phillips, wanting a brave and valiant veteran on the left of his company, assigned me to that post of honor. I reckon the reason for it was that two of his sergeants were on the sick list. While standing in line, waiting the order to march, a scene is transpiring which to us of the 25th is altogether new and strange. The ladies living here in camp are all out, and wetting their handkerchiefs with their tears, are watching the preparations to leave. They are struggling under a fearful burden of anxiety which will not be removed until our return. Groups of men and women are standing around, taking each other by the hand and kissing their good-byes. Our Brooklyn friends are visibly affected, while the 25th boys look on stoically. While men and women with streaming eyes are bidding perhaps their last farewells, these roughened, hardened sons of Mars look with unpitying eye on this affecting scene and laugh. I confess I should have taken a greater interest in the thing and my sympathies would have flowed more freely if I could have taken a hand in the kissing.

We marched into town where the brigade line was formed, consisting of the 139th and 118th New York, two regiments of colored troops and one U. S. battery, (the 2d I think). The mounted rifles were to follow later. This comprised the whole force under command of Brig. Gen. Wistar, whoever he is. The line of march was taken up the country on the road towards Richmond. Arriving at the woods, about a mile from town, the column was halted and a detail made to act as skirmishers. The 139th being on the advance furnished the detail. In this detail the 25th was largely represented, and was under command of Major Mulcay. The major marched his command a few rods into the woods, formed his skirmish line and ordered them forward, the column following. I now began to hear plenty of talk about bushwhackers and business for the boys ahead. Capt. Phillips fell back to the rear of his company, marching by my side. I thought this a good opportunity to scrape an acquaintance, and commenced talking to him, but he did not seem to be in a mood for conversation and said as little as possible. He commenced a low, suppressed whistle of a single strain of Rally 'Round the Flag. I tried all means I could think of to draw him out, but finding I could do nothing with him, I turned my attention to the major and his skirmishers. He was as busy with them and as particular as if they were out for skirmish drill, and kept talking to them all the time about preserving their distances and alignments.

After a time, the boys started up a rabbit, and half a dozen of them gave chase, shouting and yelling till they were out of sight in the woods, where they waited for the major to come up. The major lectured them a little about charging without orders and warning them of the great danger they were in from bushwhackers. All the thanks he got from those heartless fellows for all his care and solicitude was: “Oh! damn the bushwhackers!” and as soon as another rabbit or squirrel was started up, away they would go again. Capt. Phillips, who meanwhile had kept up his whistle, suppressed it long enough to say: “Your boys are taking great risks in running off into the woods in that way; some of them will get shot by bushwhackers.” I said I thought our boys had very little fear of bush whackers, and would sooner have the fun of chasing them than rabbits, besides I thought there was little danger from bush whackers, for when a force like this was marching through they preferred keeping at a safe distance.

A little after noon the cavalry overtook us, and we halted to let them go past us. I was surprised to see such a force; there was a whole brigade, numbering between 3000 and 4000, under command of Col. Spear, who had been sent down from the army of the Potomac, landing at Yorktown, and had now overtaken us. I could now begin to see through a glass darkly. This is the raid on Richmond, of which I had heard some hints before. The cavalry of course are the principal actors, and we are simply the supporting column.

The cavalry past us, we again started. The general hurried us up, wishing to keep as near the cavalry as possible, but the major's skirmish line rather retarded us. It was finally thought that with a large cavalry force in advance the skirmish line was not absolutely necessary, and it was withdrawn. The march was forced till past the middle of the afternoon, when it began to tell on the Brooklyn boys, some of them giving out. They were unaccustomed to such severe marching, and it took hold of them severely. We made a halt of an hour for rest and lunch, and before starting, Col. Roberts made a short address. He thought we were on the eve of a severe battle, and he hoped and believed his regiment would stand up and quit themselves like soldiers, and if successful in our undertaking we should deserve end receive the plaudits of the country. In such a battle, there must necessarily be some victims, but just who, we are of course ignorant, but each one is hoping it will not be him. I laughed, and one of the boys asked what pleased me. I said if the colonel did not look out he would have us all whipped before we sighted the enemy. We pushed along till into the evening; the boys were getting pretty well played out and would make frequent halts without any orders.

There was one of the general's aids who seemed to take a great interest in getting us along, and his interest from some cause or other (probably his canteen) seemed to increase with the evening. The boys would be groping their weary way through the darkness, when some one would give a whistle and they would all squat in the road. This aid would ride up in a great passion and order them up, telling them if they didn't get along faster he would put a regiment of colored troops on the advance. The response to that threat would be: “Bring on your niggers!” This officer had another provoking habit which he came well nigh paying dearly for. There were occasional mud holes in the road caused by the rains; some of them two or three rods across. The boys would flank these to keep their feet from getting wet and sore, but this officer attempted to drive them through, saying it took up the time tanking them. At one of these places he was going to drive them through anyway or it would be the death of some of them. I was quietly going around, and halted to see how he made it work with them. He was swearing at them, wheeling his horse right and left among them, and making himself about as disagreeable as he could. Just then I heard the ominous click of rifle locks, and heard some one ask him if he was aware those rifles were loaded. He seemed to catch on to the idea, and got himself out of that as quickly as possible, and was heard from no more during the march. Soldiers are human, with feelings and passions like other men; they can and do stand a great deal, but they cannot stand everything any more than a stone drag.

The night wore on, the boys were well nigh exhausted and made frequent halts. The colonel would sympathize with them, and encourage them by saying he hoped the day's march was nearly over, telling them to keep up courage and a few miles more the end would be reached. At one of these halts the major showed some impatience, and riding up to the colonel said:

“Colonel, I really do not understand the meaning of this?”

“What's the matter now, major?"

“Why, every few moments this entire regiment will simultaneously sit down?”

“Oh, well, major,” the colonel replied, “the boys are tired; they have come a long way and are pretty well played out; change places with some of them, major, and you will understand it better.”

That seemed to be satisfactory to the major and he rode off, but it cheered the boys up wonderfully and they made quite a distance before halting again.

It is curious how sometimes the most trifling act or expression will raise up the almost exhausted energies of men and inspire hope when almost on the verge of despair. As an instance of this, the boys while marching along had for some time preserved a dead silence; not a word had been spoken, and all seemed to be absorbed in their own reflections, when suddenly I stumbled over a stump. Gathering myself up I exclaimed: “There, I know just where that stump is!" The effect was like magic; all within the sound of my voice broke out in a loud and hearty laugh, and for a time forgot their fatigue and trudged lightly along.

We reached the end of our day's tramp at New Kent sometime after midnight, having made a march of thirty miles. Many of the boys were so exhausted that they threw themselves down on the ground and were soon fast asleep. I prepared some coffee, and while it was boiling, washed myself up, and after drinking my coffee, rolled up in my blanket and was soon asleep.

We slept about three hours when we were routed up, and a little after daylight were again on the march. The boys were pretty stiff and sore, but a mile or two took the kinks out of their legs and limbered them up so they were about as good as new. Nothing transpired worthy of note luring the forenoon's march, unless it was that Capt. Phillips kept up his suppressed whistle of that same strain of Rally 'Round the Flag. I tried to rally him and get him to talking, but it was of no use; he was entirely absorbed in his own reflections, ruminating, as I thought, over the probable chances of leaving a widow and orphan children as a legacy to his country.

Before noon we reached what is called the Baltimore cross roads, about two miles from Bottom bridge which crosses the Chickahominy river. Here we met the cavalry coming back, and Col. Spear reported to Gen. Wistar that on reaching the river he found all the bridges up and a considerable force of the enemy, with infantry and artillery guarding the river. With our small force and only one battery he thought it would be useless to attempt to force the passage of the river. On learning this I felt relieved, for if we couldn't cross the river to them, they certainly couldn't cross it to us, and in all probability they had no desire to do so.

