Wednesday, March 13, 2019

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 5, 1863

The President has not yet returned, but was inspecting the defenses of Charleston. The Legislature has adjourned without fixing a maximum of prices. Every night troops from Lee's army are passing through the city. Probably they have been ordered to Bragg.

Yesterday flour sold at auction at $100 per barrel; to-day it sells for $120! There are 40,000 bushels of sweet potatoes, taken by the government as tithes, rotting at the depots between Richmond and Wilmington. If the government would wake up, and have them brought hither and sold, the people would be relieved, and flour and meal would decline in price. But a lethargy has seized upon the government, and no one may foretell the consequences of official supineness.

The enemy at Chattanooga have got an advantageous position on Bragg's left, and there is much apprehension that our army will lose the ground gained by the late victory.

The Commissary-General (Northrop) has sent in his estimate for the ensuing year, $210,000,000, of which $50,000,000 is for sugar, exclusively for the hospitals. It no longer forms part of the rations. He estimates for 400,000 men, and takes no account of the tithes, or tax in kind, nor is it apparent that he estimates for the army beyond the Mississippi.

A communication was received to-day from Gen. Meredith, the. Federal Commissioner of Exchange, inclosing a letter from Gov. Todd [sic] and Gen. Mason, as well as copies of letters from some of Morgan's officers, stating that the heads of Morgan and his men are not shaved, and that they are well fed and comfortable.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 89

Tuesday, March 12, 2019

Private Hubbard H. Dakin, Private, Co.'s A & F, 1st Michigan Cavalry: Pension Index Card


SOURCE: Civil War Pension Index Cards, Fold3

John L. Ransom: The Finis

A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF WHAT BECAME OF THE BOYS — REFUSED PERMISSION TO GO HOME — A REFERENCE TO CAPT. WIRTZ — RETURN HOME AT THE END OF THE WAR.

In may interest some one to know more of many who have been mentioned at different times in this book, and I will proceed to enlighten them.

George W. Hendryx came to the regiment in March, 1865, when we were near Goldsboro, N. C. He says that after running away from Andersonville at the time of the discovery of a break in which all intended to get away in the summer of 1864, he traveled over one hundred and fifty miles and was finally re-taken by bushwhackers. He represented himself as an officer of the 17th Michigan Infantry, escaped from Columbia, S. C., and was sent to that place and put with officers in the prison there, changing his name so as not to be found out as having escaped from Andersonville. In due time he was exchanged with a batch of other officers and went home North. After a short time he joined his regiment and company for duty. He was both delighted and surprised to see me, as he supposed of course I had died in Andersonville, it having been so reported to him at the North. He did valiant service until the war was over, which soon happened. He went home with the regiment and was mustered out of service, since when I have never seen or heard of him for a certainty. Think that he went to California.

Sergt. Wm. B. Rowe was exchanged in March, 1865, but never joined the regiment. His health was ruined to a certain extent from his long confinement. Is still alive, however, and resides at Dansville, Mich.

Sergt. Bullock was also exchanged at the same time, but never did service thereafter. He is now an inmate of a Michigan insane asylum, and has been for some years, whether from the effects of prison life I know not, but should presume it is due to his sufferings there. His was a particularly sad case. He was taken sick in the early days of Andersonville and was sick all the time while in that place, a mere walking and talking skeleton. There is no doubt in my mind l that his insanity resulted from his long imprisonment.

E. P. Sanders arrived home in Michigan in April, 1865, and made me a visit at Jackson that Summer. He was the only one of all my comrades in prison that I came in contact with, who fully regained health, or apparently was in good health. He was a particularly strong and healthy man, and is now engaged in farming near Lansing, Michigan.

Lieut. Wm. H. Robinson, who was removed from Belle Isle, from our mess, it having been discovered that he was an officer instead of an orderly sergeant, was exchanged early in 1864, from Richmond, and immediately joined his regiment, doing duty all the time thereafter. Soon after my escape and while with company "A," a note was handed me from Capt. Robinson, my old friend, he having been promoted to a captaincy. The note informed me that he was only a few miles away, and asked me to come and see him that day. You may rest assured I was soon on the road, and that day had the pleasure of taking my dinner with him. He was on his general's staff, and I dined at head-quarters, much to my discomfiture, not being up with such distinguished company. We had a good visit, I remember, and I went to camp at night well satisfied with my ride. Told me that a pipe which I engraved and presented to him on Belle Isle was still in his possession, and always should be. Was a favorite with every one, and a fine looking officer. He is now a resident of Sterling, Whiteside Co., Ill. Is a banker, hardware dealer, one of the City Fathers, and withal a prominent citizen. It was lucky he was an officer and taken away from us on Belle Isle, for he would undoubtedly have died at Andersonville, being of rather a delicate frame and constitution.

My good old friend Battese, I regret to say, I have never seen or heard of since he last visited me in the Marine Hospital at Savannah. Have written many letters and made many inquiries, but to no effect. He was so reticent while with us in the prison, that we did not learn enough of him to make inquiries since then effective. Although for many months I was in his immediate presence, he said nothing of where he lived, his circumstances, or anything else. I only know that his name was Battese, that he belonged to a Minnesota regiment and was a noble fellow. I don't know of a man in the world I would rather see to-day than him, and I hope some day when I have got rich out of this book (if that time should ever come,) to go to Minnesota and look him up. There are many Andersonville survivors who must remember the tall Indian, and certainly I shall, as long as life shall last.

