Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 28, 1862

Headquarters Stevens' Div.

Burnside's Expedition,

July 28th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I have received no further news from you since your last short communication hurriedly informing me of an improvement in my prospects. I only hope your intimation may be true. I asked Genl. Stevens' advice. He told me “unequivocally to accept.” I trust the appointment may soon be made, as I must have some little change before I return to life in unhealthy swamps. My experience in South Carolina has not specially fitted me to resist climatic influences here. It will be of incalculable advantage to me if I can get North three or four weeks this summer. I received a letter from Walter yesterday. He seems to feel the present critical condition of our country very much. Ned Harland is a near neighbor of mine now. Once I have met Charley Breed. I saw Henry King at Fortress Monroe a few days ago. We met and parted as though we were in the habit of seeing one another every day. Halleck was here day before yesterday. I was greatly disappointed in his appearance. Small and farmer-like, he gives a rude shock to one's preconceived notions of a great soldier. He is a striking contrast to Genl. Burnside who is rather a Chevalier Bayard in appearance and accomplishments. One has opportunities on the staff of seeing a great deal that is interesting, still staff officers are simply satellites of the General — if anything else, they are no use.

I see good accounts of recruiting in Connecticut. I trust this is so, for we must have those troops drilled and ready for the field as early as possible. It is not pleasant to think of dragging through another winter in quarters. These troops in Burnside's corps are really splendid, deserving indeed the name of soldiers. The Army looks very different now from what it did last fall, previous to our expedition down South.

I have really nothing to write, except that I am impatient to see you all, and that I remain as ever, with love to sisters and dear ones at home,

Affectionately,

WILL.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 169-70

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 25, 1862

Headquarters Stevens' Div.

July 25th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

Your letter has just reached me. I have only to say that it has long been my earnest desire to serve with the troops of my native state where there are so many who feel an interest in me. I have many times sought an opportunity to change to the troops from Old Connecticut, but the mutiny in the Highland Regiment, then being sent to S. Carolina, and other things have prevented. Should I be selected for the position of Major in one of the new Regiments, I think I can bring the necessary testimonials to my fitness. As a staff officer I have been too long employed in teaching field officers their duty, to feel many scruples about accepting the position, if offered me. I will see Gen. Stevens, and ask his advice. The mail is about closing now, so good-bye.

Lovingly,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 169

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 20, 1862

Headquarters Stevens's Div.

Burnside's Expedition,

Newport News, Va.

July 20th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I rode over yesterday to Fortress Monroe in my old clothes. Maj. Elliott, now Act'g. Inspector-General of our Division, and others, were of the party. On reaching the Fortress we found a man who for the sum of fifty cents, gives you half a dollar's worth of likeness — a “Cheap John” style of man — and him we concluded to patronize. I send you the result. If it has defects, I have no doubt there is fifty cents worth of truth in it. The moustache and imperial in the picture I consider an improvement of the original, the most considerate of mirrors being unable to conceal the fact that these articles of beauty are in reality a bright plinthic red. Next week the “Cheap John” style of man says he will have an apparatus for taking carte-de-visite. If so, I will put on my best clothes, get taken, and forward myself to you in a more presentable manner.

I have received a couple of letters from you, one of the 5th, the other of the 9th, both of which took first a trip to Port Royal. I hope my telegraphic despatch may prevent any more from traveling so far in vain.

I am much obliged to my friends for their kind thoughts and words regarding me. I'll tell you what, I think I ought to have a place in the Field of one of the new Conn. Regiments, not that I feel myself peculiarly competent for such a position, but because I think I'll do better than those they are likely to select. I have been the longest in the service of any of my friends. I have been oftener in battle and been subject to more vicissitudes, yet they all outrank me. Matteson and Doster are Majors. Ely commands a Regiment. Harland commands a Brigade. Charles Dodge has a Regiment. Rockwell commands a battery, and so on all through the list. Somehow or other I've not been so accustomed to bringing up at the tail end as to fancy it now. I am delighted, to be sure, at the success of friends. I feel no envy, but would like to be a little more upon an equality with them. To be sure, by crawling along slowly, I have risen from the Junior Lieut, of my Regiment to rank as the 2d Captain — that is to say, from the 30th position in the line to the 2d. Still I would like a Major's position in one of the new Regiments. However, where I now am, I have responsibility enough, I suppose.