Presently an alarm was raised that the enemy was coming up the White House road. The 139th was ordered down the road to meet them. We went about a quarter of a mile and formed a line of battle. A few cavalry went down the road a couple of miles and when they returned reported no enemy in sight or hearing, a circumstance I did not regret. We then went back and were dismissed for dinner.

This Baltimore is the junction of several roads; the one we came up from New Kent extends on to Richmond, one runs south to Charles City, one northeast to White House, and another runs north over into Northumberland, where once lived a little boy who owned a little hatchet and couldn't tell a lie. It was fortunate for him and the country that he lived at that time for if he had lived in these times the chances are more than a thousand to one that he couldn't have told the truth. There are some half a dozen farm houses scattered round in sight, and also the convenient blacksmith shop is located here.

In the little square formed by the intersection of the roads stands an interesting old building—the church in which Gen. Washington was married. It is a long, low, rather narrow building, without belfrey or ornament of any kind outside or in. It is without paint or even whitewash, and shows the rough marks of age and neglect. It is divested of its seats, having been used for an army hospital. I entered this historic old church and found it half full of the boys cutting their monograms in the ceiling; I uncovered my head in profound reverence for the place and the distinguished parties who were here joined in the holy bonds of wedlock. Here George and Martha mutually pledged themselves each to the other, to share together their joys and sorrows along the pathway of life until death should bring a separation, and well they kept their vows, for I have never learned that either of them ever applied for a divorce, although it is said Martha in prosperous gales was something of a shrew. For this little bit of history I am indebted to one of my Brooklyn friends who had made a previous visit here.

After waiting here a couple of hours the column re-formed and marched back over the road we came nearly to the woods, where we halted to let the cavalry go past us. After passing us they halted to feed their horses and themselves, and while waiting for them an alarm was raised that the enemy were coming through the woods on our flank. Down came the fences and a regiment of darkies filed into the field, and deployed as skirmish

Every few moments they would look back to see where their support was, while their teeth and the whites of their eyes resembled bunches of tallow candles hanging in a dark cellar-way. The alarm of course was a false one, but the colored troops fought nobly.

We arrived back at New Kent about night, and bivouacked on a large field near the village. New Kent is the county seat, and is not much unlike other country places they call towns in Virginia. It contains a court house, jail, church, two or three stores, tavern, a small collection of houses and the inevitable blacksmith shop. There is no such thing in Virginia as a schoolhouse; they have no use for such things. All they want is law and gospel, and I have not been able to find out that these give them a great degree of culture and refinement. More than 200 years ago the colonial Gov. Berkley said: “I thank God there are no public schools in Virginia, and I hope there will be none for the next hundred years.” His hopes have been doubly realized, which probably accounts for the present state of affairs in Virginia.

Getting into camp we built fires, made coffee and began to make ourselves comfortable. Some time in the evening the major happened along where a few of us were standing around a fire of burning rails. He began to upbraid us for burning the rails, telling us if we wanted fires we must go into the woods and get our fuel. I said to the major I thought it was all right to burn the rails; as we were sort of guests on the gentleman's place, I presumed he would be entirely willing and glad to contribute a few rails for our personal comfort during the night. He went off muttering something about destruction of property while the boys added more rails to the fire.

Next morning the march was resumed, Capt. Phillips came out looking bright and pert as a wildcat, the low whistle was no longer heard and he was as full of orders to his company as a major-general. We arrived back on the afternoon of the 9th, and as we sighted Camp West, the ladies were all out on the parade ground, waving their handkerchiefs in greeting of our return. It was like the old Roman armies returning from conquest, when fair maidens, with white waving arms, would welcome their coming. Now another scene ensued; fair women and brave men close in the fond embraces of love and thanksgiving for their miraculous deliverance. I could but feel that the 25th boys were rather slighted in not receiving a share of the kisses, for who can tell that but for them their friends might not now be dwellers in the Hotel de Libby. On the whole we have had rather an interesting excursion, having seen some forty odd miles of the county. It was very woody and I think the poorest I have ever traveled in for chickens, applejack and peach and honey. But the chickens and applejack didn't matter so much as the orders in regard to foraging were very strict. These officers in command here seem to think the proper way to conduct a war is not to hurt anyone or damage their property. The result was not much different from what I expected, and reminds me of the old couplet:

The king of France with 50,000 men marched up the hill
And then marched down again.

I reckon we must have gone very near where Pocahontas befriended Capt. Smith. The history of that little romance is that Smith was captured while ascending the Chickahominy river, and taken higher up the river to Powhatan’s lodge, and that was said to be some twelve miles below where the city of Richmond now stands. So I reckon we must have been in the vicinity where that occurred; I should like to have stayed there two or three days, or at least long enough to have selected some romantic spot as being the place where that drama was enacted, and if possible gathered a few stones and erected some sort of rude monument to the memory of the young lady.

Before dismissing his regiment, Col. Roberts thanked them for their cheerful obedience to orders, endurance and good order while on the march, and especially his new allies, who throughout the long march neither faltered, complained or straggled.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 117-23

Thursday, November 4, 2021

Rev. John Eaton Jr. to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 23, 1863

[Washington, July 23, 1863]

I have had one interview with the Secy of War & two with the President. Every one in the Gove't & many out of it appear to be thinking strongly towards this subject but as yet it seems likely to be accomplished only by pieces, &, in the Secy's office there would appear to be lack of well defined system in what has already been undertaken. The Secy understands that he has an officer to attend to such subjects but the office does not understand that his instructions embrace them:—simply the organisation of colored troops:—yet all matters connected with these organisations in you Dept. are now determined by Ajt. Genl. Thomas—refered to him as they arrive. His health though better is such that he is kept away at lighter duty. It would have gratified me could I have placed before Mr. Stanton a more general & comprehensive view of the facts in the Dept in regard to these people. He asked me who appointed me to the charge of these people as if he did [not] know anything had been done for them save through the Commissioners. He is evidently well disposed towards you. Bothe interviews with the Prest. were full of interest—the last very lengthy. He spoke with great freedom of his difficulties, so much so as to charge me with silence & perhaps as I send this by the customary mail, I had better omit the details. He remarked that it gratified him to know the observation of so many facts in your Dept. had suggested plans which agreed in the main with the outline ideas in his own mind. He is pleased that you have made them so useful to the army, and that your management of them meets present exigencies without attempting to determine impossibilities. He has heard that Mr. Dana has said that you had remarked that you could not have taken Vicksburg had it not been for the proclamation; but as he was not assured that Mr. Dana had said it he doubted somewhat whether you made so strong a statement. The order that you prepared to issue I am confident will give satisfaction here. I think the President would prefer these people should be called freed-men or freed people though he is not so particular as Mr. Chase who said to me he would not read a doccument that had the term contraband in it. It appears several prominent gentlemen have been directed to gather matter upon the whole subject of the management of these people & the Prest. has directed me to go to N. York & see two of them Hon. Messrs. Owen & McKay. Mr. Lincoln with every body of loyal sentiments is taking great satisfaction in the issue of your operations. He was full of it, repeated your last despatches, laughed over your capture of cattle, read his letter to you. He had a map of your operations on a tripod in his room. Those who made such effort to interfere with you, now are ashamed to aver it. Mr. Washburne's course in support of you is greatly commended. Genl. Sherman is being strongly vindicated. At Cincin. I met the two Societies that have been furnishing us supplies; at Columbus among others Ex Gov. Dennison, Gov. Todd, Ajt Genl. Hill, Judge Swayne—every where I am unable to say enough. I hope my visit will not only result in good at W. but in various ways in other directions—I enclose some of the many straws which indicate how the wind blows. Hoping your health is good & that your efforts will be crowned with every success.

[John Eaton Jr.]

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 343-4

Monday, November 1, 2021

Brigadier-General Elias S. Dennis to Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Rawlins, June 13, 1863

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF NORTHEASTERN LOUISIANA,        
Young's Point, La., June 13, 1863.