Michael Hoare tells his own story farther along, in answer to a letter written him for information regarding his escape from the Savannah hospital. Mike, at the close of the war. re-enlisted in the regular army and went to the extreme west to fight Indians, and when his term of service expired again re-enlisted and remained in the service. In 1878 he was discharged on account of disability, and is now an inmate of the Disabled Soldier's Home, at Dayton, Ohio. From his letters to me he seems the same jolly, good natured hero as of old. I hope to see him before many months, for the first time since he shook me by the hand and passed in and out of his tunnel from the Marine Hospital and to freedom.

The two cousins Buck, David and Eli S., I last saw top of some corn in an army wagon I jumped from when I first encountered the 9th Mich. Cavalry. Little thought that would be the last time I should see them. Their command belonged to the Eastern Army in the region of the Potomac, and when communication was opened at Savannah they were sent there on transports. I afterward received letters from both of them, and David's picture; also his wife's whom he had just married. David's picture is reproduced in this book and I must say hardly does him justice as he was a good looking and active fellow. Presume Eli is a farmer if alive, and "Dave" probably preaching.

"Limber Jim," who was instrumental in putting down the raiders at Andersonville, was until recently a resident of Joliet, Illinois. He died last winter, in 1880, and it is said his health was always poor after his terrible summer of 1864. He was a hero in every sense of the word, and if our government did not amply repay him for valiant service done while a prisoner of war, then it is at fault.

Sergt. Winn of the 100th Ohio, who befriended me at Savannah, is, I think, a citizen of Cincinnati, Ohio, and a prosperous man. Any way, he was in 1870 or thereabouts. Was an upright man and good fellow.

Every one knows the fate of Capt. Wirtz, our prison commander at Andersonville, who was hung at Washington, D. C, in 1866, for his treatment of us Union prisoners of war. It was a righteous judgment, still I think there are others who deserved hanging fully as much. He was but the willing tool of those higher in command. Those who put him there knew his brutal disposition, and should have suffered the same disposition made of him. Although, I believe at this late day those who were in command and authority over Capt. Wirtz have successfully thrown the blame on his shoulders, it does not excuse them in the least so far as I am concerned. They are just as much to blame that thirteen thousand men died in a few months at that worst place the world has ever seen, as Capt. Wirtz, and should have suffered accordingly. I don't blame any of them for being rebels if they thought it right, but I do their inhuman treatment of prisoners of war.

Hub Dakin is now a resident of Dansville, Mich,, the same village in which lives Wm. B. Rowe. He has been more or less disabled since the war, and I believe is now trying to get a pension from the government for disability contracted while in prison. It is very difficult for ex-prisoners of war to get pensions, owing to the almost impossibility of getting sufficient evidence. The existing pension laws require that an officer of the service shall have knowledge of the origin of disease, or else two comrades who may be enlisted men. At this late day it is impossible to remember with accuracy sufficient to come up to the requirements of the law. There is no doubt that all were more or less disabled, and the mere fact of their having spent the summer in Andersonville, should be evidence enough to procure assistance from the government.

And now a closing chapter in regard to myself. As soon as Savannah was occupied by our troops and communications opened with the North, a furlough was made out by Capt. Johnson, of our company, and signed by Assistant Surgeon Young, and then by Col. Acker. I then took the furlough to Gen. Kilpatrick, which he signed, and also endorsed on the back to the effect that he hoped Gen. Sherman would also sign and send me North. From Gen. Kilpatrick's head quarters I went to see Gen. Sherman at Savannah and was ushered into his presence. The Gen. looked the paper over and then said no men were being sent home now and no furloughs granted for any cause. If I was permanently disabled I could be sent to Northern hospitals, or if I had been an exchanged prisoner of war, could be sent North, but there was no provision made for escaped prisoners of war. Encouraged me with the hope, however, that the war was nearly over and it could not be long before we Would all go home. Gave me a paper releasing me from all duty until such time as I saw fit to do duty, and said the first furlough granted should be mine, and he would retain it and send to me as soon as possible. Cannot say that I was very sadly disappointed, as I was having a good time with the company, and regaining my health and getting better every day, with the exception of my leg, which still troubled me. stayed with the company until Lee surrendered, Lincoln assassinated and all the fighting over and then leaving Chapel Hill, North Carolina, in April, went to my home in Michigan. In a few weeks was followed by the regiment, when we were all mustered out of the service. As had been reported to me at the regiment, I had been regarded as dead, and funeral sermon preached.

It was my sad duty to call upon the relatives of quite a number who died in Andersonville, among whom were those of Dr. Lewis, John McGuire and Jimmy Devers. The relics which had been entrusted to my keeping were all lost with two exceptions, and through no fault of mine. At the time of my severe sickness when first taken to Savannah, and when I was helpless as a child, the things drifted away from me some way, and were lost. But for the fact that Battese had two of my diary books and Sergt. Winn the other, they also would have been lost.

I hope that this Diary may prove successful in its mission of truly portraying the scenes at Andersonville and elsewhere during the time of my imprisonment, and if so, the object of its author shall have been accomplished.

Yours Very Respectfully,
JOHN L. RANSOM,
Late 1st Sergt. Co. A, 9th Mich. Cav.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 160-4

Monday, March 11, 2019

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 20, 1864 — 11 a.m.