Benham being disposed of, my letter to Uncle John has proved uncalled for, but I was very indignant at the time of writing it. . . . You may have read something of his letter relative to Gen. Stevens. It is unnecessary to characterize the whole as a malicious falsehood. I will only mention one thing. Benham quotes a letter from Stevens to prove that he (Stevens) approved the reconnoissance Benham projected. I happen to know personally the note quoted was written by Stevens with regard to a reconnoissance proposed by Stevens himself. This plan of a reconnoissance was agreed to by the Generals in Council in opposition to the plan proposed by Benham. Benham at first consented to this, but finally ordered the attack of the 16th to be made as he had originally proposed. The letter then of Gen. Stevens written regarding the Stevens plan of reconnoissance, is used by Benham to show that the Benham plan met with Stevens' approbation.

Benham had an unaccountable aversion to Rockwell. When Rockwell was sick, and stopping on board the steamer with the amiable General, Benham growled so much about it, that Gen. Stevens was obliged to advise (privately) Capt. Rockwell to return to his company, though he was still pale, weak and unable to do duty. After the battle of the 16th, Benham wrote his report complimenting Capt. Hamilton of the Regular Artillery, omitting all mention of Rockwell, though Alfred's Battery had been the most exposed, and had done nobly. This made Gen. Stevens very angry, so he informed Benham that he must alter his report, that his Command should have justice, that Rockwell had acquitted himself as well as Hamilton, and that he should have the credit he was entitled to. (Somewhat mixed way of expression, but comprehensible I believe). Gen. Stevens being an unpleasant man to deal with when angry, Benham got frightened and altered his report.

Since commencing this letter I have received one from you regarding dear Lilly's wedding. I could not be there, but you all know how I feel. You speak of $100.00 having been spent on Lilly's wardrobe by you in my behalf. I only mention it to have it fully understood that that money must never be returned to me.

Tell Mrs. Tyler, information I afterward received at James Island, renders the presence of Alfred there, to say the least, very doubtful.

I am tired, so I will close. Love to all.

Affec'y. your son,

W. T. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 166-8

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 12, 1862

Headquarters, 

U. S. Forces En Route To F. Monroe,

July 12th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

When I wrote you a few hurried, peevish lines, by the last steamer, I then had little thought we were so soon to be summoned to a different sphere of action, and that, had my longing to see you at home been really gratified, I would have returned only to be mortified by being absent from duty at a time when every man should be standing steadily at his post. So you see my lucky star is always dominant. Just when I thought my fate intolerable, I was merely being providentially detained that nothing might prevent me from the fulfilment of my duty. Ten Regiments from the Department of the South, six under Stevens and four under Wright, are ordered to Fortress Monroe, we know not yet whether to reinforce Pope or McClellan. Few of us regret to leave this unholy soil and wretchedly mismanaged department, where we have been sure only of mismanagement and disgrace. I am sorry Rockwell could not go with us. He would have liked to have done so, but a demand was made for infantry alone.

It is a good thing for me that I have escaped from the Southern climate, having been long enough exposed to feel as though every fibre of my body was involved in a malarious atmosphere. A change of climate and a persistent employment of quinine, the Doctor says, are all I need, though were times less stirring, he would probably prescribe in addition a few days at home. I shall probably lose the letters you will write relative to Lilly's wedding, but you must not forget to let me know all about it in whatever new sphere I may be placed. I suppose you had better address the first letter to the care of General Stevens near Fortress Monroe, and so soon as may be, I will let you know a more definite address.

I enclose the $25.00 for Lilly's bridal gift. I could not enclose it in my last, as it was then some time since I had seen the paymaster. I hope I may have an opportunity to see you all this summer, but it looks dubious. Next to Lilly's wedding, I was very anxious to be present at my class meeting, which takes place the end of this month. Hall will be there and many old friends. It will seem strange enough to get among civilized people once more, and there will be so many changes too. Walter, an aged paterfamilias. Lilly and Hall, both old domestic bodies. Hunt in a new house. Horace alone will be left unchanged.

