Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: Sunday, June 12, 1864 – 3 P. M.

. . . I am in despair! Forty thousand troops are marching upon Richmond through here; eight thousand more left in Staunton, as an intelligent guard told us. Richmond must fall — how can it withstand such numbers!

I am astonished that in the midst of our frightful troubles we are enabled to be so calm. How awful is war! Who would think this was Sunday, and our intended Communion! One of our overseers has just come into town, and has told one of our servants that every sheep has been slaughtered, every cow, and the horses carried off. We are ruined, nearly; if this house is burned, then all is gone but the bare land. I continue to scratch down a line now and then, to occupy myself. I do it too, that my father and friends in the North may know — if ever I can send them these notes — something of what I am passing through.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 192

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Thursday, August 25, 1864

There are now from five thousand to six thousand sick and wounded here, and still more are coming. Though some of the sick are gaining slowly, yet there are from five to six deaths daily; there have been as many as eight deaths in a day, and not less than three a day for the time the hospital has been established here. I am told that the dead are buried in the Rome cemetery. Most of the men are sent out to the front again just as soon as they can go. General Hospital, Ward D, Second Section, Second Division. Rome, Georgia.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 211-2

John Albert Broadus to Miss Cornelia Taliaferro, October 25, 1860

GREENVILLE, S. C., Oct. 25, 1860: We now number thirty-one students, adding one more from Mississippi to a statement which will probably appear in the “Herald” of to-day. We feel encouraged by the increase, and by the general character of the students, and the spirit they manifest. My class in New Testament Greek numbers sixteen. They are nearly all graduates of colleges and universities, but the standard of graduation, and often of instruction, is deplorably low in most of the institutions of the land, and I find it necessary to spend a good part of the session in teaching Greek in general, classic Greek, which they ought to have learned at college. But I can better afford to do this since they go over a large portion of the New Testament in the English class. The difference in other theological seminaries is, not that they have students better prepared, but that they make little or no effort to remedy the evil. . .  I have two of last year's students reading, once a week, some selections from the Greek Fathers; and Brother Boyce is doing something similar this year, with some of the Latin Fathers. This would be impracticable in a seminary where there was a curriculum, the same for all. . .

I am glad to say that my health continues about as good as in September. If I can be careful still, I trust I shall be able to go steadily through the session. But it is not easy to be careful.

Please remember me most respectfully to your honored grandmother, to your uncle, and all the family. Mr. Barbour may be interested in the opinion (though of course he is better posted on the whole subject than I am) which I formed upon the statements of gentlemen here, that in the event of Lincoln's election, South Carolina will certainly not secede alone, but will gladly join any one other State, and that her secession leaders will move heaven and earth to aid their sympathizers in Alabama and Virginia with the hope of such a result. Very many people here are as much opposed to a dissolution of the Union as you or I, but there can be little doubt that a majority of the voters in the State would be in favor of seceding with any other State.

Two or three books that I think would please you are, “Five Sermons on St. Paul,” by A. Monod (from the French); “Memoir of Kingman Nott”; “Angus' Bible Handbook.” All small volumes.

SOURCE: Archibald Thomas Robertson, Life and Letters of John Albert Broadus, p. 176-177

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, August 25, 1864

Halltown, Aug. 25, 1864.

It's nice to have you be at home picking yourself up again; don't you like to have lives continuous and not “jumpy”? I do. I shouldn't want a monotonous life, but to get the full benefit from a varied life, I think you must have a “base” to return to occasionally and quietly ruminate. You see I'm arranging so that just as long as the war lasts, you’ll have to be leading just the best theoretic life. After the war is over (ten years from now) we shall be so old that some other life will be theoretically better, — or perhaps we shall be too old to care much for theories.

I wish you could look in and see what a pretty little grove we are in, — you'd be quite jealous of me, unless Hastings is very pleasant, — and you'd see the red blankets, and of course me upon them, and I should get up and we'd go and see Berold together. The rascal, I think he is quite proud of his discovery about bullets, and exaggerates his feelings on the subject accordingly. However, he's a good horse, the best horse I have.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 328-9

Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to Brigadier-General Seth Williams, July 11, 1862

Headquarters Sedgwick's Division,

Sumner's Army Corps,

Harrison's Landing, Virginia,

July 11, 1862.