Same place, front of Twin Mountains,
June 20, 1864, 11 a. m.

Rebels still on the mountain, a good deal of our artillery, a little of theirs, and not much musketry this morning. Wheeler is in our rear, but we don't care for that. I do hope, though, that Forrest will not be allowed to come over here. We are all well and feeling fine, but wishing very much to see the level country beyond these mountains. In a “Commercial” of the 15th I see the Rebel loss in the charge of Bates’ (Rebel) division on the 27th of May was 72 killed and 350 wounded, and 56 missing. That charge was made almost altogether on our brigade, and my skirmish line did three-fourths of the damage. The 40th Alabama we captured the other day inquired for the 8th Illinois. They fought each other at Vicksburg and got well acquainted in the rifle pits. McPherson and Logan have just gone down to the front and there is talk of a fight to-day, but it is hard telling when one will have to go in. Can't tell until the order to “commence” firing is heard. Wagstaff will be home in a few days. I would like to date my next from a new place, but Sherman and Johnston will decide that matter.

This is becoming tedious. Johnston has no regard for one's feelings. We are all exceedingly anxious to see what is the other side of these mountains, but this abominable Johnston has no idea of letting us take a look until he is forced to. He is a good-natured fellow in some respects, too, for here we have our "flies" stretched, and our camp fires and our wagons around us in good range of his guns and not a shot does he give us. You understand that we are in reserve. Our front line is along the foot of the mountain, and we lay back about a mile. But it is all open between us and the front, and we sit in the shade, and (as we have this p. m.) see 20 Rebel guns firing on our men. Why they don't make us get out of this is beyond me to tell. Hundreds of wagons and ambulances are parked around us, and right by us is parked the reserve artillery of our corps, all in plain view of the Rebels on the mountains, but not a gun is fired at us. Yesterday they dropped one shell a hundred yards to our right and quit, as much as to say: “We could stir you Yanks if we wanted to, but it is all right.”

I don't know how this looks to outsiders, but it seems to me as the coolest thing of the campaign, pitching tents right under the enemy's guns, without a particle of cover. Being under artillery fire in a fight or while supporting a battery is all right, and if we were in rifle pits or behind the crest of a hill ’twould be ditto, but moving right out and pitching tents under the noses of Rebel 32-pounders beats me and I guess it beats them. We all feel a pride in the thing and I'd see the the [sic] Johnnies to the devil before I'd dodge the biggest cannon ball they've got there. The artillery this p. m. has been the heaviest I have heard this campaign.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 264-6

Sunday, March 10, 2019

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: Monday, April 3, 1865

Yesterday I wrote to mother and sisters. The fighting of Saturday was most severe. The 2nd Ohio lost 35 killed and wounded in the two days. 5 officers. Trees completely riddled where we were. How so few fell I can not see. Brilliant affair — but oh the cost. Petersburg ours, too. It seems hard to lose dear friends when peace seems so near. Picket's Div. captured nearly entire. Wrote the sad news home, also wrote Richard Bail's people. Moved out at 9 A. M. Crossed the south side R. R. between Fords and Sutherlands. 5th Corps across. Very little firing heard today. 1st Div. struck the rebs near the river road. Firing after dark.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 150

Negroes For Sale, December 29, 1839

NEGROES FOR SALE

AT the subscribers house No. 58 Esplanade street, will be kept for sale from this date until the first June next, a constant supply of Slaves of every description that will be offered in this market.  He will receive and sell slaves on commission from persons living in the city or elsewhere; and will also board all persons who bring negroes to the city for sale, provided they wish board for the same, — and will convey all purchasers to his house free of charge, as they will find the walk a long one; and at the same time will show to all those that accompany him all other negroes that are shipped from the Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina markets, as well as all those brought from any other markets. Purchasers who deal with the subscriber may rest assured, whenever desired, he will make known to them the different states that the different negroes are last removed from.  And will furthermore add, that all purchasers who may favor him with their patronage, may depend on having justice done them.  For further particulars refer to Austin Woolfolk or George T. Kausler, City Hotel, formerly known as Bishop’s.

B. C. Eaton
Dec 14


SOURCE: The Times-Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, Sunday, December 29, 1839, p. 1

Austin Woolfolk: Slave Advertisement December 29, 1839

AUSTIN WOOLFOLK

HAS just received a lot of NEGROES from the North, which he will sell low for cash or good paper.  Apply at the corner of New Levee and Gaiennie streets, three squares below the upper Cotton Prees.

dec 24 1m

SOURCE: The Times-Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, Sunday, December 29, 1839, p. 1

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 128. Report of Brig. Gen. James W. Reilly, U.S. Army, commanding First Brigade, of operations November 30, 1864.

No. 128.

Report of Brig. Gen. James W. Reilly, U.S. Army, commanding First Brigade,
of operations November 30, 1864.

HDQRS. FIRST BRIG., THIRD DIV., 23D ARMY CORPS,       
Nashville, Tenn., December 5, 1864.

CAPTAIN: In compliance with orders, I have the honor to report the operations of the First Brigade-composed of the One hundred and fourth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Col. O. W. Sterl; One hundredth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Lieut. Col. E. L. Hayes; Sixteenth Kentucky Veteran Infantry, Lieut. Col. J. S. White; Twelfth Kentucky Veteran Infantry, Lieut. Col. L. H. Rousseau, and Eighth Tennessee Volunteer Infantry, Capt. J. W. Berry — in battle of 30th ultimo at Franklin, Tenn.