Are any of my friends desirous of making a profitable speculation? A sure and magnificent fortune may be realized from the sale of ginger-pop at Hilton Head. Blind Dennis is doing a flourishing business in the lemonade line, and will certainly before long be putting up a superb house on Washington Street, in Burdick's best style. The ginger-pop trade, I predict, will be one of the most remunerative branches of business ever opened at Port Royal. It even bids fair to prove as handsome a thing as negro-philanthropy, which in shrewd hands has proved a most capital paying business, and then the sale of ginger-pop is eminently more respectable. At any rate it is a pet idea of mine, and I would like to see the experiment tried.

Well, good-bye. I hope to hear good news on arriving at Fortress Monroe. Love to all.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 163-5

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, June 17, 1862

James Island, June 17th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

Yesterday was for us a hard, cruel, memorable day, memorable for its folly and wickedness, memorable for the wanton sacrifice of human life to gratify the silly vanity of a man already characterized . . . You have heard already from rebel sources, I doubt not, of yesterday's disaster. I can only say that the plan of the attack was ordered by Gen. Benham in direct defiance of his subordinate Generals' opinion. Gen. Wright, Gen. Stevens and Gen. Williams pronounced on the evening of the 15th, the project of storming the battery attacked, as conceived in utter folly. They entered their earnest protest against the whole affair. But Benham was excited by stories of Donelson and Newberne, and would not yield. Had the fort been taken, it would have done us no good, except that we could have spiked the three guns it contained, but had it been taken, the éclat, perhaps, would have made Benham a Major-General, and for this contemptible motive between six and seven hundred men strewed the field, dead and dying. I do not know how I escaped unhurt — it must have been your prayers, mother — but this I know, that sixteen boys of my company were killed or wounded, fighting nobly, fighting like heroes on the parapet of the work, but fighting vainly to give a little reputation to . . . Mother, when I see their pale fingers stiffened, their poor speechless wounds bleeding, do you wonder at the indignation that refuses to be smothered — that my blood should flow feverishly to think that the country which our soldiers love so well, loves them so little as to leave them to the mercies of a man of . . .  I can give you no particulars of the affair now — you will read of it in the papers. I must busy myself to-day to assist in getting the requisite information for Gen. Stevens's report.

I do not know whether I can return in July. It hardly looks as though I should be able to leave before Charleston is taken.

A thousand kisses for my dear sisters. May Lilly's life be very happy. Ever so much love for the children. Bless them.

Tell Walter that when galloping across the field yesterday I saw a sword and scabbard lying in my path. I looked instinctively at my side, and found, when or how I cannot say, my sword-belt had been torn or cut, and the sword was gone, but you can understand the pleasure I experienced at discovering the sword in my path was Walter's gift, which I strangely recovered.

Good-bye. I have much to do to-day. Capt. Rockwell's Battery did excellent service yesterday.

Lovingly and thankfully,

Your son,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 156-7

Captain William Thompson Lusk to John Adams, June 17, 1862

Headquarters 2d Division,

James Island, June 17th, 1862.

My dear Uncle:

I write to impose a solemn duty upon you, which involves the lives of thousands of brave men.

Brig.-Gen. Benham is a native of the State of Conn., and I understand it is to his native state he owes his present position. There is only one way for the State to atone for so fatal a blunder — only one way to wipe out the obloquy the State deserves at putting such a man in power — and that is to give its weight to his immediate removal. Let there be no mercy shown to one who shows no mercy. He must be crushed at once, or we are all lost, and even as it is, God only knows whether his folly may not involve us in destruction before any action can be taken. I will not enumerate half the examples of imbecility he has shown, or the wickedness of which he has been guilty. The last act is too real. His folly has culminated in one damning enterprise which must make him eternally infamous.

You will learn from the steamer conveying this, of the shocking battle of the 16th. There will be a struggle to suppress the truth, to call fair names, and to shift the responsibility, but the blood of the murdered men cries out for vengeance. This is no rhetoric. It is solemn truth. The ill-fated enterprise to this island has been characterized by the grossest mismanagement, and the men — poor dumb creatures — have had to suffer privation, exposure, and death, where no excuse can be pleaded in extenuation.