Brigadier-General S. Williams,

Assistant Adjutant-General,

Army of the Potomac:

I have the honour to enclose, in obedience to Special Order Number 199, regimental and brigade commanders' reports of such officers and soldiers as are deserving promotion.

I have already submitted the name of Brigadier-General Burns, commanding 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, which I again call attention to. In addition I would submit the claim of Colonel Hinks of the 19th Massachusetts Volunteers for the appointment of Brigadier. He led his fine regiment through all the actions up to Glendale, where he fell severely wounded. His regiment has behaved handsomely on every occasion, and has been gallantly led.

I would also mention the name of Colonel J. T. Owens of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers. No regiment or officer has behaved better. (See General Burns's and General Hooker's reports.)

Major Paul J. Revere and Lieutenants C. L. Peirson and C. A. Whittier, 20th Massachusetts Volunteers, deserve promotion for their gallantry on several occasions, especially at Glendale.

I trust I am not doing injustice to many other officers who behaved equally well, but as they did not fall so especially under my notice, I refrain from mentioning them. I would also submit the names of Captain Wm. D. Sedgwick, A.A.G., and Lieutenant Church Howe, 15th Massachusetts Volunteers, A.D.C., to be forwarded to the Governor of Massachusetts for appointment as field officers in some of the new regiments. They are eminently qualified and deserving.

I have the honour to be, with much respect,

Your most obedient servant,

John Sedgwick,

Brigadier-General Volunteers,

Sumner's Division.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 71-2

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, December 23, 1861

Fayetteville, Virginia, December 23, 1861.

Dear Uncle: — I have just heard by telegraph of the birth of my fourth son. In these times, boys are to be preferred to girls. Am glad to hear Lucy is doing well. . . .

Yes, we are in winter quarters, most comfortable quarters. I have to myself as nice a room as your large room, papered, carpeted, a box full of wood, and with a wild snow-storm blowing outside to make it more cheerful by contrast. We have had eighteen days of fine weather to get ready in, and are in pretty good condition. We have our telegraph line running down to civilization; get Cincinnati papers irregularly from four to ten days old. I have enjoyed the month here very much. Busy fortifying — not quite ready yet, but a few more days of good weather will put us in readiness for any force. The enemy are disheartened; the masses of the people want to stop. If England does not step in, or some great disaster befall us, we shall conquer the Rebellion beyond doubt, and at no distant period. . . .

I shall go home about the time Dr. Joe starts back here — say the 15th to 20th January, if nothing new occurs to prevent. If you can't come down to Cincinnati, I shall go to Fremont.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 166-7

Francis Lieber to Senator Charles Sumner, November 29, 1861

November 29,1861.

. . . Let Congress declare that all negroes coming into our lines are free, because they cannot be otherwise, if fleeing from rebels. I think this would be a stride.

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 321

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 9, 1861

Contributions of clothing, provisions, etc. are coming in large quantities; sometimes to the amount of $20,000 in a single day.

Never was there such a patriotic people as ours! Their blood and their wealth are laid upon the altar of their country with enthusiasm.

I must say here that the South Carolinians are the gentlest people I ever met with. They accede to every requisition with cheerfulness; and never have I known an instance where any one of them has used subterfuge to evade a rule, however hard it might bear upon them. They are the soul of honor, truth, and patriotism.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 84

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: January 1, 1864

General Hood's an awful flatterer— I mean an awkward flatterer. I told him to praise my husband to some one else, not to me. He ought to praise me to somebody who would tell my husband, and then praise my husband to another person who would tell me. Man and wife are too much one person — to wave a compliment straight in the face of one about the other is not graceful.

One more year of Stonewall would have saved us. Chickamauga is the only battle we have gained since Stonewall died, and no results follow as usual. Stonewall was not so much as killed by a Yankee: he was shot by his own men; that is hard. General Lee can do no more than keep back Meade. “One of Meade's armies, you mean,” said I, “for they have only to double on him when Lee whips one of them.”