COLONEL: I have the honor to inform you that an attack was made on Lake Providence, La., June 9, 1863, by a rebel force of about 600 strong—the Thirteenth Texas Infantry [Cavalry] and 200 mounted men of the Thirteenth Louisiana Battalion. They were met by two companies of the First Kansas Mounted Infantry, 6 miles from town, and skirmishing kept up until the rebel force reached Bayou Tensas, 1 mile from town, where they were met by General Reid's entire force, about 800 strong, including 300 of the [Eighth] Louisiana Regiment, African descent, under Colonel [Hiram] Scofield.

The mounted companies fell back behind the bayou, destroying the bridge, when the enemy formed in line of battle, advanced their skirmishers to the bayou, and planted a 6-pounder so as to command the bridge, which they attempted to reconstruct, but were prevented by our skirmishers. A heavy force of skirmishers was then sent forward to meet their whole line on the bayou, and, after a brisk fire of an hour and a half, the rebels retreated (it being dark) to Floyd, leaving only a small force near the bayou. General Reid then withdrew the skirmishers and ordered the Eighth Louisiana in line of battle up to the bayou. They fired four volleys into the rebels, which forced them to retire.

The entire force of the enemy was commanded by Colonel [Frank A.] Bartlett, of the Thirteenth Louisiana Battalion, who has for some time past been stationed west of Bayou Macon.

The only mischief done by the enemy, so far as heard from, is the destruction of a cotton-gin at Spencer's plantation.

We have 1 man wounded. The enemy's loss is 2 killed and 5 wounded.

I am, colonel, very respectfully, yours, &c.,
ELIAS S. DENNIS,        
Brigadier-Genera1.
Lieut. Col. JOHN A. RAWLINS,
        Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 2 (Serial No. 37), p. 448-9

Friday, October 29, 2021

Mrs. Mary Duncan* to Brigadier-General Lorenzo Thomas, June 2, 1863

[June 26, 1863, Washington]

I enclose a letter I a few days since received on my return from the south west, the perusal of which has caused me much regret. Dr Duncan who I had formerly known many years ago at Natchez, is a union man, and when I was on the Mississippi his plantations I understood had not been molested which I was glad to hear The depredations referred to must have been committed after I left that section of the country Will you please direct an enquiry into the case. I have also sent a copy of it to General Hawkins The President and Secretary are highly pleased with your operations, which have been so successful, and they look with interest to your further progress. We hope soon to hear of the fall of Vicksburg, an issue event of the highest importance A severe spell of sickness at Memphis & Louisville, compelled me to leave the south, before visiting General Rosecrans Army. I am getting well rapidly but am still very weak I shall go to Tennessee as soon as I am well enough. Say to Col Wilson that the proper correction has been made in the extract 11 of Special Orders No. 227 of May 21st respecting Capt Badeau. I understand a Regiment of blacks (4th Mississippi) is in your rifle pits—will you please direct its commander to send me the roster of the officers that I may send the letters of appointment I hope a 5th Mississippi may soon be formed and thus have a brigade I had intended to recommend Col Shepard 1st Mississippi as a brigadier General to command it, but hear he is in some serious difficulty—will you inform me its nature, and whether it should prevent his advancement.

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p. 25

Brigadier-General Lorenzo Thomas to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 26, 1863

[June 26, 1863, Washington]

I enclose a letter I a few days since received on my return from the south west, the perusal of which has caused me much regret. Dr Duncan who I had formerly known many years ago at Natchez, is a union man, and when I was on the Mississippi his plantations I understood had not been molested which I was glad to hear The depredations referred to must have been committed after I left that section of the country Will you please direct an enquiry into the case. I have also sent a copy of it to General Hawkins The President and Secretary are highly pleased with your operations, which have been so successful, and they look with interest to your further progress. We hope soon to hear of the fall of Vicksburg, an issue event of the highest importance A severe spell of sickness at Memphis & Louisville, compelled me to leave the south, before visiting General Rosecrans Army. I am getting well rapidly but am still very weak I shall go to Tennessee as soon as I am well enough. Say to Col Wilson that the proper correction has been made in the extract 11 of Special Orders No. 227 of May 21st respecting Capt Badeau. I understand a Regiment of blacks (4th Mississippi) is in your rifle pits—will you please direct its commander to send me the roster of the officers that I may send the letters of appointment I hope a 5th Mississippi may soon be formed and thus have a brigade I had intended to recommend Col Shepard 1st Mississippi as a brigadier General to command it, but hear he is in some serious difficulty—will you inform me its nature, and whether it should prevent his advancement.

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p. 25

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to Brigadier-General Lorenzo Thomas, July 11, 1863

Vicksburg, Mississippi
July 11th, 1863.
Brig.-Genl, L, Thomas,
Adj, Gen, of the Army,

General: Your letter of the 26th of last month, enclosing a letter from Mrs Duncan, was received on the 9th, I have ordered an investigation of the matters complained of but think there must be some mistake about the acts complained of having been committed. About the date of your letter Mr Duncan the husband of Mrs Mary Duncan, called on me for a permit to ship from the north, supplies of various kinds for the use of his negroes. He then thanked me for the protection and courtesy that had been extended to him by the Federal Authorities in this Department. He made no complaint of even having been annoyed.

All new organizations of negro regiments have been broken up and their men transferred to those regiments for which you had appointed officers. I found that the old regiments never could be filled so long as authority was granted to form new ones. I am anxious to get as many of these negro regiments as possible and to have them full and completely equipped. The large amount of arms and equipments captured here will enable me to equip these regiments as rapidly as they can be formed.

I am particularly desirous of organizing a regiment of Heavy Artillerists from the negroes to garrison this place, and shall do so as soon as possible, asking the authority and commissions for the officers named after it is organized. I will ask now if this course will be approved.

I caused an informal investigation to be had in the case of Col. Shepard. The result of it was, his release and restoration to duty. I will send the proceedings to your office for your information. I am satisfied that the whole difficulty arose from the outrageous treatment of the Black troops by some of the white ones, and the failure of their officers to punish the perpetrators when they were reported. Becoming exasperated Col, Shepard took the punishment in his own hands.

The long line of Plantations from Lake Providence to Millikens Bend, it has been perfectly impossible to give perfect protection to, during the siege of Vicksburg. Besides the gunboats, negro troops and six regiments of white troops left west of the Mississippi River in consequence of these Plantations being there, I sent an additional Brigade from the investing Army, and that at a time when the government was straining every nerve to send me troops to insure the success of the enterprise against Vicksburg. All has not been availing. I can now clean out the Tensas, and Bayou Macon country so that there will be but little difficulty in protecting what is left of the Plantations.

There are two of the Commissioners appointed by you. Field and Livermore who are doing a great deal of harm. The limits of a private letter would not suffice to describe their character, selfishness misrepresentations and impracticable characteristics for doing good to any cause. I have thought seriously of removing them from my Department and appointing officers to act in their stead until successors could be appointed by proper authority. Capt, Strickle I believe to be honest and enthusiastic in the cause which he is serving. He is probaby influenced by old theories of abolishing slavery and elevating the negro but withal very well qualified to carry out orders as he receives them without reference to his private views. The capture of Vicksburg has proved a bigger thing than I supposed it would. There was over thirty one thou¬ sand rebel troops still left when we entered the city. The number of small arms will reach 50,000 stands I think, and the amount of Ordnance and Ordnance stores is enormous. Since crossing the Miss. River an army of (60,000) sixty thousand men has, in the various battles been killed wounded, captured, and scattered so as to be lost to the Confederacy, and an armament for an army of (100,000) one hunderd thousand men has departed from there forever.