On the night of the 15th, Genl. Benham assembled his officers in council. Generals Wright, Stevens and Williams were present. He unfolded to them his plan of taking the Enemy's Battery by storm. It was in vain that the other officers entered their earnest protest against a needless work of slaughter. It was useless to suggest that his object could be effected in other ways. His decree was absolute that the work must be stormed in front — and for what? Because visions of another Donelson or Newberne had smothered in his breast every sentiment of mercy. A success would be but little gain to the country, but the eclat might make Benham a Major-General. Men might die to win a needless victory, could only his foolish vanity be gratified.

His orders were obeyed, and the next morning's work attests their folly. But even then all might not have been lost, had not his conduct in the field been marked by weakness, vacillation, and imbecility.

When the action was over, Genl. Benham tried to say that it was only a reconnoissance. If this be so, then let us have a General in command, who can reconnoitre without the sacrifice of an eighth of the force engaged. 700 killed, wounded, and missing! Let the dead who died nobly have a voice, I say. Let the wounded lying on their beds of pain, plead their sufferings. Let those who lie in the prison houses of the enemy cry all shame, shame to a General who makes such a reconnoissance! We are growing weary of patriotism. We, who would have liked to have died to show our love to our country, begin to sicken at the thought our country loves us so little, as to leave our fate to the control of a man, already branded . . .  It is as true as Holy Writ, that our bravest men will never fight again with Benham in command.

Don't be deceived by printed reports of what took place on the 16th. It was a terribly disastrous affair, and remember the author of it.

I wish the public safety would allow me to publish to all what I write you. I do not fear the consequences if it be shown boldly to Benham himself. But I beg of you to do what you can in this matter. Press it with Governor Buckingham. Get Dr. Grant to help you. Let the influential men help you, and for God's sake act quick, or the army here is sacrificed, and we will begin to investigate too late.

I remain,

Affec'y. but sadly, Your nephew,

W. T. Lusk,

Capt. & A. D. C.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 153-5

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, June 10, 1862

Headquarters 2d Division,

James Island, June 10th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I saw a few moments ago a mail-bag walking off — hailed it, and learned that it was going home, and persuaded it to wait a few seconds until I could inform you that I was still safe in limb and life, though we have brisk times in our new position. Genl. Stevens you will notice now has charge of a division. It is a temporary arrangement arising out of the necessities of the case, but I hope it may result in his confirmation as Major-General. I cannot yet say if we are surely to reach Charleston, but hope so. The fact is, I believe Gen. Rosecrans was not far wrong when he charged Genl. Benham with cowardice, drunkenness, and lying. He was Court Martialed and acquitted, and sent down here to take charge of our little army. Right or wrong all despise him. No one trusts him. If we take Charleston it will not be his fault. This is rather bitter, but it is a shame to put such men in command.

Please send Horace $9.00 as my subscription for the Post. I agreed to write an occasional letter for that journal, but have never done so. I shall feel better when it is paid.

When this matter of taking Charleston shall be either brilliantly consummated, thanks to Wright and Stevens, or shall have fizzled out through the folly of Hunter and Benham, if still safe in life and limb, I trust I shall see you once more, but Quien Sabe. We have fighting every day now and new victims swell the list of the battlefield.

Give my best love, my darling mother, to my sisters and all my dear friends.

Your affec. and sleepy son,

will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 152

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Thursday, December 1, 1864

Well, I am a nine months' man! Good (?) I went into General Stevenson's headquarters and found the Tenth Vermont was at Petersburg. He ordered me to report to Col. Hunter commanding Camp Distribution at Harper's Ferry; was ordered to take command of the Twentieth Company, Sixth Corps — about 200 men; have got to receipt for clothing, camp equipage, etc.; don't like it, but have to obey orders. The camp is on a barren, bleak side hill long used for such a purpose, and it is cold, windy and dirty with a great deal of dust. I don't like the prospect.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 236

Major Wilder Dwight: September 5, 1862

camp Near TennallytowN, Maryland, September 5, 1862.

I wrote you a hasty scrawl in my hurried visit to Washington, just to assure you of our safety at last. That was Wednesday. We went into camp near Fort Albany, and within a mile of the Long Bridge. Yesterday we got marching orders again; crossed the Potomac at Georgetown, and came out here on the Edwards's Ferry and Darnestown road, about eight miles, and are now in camp. . . . .