General Edward Johnston says he got Grant a place —  esprit de corps, you know. He could not bear to see an old army man driving a wagon; that was when he found him out West, put out of the army for habitual drunkenness. He is their right man, a bull-headed Suwarrow. He don't care a snap if men fall like the leaves fall; he fights to win, that chap does. He is not distracted by a thousand side issues; he does not see them. He is narrow and sure — sees only in a straight line. Like Louis Napoleon, from a battle in the gutter, he goes straight up. Yes, as with Lincoln, they have ceased to carp at him as a rough clown, no gentleman, etc. You never hear now of Lincoln's nasty fun; only of his wisdom. Doesn't take much soap and water to wash the hands that the rod of empire sway. They talked of Lincoln’s drunkenness, too. Now, since Vicksburg they have not a word to say against Grant's habits. He has the disagreeable habit of not retreating before irresistible veterans. General Lee and Albert Sidney Johnston show blood and breeding. They are of the Bayard and Philip Sidney order of soldiers. Listen: if General Lee had had Grant's resources, he would have bagged the last Yankee, or have had them all safe back in Massachusetts. “You mean if he had not the weight of the negro question upon him?” “No, I mean if he had Grant's unlimited allowance of the powers of war — men, money, ammunition, arms.”

Mrs. Ould says Mrs. Lincoln found the gardener of the White House so nice, she would make him a major-general. Lincoln remarked to the secretary: “Well, the little woman must have her way sometimes.”

A word of the last night of the old year. “Gloria Mundi” sent me a cup of strong, good coffee. I drank two cups and so I did not sleep a wink. Like a fool I passed my whole life in review, and bitter memories maddened me quite. Then came a happy thought. I mapped out a story of the war. The plot came to hand, for it was true. Johnny is the hero, a light dragoon and heavy swell. I will call it F. F.'s, for it is the F. F.'s both of South Carolina and Virginia. It is to be a war story, and the filling out of the skeleton was the best way to put myself to sleep.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 269-70

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 25, 1862

The tables were turned on Saturday, as we succeeded in driving a good many of them into the Potomac. Ten thousand Yankees crossed at Shepherdstown, but unfortunately for them, they found the glorious Stonewall there. A fight ensued at Boteler's Mill, in which General Jackson totally routed General Pleasanton and his command. The account of the Yankee slaughter is fearful. As they were re-crossing the river our cannon was suddenly turned upon them. They were fording. The river is represented as being blocked up with the dead and dying, and crimsoned with blood. Horrible to think of 1 But why will they have it so? At any time they might stop fighting, and return to their own homes. We do not want their blood, but only to be separated from them as a people, eternally and everlastingly. Mr. —, Mrs. D., and myself, went to church this evening, and after an address from Mr. K. we took a delightful ride.

A letter from B. H. M., the first she has been able to write for six months, except by “underground railroad,” with every danger of having them read, and perhaps published by the enemy. How, in the still beautiful but much injured Valley, they do rejoice in their freedom! Their captivity — for surrounded as they were by implacable enemies, it is captivity of the most trying kind — has been very oppressive to them. Their cattle, grain, and every thing else, have been taken from them. The gentlemen are actually keeping their horses in their cellars to protect them. Now they are rejoicing in having their own Southern soldiers around them; they are busily engaged nursing the wounded; hospitals are established in Winchester, Berryville, and other places.

Letters from my nephews, W. B. N. and W. N. The first describes the fights of Boonesborough, Sharpsburg, and Shepherdstown. He says the first of these was the severest hand-to-hand cavalry fight of the war. All were terrific. W. speaks of his feelings the day of the surrender of Harper's Ferry. As they were about to charge the enemy's intrenchments, he felt as if he were marching into the jaws of death, with scarcely a hope of escape. The position was very strong, and the charge would be up a tremendous hill over felled timber, which lay thickly upon it — the enemy's guns, supported by infantry in intrenchments, playing upon them all the while. What was their relief, therefore, to descry the white flag waving from the battlements! He thinks that, in the hands of resolute men, the position would have been impregnable. Thank God, the Yankees thought differently, and surrendered, thus saving many valuable lives, and giving us a grand success. May they ever be thus minded!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 157-8

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: Sunday Morning, June 12, 1864

A day I will never forget. I slept undisturbed during the night, but was called down stairs early this morning by the servants, who told me the throng of soldiers could not be kept out of the house. I went down and appealed to them as a lone woman who had nobody to protect her.