My surplus troops were held in a position menacing Johnston ready to move at a moments notice when Vicksburg should fall. The moment a surrendered was agreed upon the order was given. I hope to hear to day that Johnston's forces have been broken to pieces and much of his munition of War abandoned I have not heard from Sherman since the morning of 9th. He was then near Jackson skirmishing with the cavalry of the enemy. What was intended as a private letter General has spun out into a long semi official one which I hope you will excuse

Thanking you kindly for the assurance given in your letter of the satisfaction my course has given the Administration I remain

Your very obdt Servt
U, S. Grant
Major General

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p. 23-5

Tuesday, December 22, 2020

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 5, 1863

February 5.

Lieut. [James B.] O'Neil informed me today that during the eight years of his military life in Texas, Utah and in the present war, he had never been engaged in anything half so daring as our trip up the St. Mary's River, He is one of our best officers and has seen much service.

I would very much like to go to Alberti's Mills again, with flat-boats enough to bring away lumber etc. and then set fire to what we could not take. There is not enough rebel force in that neighborhood to capture us.

If they should block the passage by felling trees across the river, our boys would have the opportunity to do what they so much crave, meet their old masters in “de clar field.” They besought me over and over, to ask “de Cunnel to let we spill out on de sho' [shore] an’ meet dem fellers in de brush.” There would have been bush whacking of a startling nature and I have no doubt we could have brought off some of those cavalry horses hitched in the rear.

But the Colonel is pretty economical of human life when no great object is at stake.

I have noticed that twenty eight boxes of goods await my order at Hilton Head and that the Flora will bring them up and land them at our camp, if I wish. This looks as if the day of honoring requisitions in this department had arrived. Meanwhile, during my absence, my requisition on the Purveyor in New York was honored, and I found eighteen boxes of the very best material awaiting my return. The Soldiers Relief Association of Norwich, Ct. has shipped a goodly supply of bedding, towels, flannel shirts etc. to us. These things were offered by Miss G. the very efficient agent. Gen. Saxton has given me the upper part of the Smith mansion for another hospital, so we shall have twenty-four beds as comfortably arranged and as well cared for as any in the department.

Robert Sutton has quite recovered from his wounds. He told me that the flesh was healthy, and I have found it so and the bone did not get involved. I never look at Robert Sutton without feeling certain that his father must have been a great Nubian king. I have rarely reverenced a man more than I do him. His manners are exceedingly simple, unaffected and dignified, without the slightest touch of haughtiness.

Voice, low, soft and flooding, as if his thoughts were choking him. He is tall straight and brawny muscled. His face is all of Africa in feeling and in control of expression. By this I do not mean cunning, but manly control. Ile seems to me kingly, and oh! I wish he could read and write. He ought to be a leader, a general, instead of a corporal. I fancy he is like Toussaint l’Ouverture and it would not surprise me if some great occasion should make him a deliverer of his people from bondage. Prince Rivers, — just as black as Robert Sutton, has a peculiar fineness of texture of skin that gives the most cleanly look. He is agile and fleet, like a deer, in his speed and like a panther in his tread. His features are not very African and his eye is so bright that it must “shine at night, when de moon am gone away.”

His manners are not surpassed on this globe. I feel my awkwardness when I meet him. This because an officer ought to be as polite as a soldier.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 356-7

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 6, 1863

February 6, 1863.

We are just now through with the hardest and coldest north east storm that we have had since I came to the Department of the South. Living through this is evidence of considerable constitution. The storm politely waited for us to finish an expedition but the two together have succeeded in running our sick list up to 129 in today's report. This morning a poor fellow died of congestion of the lungs, before the surgeon saw him. In this case, as in nearly all the autopsies I have made I find extensive adhesions which have resulted from former pleurisy. There are, at this moment, not less than a dozen severe cases of pleuro-pneumonia among our sick.

I find it true that these people are more subject than the whites to pulmonary diseases. And here I must put a fact of dispraise to the colored people as I find them. They, as a rule, show remarkable indifference to the sufferings of those not immediately related by the ties of consanguinity. I do not believe this to be a want of affection in the race, but due to long influence of inhuman teaching and treatment. I believe the development of individual responsibility and the inducement to rise, will abolish this want of feeling and respect for each other.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 358

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 7, 1863

February 7, 1863.

. . . Emerson and Thoreau are oftener in my mind, in connection with this camp life and these people, than any other writers I know. While I am constantly studying how to keep these men well, or to alleviate their sufferings, they as constantly fill me with something higher than a feeling of philanthropy, a sort of oriental sympathy, outreaching the wants of the body. Gen. Saxton has said that these people are “intensely human,” and I will add that I find them intensely divine. It is, however, more difficult to call out the divine than the human. The blessings resulting from freedom will wash away the accursed stains of slavery and all the world will see that these are also children of God. They have a boundless conception of the divine spirit and an intense trust in the fatherhood of God. . . . It is true, they will commit almost as many sins as their white neighbors, but I am speaking now of the religious element and leaving the moral to be controlled by culture. . . .

Keeping our men below so long on the John Adams destroyed more lives than the rifle shots would have done. It seemed a choice of evils and the least apparent was chosen. But the return of sunshine will help restore the sick.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 358

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 8, 1863

CAMP SAXTON, BEAUFORT, February 8, 1863.

I feel that it was a little cowardly in me to run away from camp yesterday, but I knew that three of our good soldiers must die within a few hours and I could do no more for them. It is just impossible for me to get used to losing patients. Such death is equivalent to losing some vital part of one's self. This comes from distrust of myself, rather than of God. Our sick list is rapidly lessening and all will soon be as usual. I have this afternoon conversed with a pro-slavery surgeon, who has had much to do with negroes. I thought he seemed rather pleased in making the statement that their power of endurance was not equal to that of the whites. I nevertheless gathered valuable information and hints relative to their treatment. If I am permitted to remain in this regiment a year I shall prove that, while the blacks are subject to quite different diseases from those of the whites, the mortality among them will average less and the available strength or efficiency will average

This is the season for white soldiers to be well and blacks to be ill. . . .

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 359

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 9, 1863

 ST. HELENA ISLAND, February 9, 1863.

Yesterday afternoon I put my new saddle and bridle on the long-legged horse, claimed by the Colonel and Adjutant, and came over here to spend the night at the house of the Hunn's and Miss Forten. This is the first night I have slept in a house since the 18th day of December. It seems strange to find myself in the midst of civilization and buckwheat cakes. Just before leaving camp, I read Mr. Emerson's “Boston Hymn,” to our regiment, while assembled for divine worship. I prefaced it with the remark that many white folks could not understand the poems of Mr. Emerson, but I had no apprehensions of that kind from those before me. It was enough that Robert Sutton's eyes were glistening before me as I read. I was standing on the veranda of the plantation house and the men were under a beautiful magnolia tree toward the river. Mr. Emerson would have trembled with joy to see how much these dark colored men drank in the religion of his poem. The chaplain was filled with emotion by it and straightway took the poem for his text and when I left, was enthusiastically speaking from it.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 359

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 10, 1863

February 10.

No day so thoroughly spring-like as this, yet I feel we are to miss the unlocking delight we realize in the New England transition from winter to summer. The bugs and birds and frogs seem to realize the change, but they know their own and are grateful for the smallest favors. I miss the melting snow at noon and the crunching crystals at night and morning. My eyes are not dazzled by the pure splendor as the days lengthen. The cawing crow flies back and forth, but he does not seem so earnest, so put to his trumps as those that fly above Wigwam Hill [at Worcester, Mass.] when Long Pond is all leaden, and weeks of sunshine and rain must come to free the ice-bound waters. The shores of our river here are covered with nourishing things, and the tides make high and low for the benefit of lazy lives, but I do not see the use of living on such easy terms.