We suppose that we are to go up the river towards Edwards's Ferry. You would, perhaps, like to have a record of our life since we occupied the line of the Rappahannock till to-day. It has been so tense and corrosive that I am not yet in tone to write an account of it. Our week on the Rappahannock was a series of marches, countermarches, vigils, pickets, wet bivouacs, always within sound, often within reach, of the enemy's cannon, moving under the hissing importunity of flying shells and round shot. One morning at Beverly Ford we took a position from which our forces had been driven two previous days. Colonel Andrews and I breakfasted under a tree with shell and round shot moving merrily about us. We held the position. On Monday night we lay under arms within half a mile of the battle in which Kearney and Stevens fell, near Fairfax Court-House. The fight was a fierce one. During most of it a violent thunderstorm raged fearfully. I can only leave you to imagine the scene. We were all night under arms, wet through, and without fires. The worst night I ever spent. Tuesday night we came in last over the Warrenton Pike, — the very tail of the Grand Army, as we had been before.

Our risks and chances have been great, but we were not in either of the fights about Manassas or Bull Run. I am glad of it. Unsuccessful battles we have had enough of. I have been too busy to get news of Charley. We have been on the march for eighteen days. Colonel Taylor's account of the matter was encouraging. I met him by chance on Tuesday. Inquired at once for Charley. His answer was, “He is on his way to Richmond.” I was taken aback. Under all the circumstances, you may regard him as lucky.

I hope he will be paroled without being taken to Richmond.

Our recruits have had a hard time. It is an illustration of the folly of our whole system of organization and recruiting, that we should have dragged one hundred and fourteen unarmed recruits through all this business. But I will not begin about follies. The events of the past three weeks are incredible. Disaster, pitiable, humiliating, contemptible! Love to all at home. Now that we are in Maryland, I suppose the absurd order stopping the mails will be rescinded. I shall write again as soon as I can.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 285-7

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, February 16, 1862

Headquarters 2d Brigade, S. C.

Beaufort, S. C. Feb. 16th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

Pleasant land of South Carolina! Roses blooming in the gardens, mocking birds whistling sweet notes in the forests, trees green and beautiful as dense foliage can make them — quite different from the cold winter you are spending — but Ugh, how the wind does blow here to-night though! It makes little difference to us here in the house, for the bright wood-fire blazes cheerfully, and around it is gathered by no means a dejected party smoking cigars, and good-naturedly cursing the slowness of the campaign. Out of door, the pickets perhaps, blowing their fingers, may be using deeper expressions, and may be having different motives for wishing the war to wag along a little faster. Would that our little General with his big shaggy head, were in command! I think he would set them dancing over on the mainland to the merry old tune of Malbrook, but Sherman is slow and cautious, and the biggest figure he allows us to execute is a sort of dos-a-dos performance at best.

So our little General, with nothing better to do, contents himself with having the best managed Brigade in the Command, lectures us young men occasionally on Strategy, and at times, in sheer despair, reads novels with the same energy and vigor with which he conducts his operation on the battlefield. He is, indeed, a prodigious little man, and it would rejoice many a one, were he to receive a larger, and more splendid field of action — such a one as his talents demand.

Dear, dear! I am impatient to hear from home, but our transport vessels are needed elsewhere, and we have no idea when we are to receive another mail.

I see Captain ——— quite often. He is like Sherman, very slow. I try to give him some hints about flying around more, and I trust experience will teach him the necessary lesson.

By-the-by, who is George Martin, now Quartermaster of the 79th Regiment, who talks about “Uncle Lusk” and “Uncle Olmstead” and “Uncle Thompson” and “Henry G.,” etc? He heard me say I was from Connecticut — “What, you don't belong to the Enfield Lusks?” I explained my relationship. . . . Wishing to ascertain the relationship existing between us, I found he was born somewhere in Suffield, and that his using the title of “Uncle” was merely intended to show that he was accustomed to mingle familiarly in the Aristocratic Circles of Enfield. Indeed we kept up quite a running talk about Enfield. While talking rapidly upon the topics suggesting themselves, on finding our “relationship,” we were somewhat interrupted by a loud hawhaw from a bed in the corner of the room. Then a voice, deep and gruff, cried: “Haw-haw! Oh Lord, haw-haw! One would think there were no people in the world except those that come from Connecticut, haw-haw!” This proceeded from a drunken Captain, who was so amused at his own wit, that he continued to laugh, and roll, and shake his fat sides until the room was in a roar, and as I left, way down the street you could hear the same “haw-haw” from the jolly drunken Captain.