[M]ight as well have appealed to the bricks. I had left the smokehouse door open, to let them see that every piece of meat was taken (I had some hid under the porch, which as yet they have not found). They came into the dining-room, and began to carry away the china, when a young fellow from Philadelphia (he said) took the dishes from them, and made them come out. I told them all I was a Northern woman, but confessed that I was ashamed of my Northern lineage when I saw them come on such an errand. They demanded to be let into the cellar, and one fellow threatened me with the burning of the house if I did not give them just what they demanded. I said, “Yes, we are at your mercy — burn it down — but I won't give you the key.” They then demanded arms; we got the old shot guns and gave them; these they broke up, and left parts of them in the yard; broke into the cellar; carried off a firkin of lard hidden there; a keg of molasses, and whatever they could find; but did not get the bacon. They asked me if we had no more than this: I answered “Yes, but it is in the mountains.” Sent to Gen. Crooke for a guard. At last they pressed into the house, and two began to search my dressing room. What they took I don't know. They seized our breakfast, and even snatched the toasted bread and egg that had been begged for the sick man's breakfast. My children were crying for something to eat; I had nothing to give them but crackers. They set fire to the Institute about nine o'clock; the flames are now enveloping it; the towers have fallen; the arsenal is exploding as I write. Governor Letcher's house has been burned down, and they told me that all the V. M. I. professors' houses were to be burned, Col. Preston's among them. At last old Dr. McClung came, and Phoebe asked him to go to Averill's Head Quarters with her (Averill has his Head Quarters in Dr. White's yard); she went; did not see the General, but found a young man there (from Philadelphia!) who came back with her and ordered the men off. By and by an officer came, and asked for me; told me he had heard we were annoyed; said he was mortified, and would send a guard, though he had no authority to do so.  . . . Let me note here, and I do it with chagrin and shame, that the only really civil men have been those from Western Virginia and these two Philadelphians. Invariably those from Virginia were polite; one offered silver for some bread; I had nothing but crackers, which I gave him, remarking that he was on the wrong side for a Virginian. He looked decidedly ashamed.

It was twelve o'clock before we could get any breakfast. They carried off the coffee pot and every thing they could lay their hands on, and while the guard, a boy of 17, was walking around the house, emptied the corn-crib. I asked Dr. P. to take the library for his medical stores, which he agreed to do; he was really polite. We asked him if they were going to burn our house; he said “not if it is private property.” Gen. Hunter has ordered the burning of all the V. M. I. professors' houses. Mrs. Smith plead for hers to be spared, on account of her daughter, who lies there desperately ill; that alone saved it. Hunter has his Head Quarters in it. This has been an awful day, and it may be worse before night. One cavalryman told me that if they all talked as I did, they would fire the entire town.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 189-91

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, August 24, 1864

William Snow died in our ward last night. This is a dreadfully hot day, and since our ward is so crowded, we make this a special scrub-day, to cool the atmosphere as well as to keep the place clean.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 211

Francis Lieber to Senator Charles Sumner, June 22, 1861

New York, June 22,1861.

. . . If we can only weather the rock of sentimentality, or pretended sentimentality! You hear it continually asked here, “How can we ever unite again?” Why not? It has been done over and over again in history. There will be a scar left; but well-healed scars are no inconvenience, and sometimes they look well on a manly face. The countenance of every nation has its scars. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 320

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, August 25, 1864

Halltown, Aug. 25, '64.

Foster seems to be the man now through whom to work exchanges: if Will's can be obtained, I would certainly manage it, for such special exchanges do not, as I understand it, affect the general question or the position which the Government takes upon it. If by letting Will stay, you could at all strengthen their back-bone against exchanges in toto — I would say let him stay there, however hard. I admit that myself, if taken, I would rather remain there than be got out till the rest were, — I dare say Will has the same feeling, — but you're not bound to consider that. About horses I have a sad story to tell, — the very night after I wrote you how finely Atlanta was looking, she was stolen from the line, — I have had men searching for her ever since, and have our Veterinary Surgeon still out, — but without much hope of success.¹ On Monday I rode Dick, though he is very unsteady under fire. His off hind leg was broken and he was abandoned. On Tuesday I tried Billy, who had proved excellent under fire, — and he got a bullet through the neck, very high up however, and not at all serious, — he is just as hearty as ever and will not lose an hour of duty, — his back is all right. I should not have ridden these horses, but Berold has become entirely uncontrollable among bullets; and poor Ruksh last Friday (the first time I rode him) got another bullet in his nigh fore leg, near the pastern, which will lay him up for a month and I fear ruin him. You see I am unlucky on horses — that is not all, — the gray is badly corked and can scarcely hobble. However, I find no officers who have any scruples about riding Government horses when they can get them, and I shall keep myself somehow mounted at U. S. expense. Don't mention my ill luck; I have only written about it to Effie, — and after all, it is the best form in which ill luck could come. Sheridan has not done anything very brilliant in the Valley yet, — but I have great confidence in him.