The brigade was placed in position on the right of the division, on left of Columbia pike, facing south, or nearly so, the right of the brigade resting on pike, the left connecting with the Second Brigade. Owing to the Twelfth and Sixteenth Kentucky Volunteer Veteran Infantry being rear guard upon the evacuation of position on north side of Duck River, near Columbia, on evening of 29th ultimo, they did not reach Franklin for some considerable time after the other portion of command, in consequence of which the brigade was formed with One hundredth Ohio Infantry on right, One hundred and fourth Ohio Infantry on left, with Eighth Tennessee Infantry in reserve. The first line of the brigade, immediately upon being placed in position, commenced intrenching, and succeeded in getting up an ordinary line of works, with head-logs. Upon the arrival of the Twelfth and Sixteenth Kentucky Infantry, about 10 a.m., they were put in reserve. The brigade had strong line of skirmishers thrown well forward. At about 4.30 p.m. the enemy were discovered approaching in strong force upon a portion of the Fourth Corps, in front of brigade; the advance was rapid, the troops remaining until the enemy were in such close proximity to them before they retired, that the enemy's heavy assaulting columns pushed them back rapidly over our line of works, the enemy following closely and determinedly.

The officers of my command and myself were using our utmost to prevent our men from firing until all of our own men could succeed in getting into the works. This, with the enemy pushing close after, and in some cases with our own men on the works, caused a momentary abandonment of the line by a portion of the right of the brigade. The line was rapidly rallied by their officers and with the assistance of the Sixteenth Kentucky, that at this moment led by Lieutenant-Colonel White, who, seeing and appreciating the disaster that would be caused if our line should be broken, gallantly ordered and led his regiment forward to the breach before orders to that effect could reach him. That portion of the enemy who had gained inside our works were either killed or taken prisoners. The enemy made various and continued assaults upon the line, but were each time repulsed with fearful slaughter. Every inch of the works was held, both inside and outside, until the brigade was ordered to fall back. The One hundred and seventy-fifth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Lieutenant Colonel McCoy, was ordered up, or at least came up, gallantly and nobly, and mingled with our men in rear of the works during the remainder of the fight. The Forty-fourth Illinois Volunteer Infantry, Col. John Russell, was ordered up, and right nobly did they come and render valuable services. The Twelfth Kentucky Veteran Volunteer Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Rousseau, in reserve in rear of the One hundred and fourth Ohio Infantry, pushed his men forward to the works and did valuable service.

It is proper for me to say that, with the exception of the aid rendered by the One hundred and seventy-fifth Ohio Volunteer Infantry and Forty-fourth Illinois Volunteer Infantry, as herein stated, the brigade received no assistance during the fight, unless, perhaps, some of the men coming in over the works may have rallied in or behind the lines.

I cannot in justice but mention the efficiency and bravery of Col. O. W. Sterl, and also that of Lieut. Col. E. L. Hayes, who, with his regiment, particularly distinguished themselves.

Lieutenant-Colonels White and Rousseau have already been mentioned. In fact, the regimental officers and men of the brigade nobly sustained the reputation earned on other fields, to which the flags captured, some twenty, the number of prisoners taken, the almost unparalleled slaughter of the enemy in front of their works, the casualty list, all bear ample and indisputable evidence.

I herewith forward a list of the casualties in the brigade.

Among the many brave men killed I regret to report Capt. H. D. Palmer, Sixteenth Kentucky; Capt. W. W. Hunt, One hundredth Ohio; Lieut. W. F. Kemble, One hundred and fourth Ohio; Lieut. M. A. Brown, One hundredth Ohio Infantry; Lieut. J. J. Hiser, Sixteenth Kentucky, and Lieut. F. M. Jackman, Twelfth Kentucky Veteran Infantry. Among the wounded, Lieut. Col. J. S. White, Sixteenth Kentucky; Lieutenants Markley, Brown, and Wood, Sixteenth Kentucky; Lieut. S.S. Cope, One hundred and fourth Ohio; Lieut. H. Obee, One hundredth Ohio; and Lieut. G. W. Clarke, Twelfth Kentucky Infantry.

My staff officers performed their duties bravely and efficiently. I regret to report that Capt. D. D. Bard, my assistant adjutant-general, was mortally wounded whilst fearlessly discharging his duty.

I would respectfully call attention to the reports of regimental commanders as to individual acts of bravery by officers and enlisted men that would more properly come under their notice.

The reports, no far as received, are herewith forwarded.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
 J. W. REILLY,         
 Brigadier-General, Commanding.
_______________

List of casualties in First Brigade, Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps,
at the battle of Franklin, Tenn., November 30, 1864.

Command.
Killed.
Wounded.
Missing.
Total.
Aggregate.
O
M
O
M
O
M
O
M
8th Tennessee.



5

2

7
7
12th Kentucky.
1
5

26
1
12
2
43
45
16th Kentucky.
2
8
4
38

9
6
55
61
100th Ohio
2
5
1
26

31
3
62
65
104th Ohio
1
9
2
28

15
3
51
54
Total
6
27
7
123
1
69
14
218
232

[O = Officers     M = Men]

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
 J. W. REILLY,         
 Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers.
Capt. THEO. COX,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Third Div., 23d Army Corps.
_______________

HDQRS. FIRST BRIG., THIRD DIV., 23D ARMY CORPS,                      
Nashville, Tenn., December 3, 1864.