Love to all.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 122-3

Brigadier-General Isaac I. Stevens to Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sherman, December 10, 1861

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF PORT ROYAL,

Beaufort, S. C. December 10, 1861.

Brigadier-General SHERMAN,

Commanding Expeditionary Corps:

GENERAL: Lieutenant Ransom and the section of Hamilton's battery under his command moved at 3 o'clock this morning, and I followed with two members of my staff, Acting Aides-de-Camp Lusk and Taylor, of, respectively, the Highlanders and Fiftieth Pennsylvania, a half hour afterwards. We reached the ferry at daylight. I found, however, on careful examination that the Confederates had not commenced the erection of any works since our occupation of the island. After an examination of the country adjoining the ferry, especially of the old ferry at Seabrook, a mile and a half to the westward of the present ferry, I determined to take positive possession of both sides of the existing ferry, especially as an effort had been made during my absence at Seabrook to fire the ferry building on the island side. Lieutenant Ransom, bringing, under my direction, his battery into position at Stuart's place, fired four shots and dispersed the enemy's pickets, and Lieutenant-Colonel Brenholts, commanding the detachment at the ferry, advanced immediately a picket of 12 men to the ferry, and took possession of both banks, with some four boats. These have since been secured. A small block-house commanding the ferry on the main was destroyed. I left the battery at the ferry, with instructions to return to-morrow, unless, after conference with Lieutenant-Colonel Brenholts, Lieutenant Ransom should be satisfied from the unexpected developments of circumstances he ought to remain at the ferry. In this event he was promptly to advise me by messenger.

I have had the points carefully examined where it was alleged stockades were being built to close the channel. East of the ferry the attempt was actually made, but nothing was accomplished. I have, with the assistance of my aides and scouting parties, examined nearly all portions of the island to-day. The conduct of the troops is exemplary, and there will be considerable additions made to our stock of quartermaster's stores.

I am, sir, very respectfully, yours, most obediently,

 ISAAC I. STEVENS,

 Brigadier-General Commanding.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 6 (Serial No. 6), p. 199-200; William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 108-9

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, December 2, 1861

Headquarters 2d Brigade,

Hilton Head, Dec. 2d, 1861.

My dear Mother:

A real Southern storm is without — the rain falls heavily, thunder rolls in the distance, the fly of my tent flaps noisily — yet here within all is peace and quiet, loving not stormy thoughts. Let us look about my tent a little. The bottom is boarded and covered with straw; a washstand occupies the corner; a bed, comfortable with blankets, extends along one of the sides; from the tent-poles hang my sword, sash and belt, my military coat, and such clothes as are needful for daily wear. Then I am sitting on my valise (Lieut. Elliott's name is upon it), and am writing at a table of rude construction — an old shutter, robbed from a Secession barn, laid upon a box—yet, covered with the beautiful blanket which came a gift from Hunt, it has a fine, jaunty look, and we think ourselves elegant in the extreme, especially when we put our new coffee-pot upon it, and sit writing at it for the purpose of spinning a yarn. A circular yarn I call it, for I intend it for all the kind friends whose loving thoughts were so abundantly manifest in that box of “goodies” which the “Bienville” brought me. There's one thing that I've been keeping back all this time — the cunning rogue that I am. Its a big, blue Secession chest, a good deal battered and worn, but I have only to throw open the lid — and presto (in the excitement I had nearly written prestidigitato) — I feel, see, think all sorts of things — things around which cluster pleasant memories.