_______________

¹ Atlanta was a gift from Mr. Forbes.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 326-8, 459

Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, July 6, 1862

Camp On James River, July 6, 1862.

My dear sister:

I wrote you a note on the 3rd informing you of the arrival of the army on this river. We are now resting after the fatigues of the last few days. The deprivations the troops have gone through have been unparalleled. We left our lines some twenty-five miles from this place at daylight on the 29th, covering the movement of troops and stores. At nine o'clock, knowing we were to be attacked, the line of battle was formed, and soon after the enemy made their appearance. After two hours' brisk cannonading they were repulsed, and we continued our march. After reaching Savage's Station, a halt was made to enable our stores to get off. The enemy again attacked in large numbers and impetuously. Then we succeeded in not only repulsing them, but driving them from the field. By this time it was ten o'clock at night when we moved forward. Marched all night crossing White Oak Swamp, where we caught up with the main body. After an hour of rest, during which time the main body were moving, we again started. At about three o'clock the enemy appeared on our flank in large force and attacked with great spirit. One of our divisions broke, the fugitives passing through our ranks. This was a long and desperate action. Not a regiment broke but they rallied again at once. I was considerably exposed, and balls and shells fell about pretty thick and fast. A ball struck me on the arm, doing no injury. My old favourite horse, which I have had ten years, received a ball in the leg, soon after a piece of shell struck him, and within a minute a ball grazed my leg, going through and through poor old Tom; he lived a few minutes, groaning most piteously, following me about till he fell. I mounted another horse, and he was slightly hit. The action closed after dark, and we resumed our march, marching all night; by daylight reached the river. Here we found the main force drawn up for a fight, and it was not long before it came. The ball opened about nine o'clock, and it was a succession of vigorous attacks all day, all of which were repulsed. The whole army moved that night to this position. In this last action my division were not engaged. We are now quiet, receiving some few reinforcements, but we want thousands to bring our number to anything like theirs. In all this time I have narrated, our men were without rations and without blankets, and in one of the severest of storms.

Rumours speak of changes in the cabinet and in the army.

With much love to all, I am, as ever,

Your affectionate brother,

J. S.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 69-71

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, December 23, 1861

Camp Union, December 23, 1861.

Dearest: — I am so happy to hear today by telegraph that your troubles are over (at least the worst, I hope) and that “mother and son are doing well.” Darling, I love you so much and have felt so anxious about you. The little fellow, I hope, is healthy and strong. It is best it was not a daughter. These are no times for women.  . . . What do the boys say?  . . . Tell me all about him.

Captain Sperry will take this. I shall time it so as to come about the time that Dr. Joe will leave — say, the 15th to 20th January, unless something occurs to stop it.

I shall send either to you or to Platt five hundred dollars by Captain Sperry. Get all you want — Christmas presents for the boys and all.

Kiss the boy, yes, “all the boys” for me.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 166

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 8, 1861

Mr. Gustavus Myers, a lawyer of this city, seems to take an active interest in behalf of parties largely engaged in business at Baltimore. And he has influence with the Secretary, for he generally carries his points over my head. The parties he engineers beyond our lines may possibly do us no harm; but I learn they certainly do themselves much good by their successful speculations. And do they not take gold and other property to the North, and thereby defeat the object of the sequestration act? The means thus abstracted from the South will certainly be taxed by the North to make war on us.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 83-4