CAPTAIN: I herewith have the honor to report nine battle-flags captured at Franklin, on the 30th ultimo, by First Brigade, including two captured by the One hundred and seventy-fifth Ohio. There were twenty in all captured, but many were torn up and sent home by the privates, and some others were lost.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
 J. W. REILLY,         
 Brigadier-General, Commanding.
 Capt. THEO. Cox,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Third Div., 23d Army Corps.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 411-3

Friday, March 8, 2019

4th Indiana Independent Battery Light Artillery

Organized at Indianapolis, Ind., and mustered in September 30, 1861. Ordered to Louisville, Ky., October 4. Duty at New Haven and Munfordsville, Ky., till February, 1862. Served unattached, Army of the Ohio, to June, 1862. Artillery Reserve, Army of the Ohio, to July, 1862. 7th Independent Brigade, Army of the Ohio, to August, 1862. 28th Brigade, 3rd Division, Army of the Ohio, to September, 1862. 28th Brigade, 3rd Division, 1st Corps, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, Right Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 3rd Division, 20th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. Artillery, 1st Division, 14th Army Corps, October, 1863. 2nd Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to November, 1863. Garrison Artillery, Chattanooga, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to October, 1864. Garrison Artillery, Nashville, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to December, 1864, and at Murfreesboro, Tenn., till July, 1865.

SERVICE. — Advance on Nashville, Tenn., February 10-March 3, 1862. March to Savannah, Tenn., March 17-April 7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Pursuit to Booneville May 31-June 6. Buell's Campaign in Northern Alabama and Middle Tennessee June to August. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 21-September 26. Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-15. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 20-November 9, and duty there till December 26. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Duty at Murfreesboro till June. Expedition toward Columbia March 4-14. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 23-July 7. Hoover's Gap June 24-26. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of Cumberland Mountains and the Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Davis Cross Rroads or Dug Gap September 21. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-20. Rossville Gap September 21. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Garrison duty at Chattanooga till September, 1864. Veterans and Recruits transferred to 7th Indiana Battery September 21, 1864. Old members mustered out October 6, 1864. Battery reorganized October 14, 1864. Moved to Nashville, Tenn., October 28 and duty there till December. Battle of Nashville December 15-16. Moved to Murfreesboro, Tenn., and garrison duty at Fortress Rosecrans till July, 1865. Moved to Nashville, Tenn.; thence to Indianapolis, Ind., July 19. Mustered out August 1, 1865.

Battery lost during service 12 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 1 Officer and 15 Enlisted men by disease. Total 28.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1112

Lucy Chase, June 20, 1863

Whitehead Farm, June 20th, 1863.

I asked, and it was given unto me. The books and slates came and were welcomed, and many of them are already worn in the service. Your help was so ready and efficient, in my hour of need, I incline to drive to your door again. The refugees, with their rags and vermin, are crowding into Norfolk. One hundred and twenty (or more), very destitute, have just gone to Craney Island from Suffolk, and we have nothing to spare from the farms wherewith to clothe them. It is almost certain that the number will steadily increase. How shall we clothe them? They cannot be expected to pay for their clothing. We have at no time been able to meet a present need; and the prospect before us looks very naked. I am dropping my books and slates about upon the farms, but I cannot get a horse to keep constantly upon the road as I expected to do. However, we have work at home; but when I do get to the farms, old men and children flock to my side, and their interest and attention show that in one half hour they get a mighty impulse.

L. C.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 11-2

Laura M. Towne: May 11, 1862

St. Helena's, May 11, 1862.

I wish I had half as much time to think of folks at home as you take to think of me, but you will know how busy I am when I tell you that your last letters were carried in my pocket all day — nine letters — and not opened, some of them; none of them read until night. But every day is not so. That was yesterday, and today I have rested. I am just as well as I can be and am having a good time. As for unhealthiness, I shall go from here as soon as I see that this place is not healthy. The negroes say no white folks ever lived here to test it, and as the house was new, it was probably so. They say it is healthy for “niggers,” but “white folks” always go North or to Beaufort in summer. It has proved, though, to be healthy wherever white folks have lived as near the sea as we are, so I think I need not run till I see cause.

You need not be troubled about the allopathic doctoring, for there is a nice, elderly man in the army, a lieutenant in a Michigan regiment, who has charge of the comfort of the ladies at Mr. French's. He came over here with Mr. French and we made a solemn agreement, he to doctor me, and I him in case we were either of us ill. He is an old hand at homoeopathy, and a very good doctor, I think. So I feel very safe and comfortable. He is elderly, married, and stationed here for the summer, and at the disposal of the ladies so far as doing everything he can for their comfort. As for going into the hot sun and night dews — when I get time for a walk I shall be happy. There is a pine grove close by, and I have wanted from the first to go to it. It is not a stone's throw from here and I have not entered it yet. I never go further than the quarters or the cotton-house except in the carriage, but I have had lots of beautiful rides, and Mr. Pierce is going to give me a horse and buggy so that I can drive whenever I please and wherever I please. He does this rather for the horse's sake than mine, I fancy.