Sometimes it seems to me like a funny experiment to try the merits of the body in this land of ease, and of the soul in a less genial clime. How long the experiment is to last the Lord only knows, but I am devotedly thankful that my place of nativity is among the cold mountains of Vermont. I do not believe it is possible for a New England type of man to originate in this level land. I shall as soon expect to find alligators in Charles River, or turkey buzzards among the Adirondacks. This reminds me that on my way through the pine woods yesterday, I ran one of these southern birds down. He had probably eaten so much that he could not fly. I easily captured him and brought him into camp for James to prepare for the rooms of the Natural History Society of Worcester. Can you imagine me galloping across the plains and through the woods with this South Carolinian specimen in my arms? I was thankful the long-legged horse did not have a fit of ugliness as he did the day before.

Before the countersign was given, to-night, the Captain [Rogers] and I went out to see a sick soldier at Battery plantation. It was much more convenient to enter the lines at the guard-house, when we returned, than to go to the ordinary entrance. We were challenged in the dark by, “Who come dar.” “A friend of the guard: call a corporal of the guard to let us in,” “Halt, halt,” at the same time cocking his musket. We, of course halted and asked if his gun was loaded. This raised his suspicion and his gun at the same time and he again demanded, “Who dar?” I said, “The surgeon and Capt. Rogers.” “I don' know any Sur John:” and I began to think he might fire upon us before the corporal came, so I told him the doctor and the captain. This lessened his apprehensions. I believe it would surely be fatal for any one to attempt to get by the guard here at night. To our soldiers, this war is not play, they intend to obey orders.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 359-60

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 11, 1863

February 11.

. . . It is to be remembered that the officers of a regiment in which the privates do not read and write, have much to do that would otherwise be done by an orderly or by a private detailed for the purpose. Today I have planned a new hospital and begun to lay the foundation of the first ward. This looks a little like having a brigade here sometime. We have a charming spot near the river, for hospital buildings. I shall have only sixteen patients in a ward. Each ward is to be a separate building 20 x 50 feet, containing two fire-places. From morning till evening, all through the summer, a breeze comes up the river and my wards shall be blessed by it. What a relief it would be to have Stephen Earle [of Worcester] take charge of this, but it is all to be very simple and our efficient chaplain takes almost all of it on his hands.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 360

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 12, 1863

February 12, Evening.

Tonight the tree toads sing in the adjoining grove and sounds of life are everywhere. The day has been like one in midsummer, when showers are expected in the afternoon and do not come; but the evening is cooler. The Colonel and I walked out a little way to a cypress grove, where alligators might thrive, and where they tell of finding one. The trees are large, like oaks and have similar tassel-like blossoms, or catkins, but the hole is broad at base and tapers rapidly up six or eight feet in a beautiful compound column and then becomes a simple Doric. All around under these trees are the cypress knees, from six to eight inches in height and looking preciously like cloaked and hooded monks, in prayer.

The resemblance was so marked that I hesitated to break the silence of the place. . . .

Tonight I chanced to get into conversation with Serg't [H.] McIntyre of Co. G., a soldier whose appearance always interested me.

He is a native of Palatka, Fla., was born on the plantation of old Governor [William D.] Moseley, and was always treated kindly by him. When our gun-boats went up the St. John's, this Sergeant went to his old master, who was much suspected of Union sentiments, by the rebels, and begged him to come off under protection of our flag. But, failing to start him, McIntyre informed the old man of his intention to go himself and take with him his parents and sisters; that if he could always be sure of having the old Governor for a master he loved him so much that he would rather stick by him. The Governor much regretted their leaving him, but, knowing that his children would not treat them as he had done, he interposed no obstacles. All but the mother, who had “brought up” the Governor's daughters, came away. I have written the above as a preface to the reasons of this man’s gratitude and attachment.

By the Governor he was always treated kindly. By trade he is a builder, and his master allowed him, for eight years, to work at his trade where he pleased, by paying him (the master) $360.00 a year. He hired six other slaves from their masters, at various rates, according to their ability, and went off to Micanopy which was not much of a place at that time and within eight years they had built up a smart town.” Twice a year he was obliged to go back to Palatka, fifty miles, to pay the masters for their kindness in allowing their slaves to clothe and board themselves, and furnish their own tools, and bring in from $150.00 to $360.00 per year per man, in return. Even now this honest fellow does not fully realize the outrage. It was so much to them to escape the constant restraints of bondage that they forgot the rest. Many of the houses were built by contract instead of by the day, and if the chivalry had paid him always as agreed, he could have cleared about $550.00 per year. As it was, he was only even with the world when the war began, and he was suspected of giving information about the “Yankees” to the slaves, and he was compelled to leave his wife and two children at Micanopy. The first man to appear against him on a sort of trial for such suspicion was one for whom he had just built a home and received nothing for it. Should we ever go up the St. John's river into the heart of Florida, this Sergeant will be a valuable guide. He has sisters at Beaufort and at Fernandina who have paid their masters fourteen dollars per month year after year, and supported themselves by washing and ironing.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 361-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 13, 1863

February 13, 1863.

Tonight I have been talking with Cato Waring, one of my old nurses in the hospital. The attempt to give a report of his history seems futile. He is a quiet old black man, this Cato, with singular combination of intellect and ready shrewdness, a subtlety of character that makes you feel as if a serpent might silently coil around you at any moment, without the rustle of a leaf. He appears dull and heavy, but is full of unspent sharpness and agility. He is old, but not gray, body and spirit alike intact. The night after our return from our expedition, I was telling them in the hospital about it and old Cato sat, with his dull eyes bent upon the fire, seemingly indifferent to all, till I came to the death of the rebel officer in the woods. Then his eyes sparkled and glared at me. “Did you know his name?" “No." “Oh, I hope to God it was my young master who went down that way.”

Tonight Cato came to my tent and began very quietly to tell me of his life in slavery and his escape from it, but it was not long before his tone and manner became too dramatic for me to take notes, and I felt as if all the horrors of the accursed system were being poured upon my naked nerves. His voice was always low, but commanding. He was born on the Santee river and “raised by Mas’r Cooper as a pet.” But he was sent away to learn the carpenter's trade, and after seven years apprenticeship returned home to find his old master was dead and the estate involved by mismanagement on the part of the widow and children. Finally, he and the other slaves were sold to pay the debts. Dr. Waring, his new master, was a bad man, but not so bad as his wife.” The Dr.'s family increased rapidly and his expenses were so great that Cato was made not only driver, but overseer of the estate, a position he held till his escape, a period of sixteen years. Dr. Waring and his wife ranked among the affectionate specimens of humanity. “Dey ollus kiss wen he go out an wen he come in.” Mrs. Waring was a neat housewife and made her servants “clean all de brasses an eberyting befo' daylight in de mo’nin.” When she arose in the morning and examined the furniture with her white handkerchief for dust, there were usually one or two victims selected for the lash. It was Cato's business to wait at the door for orders to apply from one hundred to five hundred lashes every morning before going out to the plantation. If the victim was male, he was stripped and cords were fastened to his fingers and then drawn over a horizontal pole above his head, till his toes only, touched the ground; then the master would stand behind Cato with a paddle and knock him over for any delinquency on his part. The same treatment was applied to women, except that instead of stripping off the clothing, the skirts and chemise were drawn up over the head. When the parlor was filled with visitors, the mistress would wind a towel around the end of a stick and have it thrust into the throat of the victim and it would come out all covered with blood thus the screams of the tortured would be smothered. These statements would seem exaggerated to me if I had not, over and over, in my medical examinations in this regiment, found enormous horizontal scars around the body, and, on inquiry, been told “Dat's what my ole Marsa had me whipped.” Never once have these revelations come to me except by inquiry.