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: December 25, 1863

Christmas Day, 1863. – Yesterday dined with the Prestons. Wore one of my handsomest Paris dresses (from Paris before the war). Three magnificent Kentucky generals were present, with Senator Orr from South Carolina, and Mr. Miles. General Buckner repeated a speech of Hood's to him to show how friendly they were. “I prefer a ride with you to the company of any woman in the world,” Buckner had answered. “I prefer your company to that of any man, certainly,” was Hood's reply. This became the standing joke of the dinner; it flashed up in every form. Poor Sam got out of it so badly, if he got out of it at all. General Buckner said patronizingly, “Lame excuses, all. Hood never gets out of any scrape — that is, unless he can fight out.” Others dropped in after dinner; some without arms, some without legs; von Borcke, who can not speak because of a wound in his throat. Isabella said: “We have all kinds now, but a blind one.” Poor fellows, they laugh at wounds. “And they yet can show many a scar.”

We had for dinner oyster soup, besides roast mutton, ham, boned turkey, wild duck, partridge, plum pudding, sauterne, burgundy, sherry, and Madeira. There is life in the old land yet!

At my house to-day after dinner, and while Alex Haskell and my husband sat over the wine, Hood gave me an account of his discomfiture last night. He said he could not sleep after it; it was the hardest battle he had ever fought in his life, “and I was routed, as it were; she told me there was no hope; that ends it. You know at Petersburg on my way to the Western army she half-promised me to think of it. She would not say ‘Yes,’ but she did not say ‘No’ — that is, not exactly. At any rate, I went off saying, ‘I am engaged to you,’ and she said, ‘I am not engaged to you.’ After I was so fearfully wounded I gave it up. But, then, since I came,” etc.

“Do you mean to say,” said I, “that you had proposed to her before that conversation in the carriage, when you asked Brewster the symptoms of love? I like your audacity.” “Oh, she understood, but it is all up now, for she says, ‘No!’”

My husband says I am extravagant. “No, my friend, not that,” said I. “I had fifteen hundred dollars, and I have spent every cent of it in my housekeeping. Not one cent for myself, not one cent for dress nor any personal want whatever.” He calls me “hospitality run mad.”

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 268-9

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 24, 1862

Still no official account of the Sharpsburg fight, and no list of casualties. The Yankee loss in generals very great — they must have fought desperately. Reno, Mansfield, and Miles were killed; others badly wounded. The Yankee papers say that their loss of “field officers is unaccountable;” and add, that but for the wounding of General Hooker, they would have driven us into the Potomac!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 157

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: Saturday Morning, June 11, 1864

Last night all our alarm was again aroused by a courier arriving with the news that the enemy had turned suddenly back, and were in full force at Brownsburg, and that McCausland was retreating with his 1400 men before him. This was soon confirmed by the arrival of brother Eben and Mr. W. again fleeing. The enemy's column entered Brownsburg as they left; they stayed long enough to hear the musketry of the skirmishers; this return was so sudden that they had barely time to escape. Some of the Institute professors were here to tea; all had to depart at once, when Mr. P. came in saying that he had just read a dispatch from McC. saying that he would be here in two hours, and that the enemy was at Cedar Grove, eight miles from this. Sure enough, in less than two hours, McC's men were at Cameron's farm. Mr. P. and two of the officers rode out to see McC. — did not get back till three in the morning; we sitting up till then. Indeed we did not go to bed at all; only threw ourselves down for an hour or so. The cadets have been under arms all night; have not yet moved. Resistance was at first spoken of; but there are only three of the Institute cannon brought back, and McC. has found to his cost that it is in vain to offer opposition with such a mere handful as could be brought together, to the ten thousand who are approaching. So certain did we feel yesterday that the danger was for the time over, that Mr. P. had his stock all brought back from the mountains, and I had “unhid” as George says, our silver. At once Uncle Young [a trusted servant] was dispatched with the carriage horses to Overseer Clark, and he was ordered to proceed at daylight to the mountains. A courier came in at ten o'clock P. M. saying that another force was advancing by way of Kerr's Creek; whereupon E. and the gentlemen from Brownsburg, one a wounded Lt., mounted and decamped. If the enemy advances on Lexington this morning, McC. will most probably burn our bridge, and retreat, the Cadets with him, on the Lynchburg road. Mr. P. goes with the Cadets. They only arrived from Richmond night before last.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 187-8