It is not very hot here. There is a splendid sea breeze every day and the nights are cool. We have every comfort except steady servants, and I have a real good, old auntie who does my washing, chamber-work, and waiting at table for half a dollar a week. Although I never worked so in my life, it seems to agree with me, as I am in high health and spirits, sleep like a top, laugh like old times, and am jolly generally.

Ellen has not yet come and I am so afraid the Boston Committee will not send her, because they will not accept Mr. Pierce's pass now that he thinks of leaving, or because their funds are out. I expected her fully yesterday, but the letters came and she did not. I find it so much better and safer and more cool and comfortable here than I expected, that I have no scruples about her coming and have got all over my fears about all sorts of things that I used to be afraid would be the death of her.

You must not think because I talk so much of the hurry that I do not like it. I do, for it is just what I came here for — though not just this kind [of work]. The day I kept school for Miss Winsor I had the hardest time of all, and I concluded perhaps I was better for this work than teaching. In my doctoring I can do much good and give much advice that is wanted. The clothing department is the most laborious, but it is very amusing to sell to the negroes; they are so funny.

I see every day why I came and what I am to stay for.

A ST. HELENA LANDSCAPE
SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 39-41

Governor John A. Andrew to Major-General John Wool, April 30, 1861

April 30,1861.

. . . I understand N. H. regiment is simply waiting for orders to move. Vt. is waiting by reason of some hitch merely — though ready. Maine, perhaps, needs a hint. Conn., I heard, days ago, was prepared with 2 regts. Can't they receive a word from you. — I really want to see them on the march. But I shall start some more Mass. troops, without "waiting for manners" much longer. And I doubt not those States are anxious for orders. I know they are good and trusty.

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 207-8

Thursday, March 7, 2019

John L. Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, July 27, 1863

Vienna, July 7, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: . . . Lily is my assistant secretary of legation, and does an immense deal for me, being able, by her thorough knowledge of languages, to accomplish more work than most young gentlemen of her age would be competent to. The daughter of the French ambassador is about Susie's age, and the two daughters of the Spanish minister are also her contemporaries, and the four are very intimate and see each other perpetually. Not a week passes but Susie passes the day with the Gramonts, or they come and play in our garden. The little D'Ayllons have now gone to Voslau (where we were last year),but I think that Susie will soon make them a visit. Meantime they exchange letters, I should think, every day. What they find to put in them is difficult to imagine. . . . Everything is calm just now. Almost all Vienna has turned itself out of town, and we are left blooming alone.

To-day we all four go out to dine with the Bloomfields, who have a pleasant villa for the summer about an hour's drive from here. It is very pleasant for us, when the relations between our government and those of England and France are so threatening and disagreeable, that our personal intercourse with the English and French ambassadors and their families can be so agreeably maintained. Nothing can be more amiable and genial than both Lord Bloomfield and the Duc de Gramont, and nothing but kind words and offices have ever passed between us.

Your affectionate son,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 337

Brevet Lieutenant General Winfield Scott to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 27, 1861

Headquarters of the Army, WASHINGTON, April 27th, 1861
Brig. Gen. B. F. BUTLER

THE undersigned, General-in-Chief of the Army, has received from the President of the U. States the following communication:

“To the Commanding General of the Army of the United States

“You are engaged in repressing an insurrection against the laws of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of the military line which is now used between the City of Philadelphia, via Perryville, Annapolis City, and Annapolis Junction, you find resistance which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus for the public safety, you personally, or through the Officer in command at the point where the resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that Writ.”

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

IN accordance with the foregoing warrant the undersigned devolves on Major General Patterson commanding the Department of Pennsylvania, Delaware & Maryland; Brig. General Butler commanding the Department of Annapolis; and Col. Mansfield commanding the Washington Department, a like authority, each within the limits of his command, to execute in all proper cases the instructions of the President.

WINFIELD SCOTT

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 51

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 11, 1861

The diplomatic circle is so totus teres atque rotundus, that few particles of dirt stick on its periphery from the road over which it travels. The radii are worked from different centres, often far apart, and the tires and naves often fly out in wide divergence; but for all social purposes is a circle, and a very pleasant one. When one sees M. de Stoeckle speaking to M. Mercier, or joining in with Baron Gerolt and M. de Lisboa, it is safer to infer that a little social reunion is at hand for a pleasant civilized discussion of ordinary topics, some music, a rubber, and a dinner, than to resolve with the New York Correspondent, “that there is reason to believe that a diplomatic movement of no ordinary significance is on foot, and that the Ministers of Russia, France, and Prussia have concerted a plan of action with the representative of Brazil, which must lead to extraordinary complications, in view of the temporary embarrassments which distract our beloved country. The Minister of England has held aloof from these reunions for a sinister purpose no doubt, and we have not failed to discover that the emissary of Austria, and the representative of Guatemala have abstained from taking part in these significant demonstrations. We tell the haughty nobleman who represents Queen Victoria, on whose son we so lately lavished the most liberal manifestations of our good will, to beware. The motives of the Court of Vienna, and of the Republic of Guatemala, in ordering their representatives not to join in the reunion which we observed at three o'clock to-day, at the corner of Seventeenth Street and One, are perfectly transparent; but we call on Mr. Seward instantly to demand of Lord Lyons a full and ample explanation of his conduct on the occasion, or the transmission of his papers. There is no harm in adding, that we have every reason to think our good ally of Russia, and the minister of the astute monarch, who is only watching an opportunity of leading a Franco-American army to the Tower of London and Dublin Castle, have already moved their respective Governments to act in the premises.”