Finally, the war began. Old Cato heard the guns of Fort Sumter and waited and waited to hear his master speak of it. He and all his fellow slaves felt that the hour of deliverance had come. Finally, he said one night to his old master, — young Doctor who “had been off to some place dey calls Paris,” and who was worse than the old man; “What all dat tunder mean way off dar?” “Oh, it's the d—d Yankees who want to steal all our property.” Of course Cato was indignant at the Yankees and promised to stand by his master. Time went ou and the rebels began to doubt their success and at the same time began to swear that they would “work de niggers to deaÅ¥ [death] before the d—d Yankees should have them.” Cato was compelled to exact tasks of the slaves that were before unheard of. He could not do it, and told his master so one Sunday night. The Doctor swore vehemently and ordered Cato to report himself in the morning for chastisement. Cato said “I tanked him berry much for de information an’ went to my hut an’ hung all de keys whar de ole woman could fin’ ’em, but didn’t tell her what I'se gwine to do, cause she’d make such a hullaboo about it.” But “Sunday mornin' befo' de hen git up,” Cato was in a dugout pushing his way through the rice swamp, so that the dogs could not follow his trail. He had gone far before daylight, and, during the day, lay quietly in his boat. Finally he lost his way and had to leave the swamp and his boat, for he had been three days without eating. When he unexpectedly met a white lady, he assumed nonchalance, touched his hat and said, “howdye,” and told such a plausible story that he got something to eat. At another time he went four days without eating and in the evening saw a black man nailing up a coon-skin by torchlight on the side of a hut. “Dis big ole man look like a religion feller,” and Cato was almost on the point of trusting him enough to go up and ask for food, but finally thought it safer to wait a little and try to steal something. He had just entered the yard when a great dog caught him by the chest, but, fortunately, got only his clothing in his mouth. His hickory cane silenced that dog, but others came, the dogs. “an’ all de blacks an’ whites came down togedder.” He ran to the woods and found a pond and waded half the night to escape “I didn't git nullin for eat, but I wasn't hungry no mo' that night.”

At last he found shelter and food and rest under the roof of a negro whom he could trust. He was then twenty-two miles from the river and in the night a black horseman came and said a Yankee gunboat was “comin' up de ribber, an’de Cap'n was holdin' out his arms an’ beck’nin’de niggahs fus' from one sho' an' den from de odder.” Cato straightway started toward the river, but there were many roads. The horseman agreed to break off pine boughs and drop one in the right path at the parting of the ways. All during the dark night Cato would get on his hands and knees to find the boughs at such partings and then go on rejoicing. By some mistake he did not reach the river at the point designated, and afterwards learned that his mistake had saved him from a trap of the rebels for whom the black horseman was acting.

Another night he was lying under a garden fence when a rebel was leaning over it, watching, intently, the house beyond, ready to shoot him when he should jump from a window. “My heart did beat so hard I wondered he didn't hear it, but he didn't an’ wen dey come to sarch de garden, I crawl on my belly till I jump troo de gate an’ it rain so fass I knowed deyre guns wouldn't go wen dey snapped em at me.” At last after wandering about “from de secon’ week in May till de las' week in June I reach de gunboat.” His approach to the boat was full of apprehension. Before he could be certain of the boat, he saw soldiers on the shore and did not quite know whether they were Yankees or rebels. So he wavered between holding up his “white rag” and keeping out of sight. At last they saw him in his little boat, which he had somewhere confiscated, and “I hol' up de rag an' de mo' de boat come, de mo' I draw back, but oh, wen I git on de boat I thought I was in hebben.”

I shall not trouble you with more slave stories. It is too much like trying to relate a tragedy acted by Rachel — very tame.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 362-4

Monday, December 21, 2020

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 16, 1863

February 16, 1863.

Our Colonel [General] has been down to Hilton Head today and reported Brig. Gen. Stephenson under arrest and to be sent to Washington for asserting that he would rather the Union cause should be lost than be saved by black soldiers. I should like to see the gentleman this evening. Everything may go against us in the present, but these little episodes are refreshing.

My heart is lightened by the return of usual health to our camp. It is pleasant to find every one looking up instead of down. Some of the replies to medical questions are quite unique, as, for instance, “I feel jail-bound an’ cough powerful.” “I've got misery all de way down from de top ob de head to de sole ob de foot.”

If I had not promised you freedom from individual histories in the future, I should try to write out the history of my head hospital nurse. Mr. Spaulding is a very superior man. He was kept in the stocks three weeks in the winter and his legs have not since been as strong as before. He is averse to speaking of himself. I trust his integrity, tenderness and natural ability as I would trust those qualities in John Milton Earle. He is a prince in the department and commands the respect of all.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 364-5

Wednesday, October 28, 2020

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 193. — Report of Col. John A. Hottenstein, Thirteenth U.S. Colored Troops, of operations November 30, 1864-January 15, 1865.

No. 193.

Report of Col. John A. Hottenstein, Thirteenth U.S. Colored Troops, 
of operations November 30, 1864-January 15, 1865 

HEADQUARTERS THIRTEENTH U. S. COLORED INFANTRY, 
Waverly, Tenn., February 19, 1865. 

SIR: In compliance with orders, I have the honor to report the operations of the Thirteenth U.S. Colored Infantry during the recent campaign, commencing with the evacuation of the road and ending with its reoccupancy.

 On the 30th of November the companies stationed at the blockhouses at sections 75 and 78 were drawn into this place, and on the 1st day of December I moved from here with the six companies thus assembled, and at 2 p.m. was joined by the remainder of the regiment, on the road to Nashville, at a place known as the Carmichael place. On the night of the 1st we camped at Williamsville, and on the morning of the 2d joined the troops from Johnsonville, under command of the colonel commanding troops on Nashville and Northwestern Railroad. The regiment then marched to Nashville (without anything of note transpiring on the march), arriving there on the evening of the 7th of December. During the time from the 7th to the 13th this regiment was occupied in throwing up rifle-pits along the line and preparing for a campaign. The men were reclothed and refitted in everything necessary for a long campaign. On the 13th the regiment was ordered out with the rest of the brigade on a reconnaissance near Rains' house, and had a lively skirmish during the afternoon, retiring at dusk. In this skirmish the regiment lost 1 man killed and 4 wounded. On the night of the 14th I received orders to be ready to move at 5 o'clock the following morning. Soon after daylight on the morning of the 15th we moved with the brigade and occupied the works thrown up on the right of the Chattanooga railroad and near the Nolensville pike. During the 15th the regiment lay behind those breastworks, under a severe fire from a battery in our front, without sustaining any loss.

At daylight on the morning of the 16th the regiment was under arms ready to move, and about sunrise I received orders from the colonel commanding to move across the Nolensville pike and feel the enemy in our front. I advanced my skirmishers to a piece of woods in our front, but the enemy had retired. I then received orders to move over to the Nolensville pike, where the remainder of the brigade then was, and to form my regiment as a reserve, in rear of the other two regiments of the brigade, and to regulate my movements by them. The brigade then moved to the right and front, and after considerable maneuvering joined the right to the left of the Third Division, Fourth Corps, where the men were ordered to lie down. In this position we were shelled considerably by the enemy without any material damage. At about 2.30 I received notice that we would assault the works in our front, and in a few minutes afterward the order to advance was given. The regiment advanced with the brigade in good order, but before we arrived near the rebel works the troops in our front began to lie down and skulk to the rear, which, of course, was not calculated to give much courage to men who never before had undergone an ordeal by fire. The fire of the enemy was terrific, but nevertheless the men, led by their officers, continued to advance to the very muzzles of the enemy’s guns, but its numbers were too small, and after a protracted struggle they had to fall back, not for the want of courage or discipline, but because it was impossible to drive the enemy from his works by a direct assault. Before falling back all the troops on our right had given way, and it was useless to continue the struggle any longer. The regiment reformed on the ground occupied just previous to the assault by the One hundredth U.S. Colored Infantry, and was ready to again advance, when a staff officer of the colonel commanding ordered me to take my regiment over to the left, where the remainder of the brigade was formed. I moved to the left, as ordered, and joined the brigade, which moved about three miles to the front and encamped for the night, in the meantime the enemy retiring toward Franklin. The regiment went into action on the morning of the 16th, 556 men and 20 commissioned officers, and lost 4 commissioned officers and 55 enlisted men killed, and 4 commissioned officers and 165 enlisted men wounded; total loss, 220.

On the morning of the 17th we marched in pursuit of the enemy and reached Franklin in the evening. The next day the regiment moved with the brigade toward Murfreesborough and arrived there on the 20th; thence to Stevenson and Decatur, where we arrived on the 25th, and drove the enemy out of the place, Companies I and K being the first troops to enter, they being under the immediate command of Captain Park, of Company K. The regiment moved with the brigade down the river in the direction of Courtland and arrived there on the 30th of December, and from thence to La Grange, Ala., on January 1, 1865. January 2 moved back toward Decatur and arrived there on the 5th. On the 7th we embarked on the cars for Nashville. Arriving at Scottsborough we were ordered in pursuit of the rebel General Lyon, who had been on a raiding tour through Kentucky and Tennessee. The regiment marched in pursuit to ——— Landing, and returned thence to Larkinsville, Ala. Nothing of note occurred on this march, except the suffering of the men for the want of shoes and other clothing, which from the length of the campaign were worn out. Many of the officers and men were barefoot, and never did men display more soldierly qualities than on this march; without shoes and a great time without rations, they performed their duty cheerfully and without murmur. The regiment arrived at Nashville on the 15th of January and lay there until the 29th, when I received orders to move and reoccupy our former stations on the Nashville and Northwestern Railroad. The regiment moved by easy marches to its former stations on the road, arriving at this place on the 2d of February, and on the 4th all of the different companies had arrived at the posts assigned them.

Where all did well, it is impossible to particularize, but I cannot close this report without mentioning some of the officers of this regiment. Captains Bensinger, Park, Duncan, Chamberlin, Dougall, and Wallace led their companies up in the most gallant manner. Lieutenants Dickerson, Marble, Ricketts, and Snell behaved with marked gallantry, but all did well, and I do not believe any regiment ever could boast of braver officers. Among the enlisted men there were many that showed great bravery. Sergeants Wilson and Rankin both displayed the greatest gallantry possible in carrying the colors, and sealed their devotion to them with their lives.

Inclosed please find a complete list of killed and wounded.*

All of which is respectfully submitted.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN A. HOTTENSTEIN,
Colonel, Commanding.

Lieut. THOMAS L. SEXTON, 
Actg. Asst. Adjt. Gen., Troops on Nashville and Northwestern R. R.

_______________

* Embodied in table, p. 103.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 548-9

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 191. — Report of Col. Charles R. Thompson, Twelfth U. S Colored Troops, commanding Second Colored Brigade, of operations December 7, 1864-January 15, 1865.

No. 191.

Report of Col. Charles R. Thompson, Twelfth U. S Colored Troops,
commanding Second Colored Brigade, of operations December 7, 1864-January 15, 1865. 

HDQRS. TROOPS ON NASHVILLE AND NORTHWESTERN R. R., 
Kingston Springs, Tenn., February 24, 1865. 

MAJOR: I have the honor to transmit the following report of the action of my command during the past campaign:

 On the 7th day of December I reported to Major-General Steedman, in accordance with verbal orders received from department headquarters, and by his directions placed my brigade in line near the city graveyard, the right resting on College street, and the left on the right of Colonel Harrison's brigade, where we threw up two lines of rifle-pits. On the 11th of December made a reconnaissance, by order of the general commanding, to see if the enemy were still in our front. Two hundred men, under command of Col. John A. Hottenstein, pressed the enemy's picket-line and reserves to their main line of works, where they were found to be in force. The object of the reconnaissance having been accomplished we retired to our position in line by the direction of the major-general commanding. This was the first time that any of my troops had skirmished with an enemy, and their conduct was entirely satisfactory. On the 13th of December, by order of the general commanding, I reported to Colonel Malloy, commanding brigade, Provisional Division, District of the Etowah, to make a reconnaissance on the east side of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, to see if the enemy was still in force in that vicinity. The Thirteenth Regiment U. S. Colored Infantry was deployed as skirmishers, and the Twelfth and One hundredth Regiments U.S. Colored Infantry were held in reserve in line. We advanced from the Murfreesborough pike, with the skirmishers of Colonel Malloy's brigade connecting with my left, and drove the enemy's picket and reserves to their main line, after a somewhat stubborn resistance, on the grounds of Mr. Rains. The enemy were there in full force, and sharp firing was kept up as long as we remained there, which was until nearly dark. We retired to our position in line, but not without loss. Capt. Robert Headen, of Company E, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, was mortally wounded while on the skirmish line pushing his company forward under a heavy fire from the enemy's earth-works; several men, also, were killed and wounded.

On the 15th of December, by directions received from the major-general commanding, I moved my command at 6 a.m. to assault the enemy's works between the railroad and the Nolensville pike. So that the movement might be made more rapidly I moved the two regiments, which were to be in the first line (the Thirteenth and One hundredth U.S. Colored Infantry), under cover of the railroad bank, and placed them in column of company, side by side, and awaited the opening of the battle, which was to be done by Colonel Morgan, on the left. As soon as his guns were heard I moved across the railroad, the reserve regiment (the Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry) passing in the rear through a culvert and wheeling into line charged and took the works in our front. The enemy were evidently expecting us to move to the left of the railroad, as their artillery was moved to meet us there and was not opened on us until we had gained the works and were comparatively well protected. My orders being to await there the orders of the general commanding, my command was kept in the same position during the day, except making slight changes in the direction of the line to protect the men from an enfilading fire. Sharp firing was kept up between the skirmishers, and considerable artillery ammunition expended. The section of the Twentieth Indiana Battery, commanded by Lieutenant York, who was wounded, and afterward by Lieutenant Stevenson, did excellent execution, and drove the enemy's battery opposing it from their positions which it took to operate against us. During the night we strengthened our rifle-pits and threw up an earth-work for the protection of the artillery, which had been much exposed during the day to the fire of the enemy's sharpshooters.

At daylight on the morning of December 16, indications that the enemy had left our front being apparent, I sent my skirmishers forward, and found the rifle-pits occupied by the enemy's sharpshooters vacant. By direction of the general commanding I then sent the skirmish line to the hill south and about one mile from the one we had taken the day previous. Finding no enemy there the whole command was ordered forward. We marched about one mile and a half toward the south, and then moved in a westerly direction, my left connecting with the right of Colonel Morgan's brigade. We halted on the hill east of the Tennessee and Alabama Railroad until the general commanding could communicate with the right of the army. When this was done I was ordered to move to the east of the Franklin pike and connect with the left of General Wood's (Fourth) corps. This was done without material damage, though the enemy opened on us from two batteries on Overton Hill. Immediately upon getting my command into position I reported the fact to General Wood, who said he was about to make a charge, and desired me to support his left. At about 3 p.m. his command started, and after they had proceeded about forty yards I moved. The left regiment (the Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry) was obliged to move about eighty yards in column, as there was a dense briar thicket on the left, which it could not penetrate. After passing this thicket it was my intention to halt the command until I could see what was on General Wood's left and how it would be best to charge the works. The deploying of the Twelfth Regiment at double-quick caused the other regiments to think that a charge had been ordered, and they immediately started at double-quick. Being under a heavy fire at the time, I thought it would cause much confusion to rectify this, so I ordered the whole line to charge. The One hundredth Regiment was somewhat broken by trees, which had been felled. The Twelfth Regiment U.S. Colored Infantry and the left wing of the One hundredth Regiment U.S. Colored Infantry passed to the left of the enemy's works, they making a sharp angle there. This gave the enemy an enfilading and rear fire on this portion of the command. It being impossible to change front under the withering fire, and there being no works in front of them, I gave orders for that portion of the command to move by the left flank to the shelter of a small hill a short distance off, there to reorganize. The right wing of the One hundredth Regiment moved forward with the left of the Fourth Corps, and was repulsed with them. The Thirteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, which was the second line of my command, pushed forward of the whole line, and some of the men mounted the parapet, but, having no support on the right, were forced to retire. These troops were here for the first time under such a fire as veterans dread, and yet, side by side with the veterans of Stone's River, Missionary Ridge, and Atlanta, they assaulted probably the strongest works on the entire line, and, though not successful, they vied with the old warriors in bravery, tenacity, and deeds of noble daring. The loss in the brigade was over twenty-five per cent. of the number engaged, and the loss was sustained in less than thirty minutes. While reorganizing my command the troops on the right had broken the enemy's line, which caused them to retreat from Overton Hill. The enemy on Overton Hill was considerably re-enforced during the attack, on account of the firmness of the assault, and which naturally weakened the enemy's left and made it easier for our troops to break their line at that point. Under orders from the general commanding we moved down the Franklin pike, and bivouacked on the left of the army.