That paragraph, with a good heading, would sell several thousands of the “New York Stabber” to-morrow.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 401-2

An Unsound And Dangerous Principle.

A preliminary remark with which you enter on your scriptural argument is this; “In the Bible the state of slavery is clearly recognized; but the condition of the slave, like that of all society, is left to be regulated by the civil police of the state or country in which it exists.” This remark, though brief, is manifestly fundamental, to your subsequent reasoning. The position assumed, if we understand you, is this, that if the Bible recognizes any species of slavery in any nation, for instance among the Jews, (and we suppose you would include the idea of giving precepts for the regulation of it,) then slaveholding generally, is not wrong; and the rulers of other nations have right to authorize it; and to regulate, as they may think proper, the condition of the enslaved. To this doctrine we strongly object, as not only erroneous, but of most dangerous tendency. It may indeed be convenient for the justification of American Slavery; but if generally admitted will inevitably lead to conclusions from which you, as well as we, must shrink with horror. — If by this mode of reasoning the slaveholding of our country may be vindicated, the Russian Autocrat may in the same way be justified in crushing the Poles; the Turkish Sultan, in tyrannizing over the Greeks; heathen kings, in the heart of Africa, have a divine right to sell their subjects into foreign bondage; and the despots of the Barbary States are not to be blamed for capturing the vessels of Christian nations, and subjecting their crews and passengers to perpetual servitude. Should you, with your families, be wrecked on the coast of the great Sahara, as some of our countrymen have been, the wandering Arabs would be entirely justified in reducing you at once to abject slavery; and in selling you to the Moors or Algerines for as much as they could obtain in the market. They look down with as much disdain on those whom they denominate “Christian dogs,” as the southern masters do on their colored servants; and this is the way in which they regulate the condition of their slaves. To such conclusions as these, indefinitely multiplied, your fundamental principle irresistibly tends. We know you will not admit of its general application, will not allow it in any case in which it might justify the enslaving of yourselves; and therefore must insist, that you cannot consistently avail yourselves of it merely to answer a turn, in case of self defence. To this point we may have occasion to revert hereafter.
_______________

Continued from: Reverend Silas McKeen to Thomas C. Stuart, August 20, 1839

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 33-5

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Colonization Love and “Logic,” September 8, 1838

Abolition Logic

Not hate of one's neighbor.” We prove it to be hate, because it wants to send off. Hatred repels, and would expel. Love attracts, draws, wishes to detain. Colonization proposes to rid the land of colored people. It therefore, cannot love them. Its love is mere pretence. — Herald of Freedom.

This argument, poor as it is, with hardly speciousness enough to deceive a sensible boy of six years old, is the same that was used by George Thompson, in our debate with him in Boston. But how will this argument work? A New Hampshire father sends off his son to make his fortune on the rich lands of the West. Therefore he hates him. A Boston merchant sends off his son to Europe or the East Indies, that he may extend his schemes of enterprise, and acquire wealth. Therefore he hales him. We send off missionaries to barbarous nations, that they may extend the blessings of Christianity, and receive in a future world the rewards of those that turn many to righteousness. Therefore we hate these missionaries. The consent of those who depart seems to make no difference in the view of this sage editor. “We prove it to be hate because it wants to send off.

It is a little ludicrous that the editor of the Herald should actually kill his own argument, even before he reaches the bottom of his column. “It won't hurt a slave to send him to Africa. It won't, to send him any where out of the infernal regions. We had rather he might get to Canada, — but if he can't go there — or to the West Indies — or to England — or France — or Spain, or Turkey, or Algiers — or any other comparatively free country under heaven — why, rather than remain in America, among our Colonizationists, let him go to Liberia — or to the bottom of the sea — or to the sharks. No monster of the deep would devour him with the cruel tooth of our republicanism.”

He also proposes, in another article, to colonize slaves in Canada. Seriously, we think there are strong indications of insanity in the Herald.

The above is from the Rev. R. R. Gurley, Secretary and chief engineer of the American Colonization Society — that grand "American system” of machinery for clearing this country of free colored people, by a sort of suction-pump force, called “consent.” They say, however, the “Niggers” come hard; and though the pump draws upon them, like doctor's instruments upon a tooth, yet they stick to the soil like a lamprey eel to the rocks; and though the Secretary “hangs on like a dog to a root,” they “hang back, like a dog going to the gallows.” Resist sternly, colored friends! “Abide in the ship.” The land shall soon be indeed your country and your home. Lay your bones in it. Your tyrants and persecutors will go and evangelize Africa, themselves, when they really wish her evangelized.

The wily Secretary has ventured upon a little article of ours, with true Tracy philology and word-hunting. “Send off.” The magnificent “statesman” here finds a field for the scope of his continental philanthropy. The argument, he says, is the same that was used by George Thompson. All the better for that. George Thompson is an authority. He is a mm of instinctive and intuitive judgment on this question. But it is a poor argument, says the Secretary, “with hardly speciousness enough to deceive a sensible school boy of six years old.” Any argument is always poor in the eyes of the Secretary, that is clear “of speciousness and false show, and that can't deceive sensible school boys. We don't intend to use specious arguments,— “showy, plausible, superficially not solidly right,” as Walker defines them! The Secretary had better not use any more of them. “Fair play is a jewel.”