December 17, we marched to the north bank of the Harpeth River, opposite Franklin, in pursuit of the enemy. December 18, marched about three miles south of Franklin, where orders reached us to return to Franklin and from there to move to Murfreesborough. We arrived in Murfreesborough on the 20th of December, at about noon, the men completely worn down, having accomplished by far the hardest march that I ever experienced. The rain had fallen almost constantly, and every brook had overflown its banks and assumed the proportions of a river. The mud was ankle deep, and when we arrived at Murfreesborough over fifty per cent. of the command were in need of shoes. On the 23d of December, 1864, moved from Murfreesborough by rail, and on the 26th of December disembarked from the cars about nine miles east of Decatur, Ala., and moved within a mile of the Tennessee River, near the mouth of Flint River. Was placed in command of the Second Provisional Division, consisting of the First and Second Colored Brigades and Reserve Brigade. On the 27th, in accordance with orders from the general commanding, I moved my command to the river and embarked them on transports. We were landed on the opposite shore, and a bridge which had been prepared was thrown across a lagoon, which still separated us from the main shore, by the men of the Eighteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Too much praise cannot be given to this regiment for the skill and energy displayed in the laying of this bridge. Skirmishers were sent across this lagoon immediately upon landing, and in wading the water was up to their necks. Before noon the whole command was across and I pushed it forward, driving the enemy before until I reached a point at which I had been directed to halt and await further orders from the general commanding. From information received from citizens I was sure that there was not more than 200 cavalry at Decatur, and so informed the general commanding. General Cruft, with the First Provisional Division, having crossed the river and lagoon, came up and joined my right. We then moved forward into Decatur with but little resistance. We moved from Decatur on the 28th of December with the whole command, and arrived at Courtland on the 30th of December. On the 31st, in accordance with directions from the general commanding, I started with my division from Courtland to proceed as far as La Grange and Leighton, to support the cavalry under Colonel Palmer, that had gone to destroy the train of the enemy. Moved on this day as far as Town Creek, where we found it necessary to build a bridge, which was done with great dispatch by the Eighteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry. We moved from Town Creek at 4 a.m. January 1, 1865, and arrived at Leighton at 9 a.m. Sent Col. John A. Hottenstein, with the Second Brigade Colored Troops, to La Grange, with orders to take post there and find out all he could about Colonel Palmer, and to communicate to me any information that he might receive. On the 2d received orders from the general commanding to move east with my command and rejoin him at Courtland. I started immediately, but at Town Creek received orders directing me to send one brigade to Leighton, and with the others to remain where the order reached me until Colonel Palmer was heard from. In compliance with this order I went into bivouac with the First and Second Brigades Colored Troops and sent the Reserve Brigade to Leighton. On the 4th of January received orders to move to Courtland, as Colonel Palmer had been heard from and was on his way to Decatur, having destroyed the pontoon and another of the enemy's trains. On arriving at Courtland found that the general commanding, with the First Division, had gone to Decatur, orders having been left for me to follow with my command. On the 5th moved to within four miles of Decatur, where I received orders to move with my old command (the Second Brigade Colored Troops) to Nashville, Tenn. On the 6th of January moved to the terminus of the railroad opposite Decatur and waited transportation. On the 7th sent the Twelfth Regiment off, and on the 8th started for Nashville with the Thirteenth and One hundredth Regiments. On arriving at Larkinsville found that the rebel General Lyon had cut the road, and was sent in pursuit of him by General Cruft, who was at Larkinsville. Moved to Scottsborough on the morning of the 9th, and found that Lyon had gone toward the Tennessee River. In conjunction with Colonel Malloy's brigade started in pursuit on the Guntersville road. On the 10th overtook Mitchell's brigade and marched to Law's Landing, where, by order of General Cruft, I took post. On the 11th I received orders to return to Larkinsville, as Lyon had escaped across the Tennessee River. Arrived at Larkinsville on the evening of the 12th, and loaded troops the next evening (13th) and started for Nashville, at which place we arrived at 4 p.m. on the 15th day of January, 1865.

The conduct of the troops during the whole campaign was most soldierly and praiseworthy. Before making the assault on the enemy's works the knapsacks of the troops comprising the Second Brigade were laid aside, and after the works were taken, being ordered to go in pursuit, these were left, and without blankets or any extra clothing, and more than one-half the time without fifty good shoes in the whole brigade, this whole campaign was made with a most cheerful spirit existing. For six days rations were not issued, yet vigorous pursuit was made after the rebel General Lyon.

To Col. John A. Hottenstein, Thirteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, commanding Second Brigade Colored Troops, Colonel Morgan, Fourteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, commanding First Brigade U.S. Colored Troops, and Col. Felix Prince Salm, Sixty-eighth New York Volunteer Infantry, commanding Reserve Brigade, my thanks are due, and are warmly given, for their promptness to answer every call and for their great assistance to me in helping to lighten the heavy responsibility that chance had thrown upon me.

Of the officers of my staff—Capt. Henry A. Norton, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, acting assistant inspector general; Lieut. George W. Fitch, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, acting assistant quartermaster, wounded by the enemy after having been taken prisoner while taking stores to the command; Lieut. William H. Wildey, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, ordnance officer; Lieut. John D. Reilly, Thirteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, acting aide-de-camp; Lieut. Thomas L. Sexton, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, acting assistant adjutant-general; Lieut. D. A. Grosvenor, One hundredth U.S. Colored Infantry, acting aide-de-camp, who, after having been wounded in three places, took the colors of his regiment from close to the enemy's earth-works, the color-bearer having been killed; and Lieut. R. G. Sylvester, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, commissary of subsistence of the brigade--I cannot speak too highly; uniting in the performance of their several duties, and on the field anxious to do the cause service in the most dangerous places, they richly deserve the thanks of the country.

To the glorious dead we drop a tear, and while we cannot but deeply regret the great loss, not only we, their companions, but the country has sustained, we could not wish them more honorable graves. The conscientious, brave, and high-minded Capt. Robert Headen, the gallant Lieut. Dennis Dease, the gentle, but firm and untiring Lieut. D. Grant Cooke, of the Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, the two former receiving their death wounds while leading their men against their country's and freedom's foe, the latter butchered by the savage enemy while performing his duties as regimental quartermaster taking supplies to his command, we can never forget as friends, and their positions can hardly be refilled.

In the deaths of Lieut. John M. Woodruff, Lieut. George Taylor, Lieut. L. L. Parks, and Lieut. James A. Isom, of the Thirteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, the service has lost brave and efficient officers, the country patriots, and humanity friends; they all fell close to the enemy's works, leading their brave men.

The loss of the brigade is as follows: 

 

Officers.

Men.

Aggregate.

Killed

7

73

80

Wounded

12

376

388

Missing

....

1

1

Total.

19

450

469

All of which is respectfully submitted.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

CHAS. R. THOMPSON, 
Colonel Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, Commanding Brigade.

Maj. S. B. MOE,
Assistant Adjutant-General, District of the Etowah.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 542-6