“How will this argument work?” Try it and see, Secretary.

You don't try it. You put different cases. You speak of farmers sending away sons for their benefit and fortunes. We speak of sending off — a sending off to get rid of. Farmers don't send off their sons, unless they get angry, and forget their nature, and disinherit them. Then they send them off. This sending to the West is not true in fact. The sons want to go from New Hampshire rocks to the prairied West. They have heard stories about it almost as extravagant and false as the Secretary tells about the death-haunted capes of Liberia, where bones lie bleaching as they do in the valley of the fabled Upas. The father wants them to stay with him, if he has got land for them, and if he han't, he would go with them. That is the way the father sends off his sons. Does the Secretary send off the dear colored people so?  Would he accompany them? Let him go and edit at Cape Palmas, and sing his ditty of the “African steeples” about among king Joe Harris' people. They would admire his tall presence and his fine head, as the Cossacks did Murat on his black charger. No. The Secretary loves —  “society,” that has got more “frame-work” in it. The dragon take Liberia, for all his going there! It is a grand country for “free niggers;” but the Secretary belongs to another race.

“The Boston merchant sends off his son,” &c. Whoever heard of such a sending off? Would the weeping father, as the vessel, with his dear boy on board, was clearing the harbor and standing out into the wide sea, tell the disconsolate mother and the brothers and sisters — all in tears — “I've sent off Charles?” Sent him off! for shame, Secretary! If you had instanced a Boston merchant, who had a poor, miserable, profligate, drunken, prodigal son, that had exhausted his paternal nature, and forged his name to checks — whom he did not wish to see hanged at home, for the disgrace it would bring on the family, and he had shipped him aboard a man-of-war for the Mediterranean — or a whaler for a three years' chance among the storms of the cape, and the grampuses of the arctic circle, peradventure to come back, and peradverture not, then you might talk of a father's sending his son off. But that comes too near colonizing, for the Secretary's purpose, — only he wants to ship the innocent — the blameless — the unoffending — guilty of nothing but want of the roseate hue of the beauteous, Absalom-looking Secretary.

“We send off missionaries,” &c. Only to Liberia, Secretary. We send out to every other quarter. Note this peculiarity, reader, in our American efforts to evangelize the world. We send out white, educated, college-learned, beneficiary, Andover-finished theologians to those people we have never enslaved; and to our old human hunting-ground we send off  abated nuisances, called “free niggers,” — sent off with their own consent.  (“He ’ticed him out of the field,” says the witness; “’ticed him clear out.” How did he ’tice him? said the court. “O, he 'ticed him with a pitchfork.’”) We had the curiosity to look, in this very number of the Secretary's “Statesman,” to see what he called the sending of missionaries. He has a deal to say about love to the heathen. We lit upon “Missions to Liberia,” the first thing almost. It is not the Secretary's own, but his faithful Achates, R. McDowell's. He gives us the very technical phrase for missionary sending; but there is no off to it. “The first mission, established in Liberia,” says McD., “was the Swiss mission, &c., sent out by Rev. Dr. Bleinhardt,” &c.

Don't talk of sending off sons and missionaries, any more, Mr. Secretary. It is too “specious.”

The Secretary says, we “ludicrously kill our argument before we get down our column.” What is our argument? That sending off our free colored people, to rid the country of them, is proof of hatred towards them. How do we kill it? Why, by saying it won't hurt a slave to send him away. Commend us to such killing. “What is sauce for the goose, may be for the” Secretary; but it don't follow, that what is bad for the freeman, would be bad for the slave. Would it be good for the freeman of America to be sent to Algiers? We say it would not hurt the slave to be sent there. He would rejoice to get there, and we should rejoice to have him, if we can't free him here,—even to Liberia—rather than stay within influence of such teachers of humanity as McDufie and Gurley.

The Secretary's mention of our proposal to colonize the slaves in Canada, as a serious proposal, is so roguishly specious,” that we can't answer it. — The charge of “insanity,” abolitionists are used to. The Secretary will be glad to be so, by and by, when we get slavery down in this country. The cry from the West Indies makes him look wild. He will exclaim, by another year or two, when Congress, with old John Quincy Adams at their head, and Alvan Stewart and Wendell Phillips and Vermont Knapp to back him up, declare slavery down in the capital and the' district — he will then cry out, as Atlialiah did, when she “heard the noise of the guard, the clapping of hands, and the God save king Joash.” He will be stark crazy then, — if he does not repent — which we hope he may.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 21-5 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 8, 1838.

Wednesday, March 6, 2019

Francis Amasa Walker to Governor John Andrew, May 31, 1861

I should be much gratified to receive a commission in one of the companies to be organized for the war, if it might consist with your duty to the service. I cannot assure myself that I am peculiarly qualified for military rank, to which I have had but little inclination; yet I am confident of a mind willing to perform any office through the length and breadth of it.

I have had some instruction in company movements under well-appointed soldiers, and my general education will, I trust, be found sufficient to any probable demand in such position. I beg you, however, not to believe that I make a Commission the condition of my service for I hold myself ready for the humblest and hardest work in the sacred cause.

I have the honor to be
Your Excellency's Obdt. Servt.,
Francis Amasa Walker.

SOURCE: James Phinney Munroe, A Life of Francis Amasa Walker, p. 31-2