Let us see! Come, oh bottle of Abreco, out of thy hiding place, for thou must distil for me dainty fancies warm as the sun that ripened the grapes out of which thou art made! Ay, and a cigar I must have too — a real Havana — Santa Rosa is inscribed upon it. Why that was the name of a little Jew maiden whom I once knew, and concerning which Miss Ellen Dwight with her superior worldly knowledge, whispers in the ear of Sam Elliott, “Oh strange infatuation!” But no matter. Let the fragrant clouds arise; clouds bearing fair, friendly, earthly visions! Stop though! There the cap of blue and white, knit by small, slender fingers. Dear Lilly, I put it on now, and now I take it off and look at it. It has a pretty maidenly appearance about it, and suggests indefinitely kisses from red pouting lips, and the sort of romantic dreams in which sentimental youths indulge. Some such articles as this, probably, Penelope spun while waiting her Lord's return from Troy. Is Penelope quietly spinning for me still? Or is the yarn run out, and does she now bend a willing ear to new suitors? If so, why then, bother take Penelope; let us look at the stockings! They have a jolly comfortable aspect. They bring one from visions of “airy, fairy Lilians” of poet fancy, to the substantial bread-and-butter sentiment of Germany. They are the work of comfortable middle-aged Penelopes, I fancy. I can commence at the toes of them, if I choose, and unravel them slowly, and each time the yarn makes a circuit, I can feel sure that I am unravelling a kind thought — perchance a tearful memory, that the loving ones wove into their work, as they sat knitting around the fireside. “Sweet home” — it is long since I have known thee, yet, when the labor is done, how eagerly will I clutch the promises the words “Sweet home” contain! I have some studs in my shirt. They are made of Sarah's hair and they tell me home has changed somewhat since I knew it. I asked General Stevens the other day if he had known General Garnett. He said, "Yes. Well?" and almost in the same breath added, “He had such a lovely wife who died in my territory.” They two have bidden us farewell, and grief is deadened at the thought of their present happiness. I look again into the box, and I see there gifts from Hunt and Thomas. They have been good brothers to me. They two and Walter have always given me a full, hearty brother's love. I am not an humble man, and am proud in many ways, but there is naught of which I am half so proud as my own true valued friends. As I think of them, they are not few; as I look into the box, I see this; as I remember all the kind acts they have done me, I feel this; and when I call to mind the goodness of the Almighty, I know it. Dear mother, dear sisters, dear brothers, I can hardly keep back the tears when I ask you to accept the thanks for your exceeding love. There are the little ones too, and they are never forgotten. I must add Walter's boy to the list now — that wondrous boy, so different from all other babies, and yet so like all others in the striking resemblance he bears his papa. Tell Cousin Lou that I am using the ink and paper she sent me, to express to all my friends my thanks. Does Cousin Lou think I am such a savage — so delighting in secession blood — that I would not extend my hand to help anyone in trouble? And does she not feel sure that a duty would become a pleasure when it would be to assist her friends? Let her never doubt that should any of her relatives fall into our hands, I will not forget either my duty to them nor my love to her. The gift from Uncle John I felt, and accept with that pleasure which not only springs from affection, but from the honest respect I have for his fearlessness of character in vindication of the right. Thank Uncle Phelps and Aunt Maria. They have never faltered in their friendship toward me. Thank my Aunts. I trust I may never disgrace them. Thank Mrs. Tyler, Cousin Lizzie and Aunt Elizabeth. Their gifts were timely and acceptable. I trust I have omitted none of those to whom I am indebted. If so I would thank them too, and in conclusion I can only thank God who has given so many friends — friends so faithful, so kindly, and so true.

Affec'y.,

 Will Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 102-5

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, October 25, 1861

October 25th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

It is with extreme pleasure I write you to-day. We are still at Fort Monroe, and of course I do not know how long we are to remain here, but Old Point Comfort has proved itself such to me. I think few up to the present time have served under greater disadvantages in the army than I. A member of a Scotch Regiment strong in its foreign prejudices, introduced as I was by, a man greatly unpopular among the men, I have enjoyed little prestige or favor. We have had hard work to do, and for four months I have suffered from extremes of heat and cold, from hunger and wet, and sleepless nights — from all the hardships of outpost life — have had the credit which I felt was due, denied, and have waited patiently, though sometimes against hope. After Col. Stevens became Brig.-Gen., our Regiment fell to the command of . . . Morrison, who sought to exhibit his authority by all sorts of petty and irritating acts of insolence toward myself. The life became intolerable, and I sent in my resignation. I have written you how kindly Gen. Stevens acted in the matter. I withdrew the resignation temporarily, however, on learning from Gen. Stevens the probability of a speedy action.

When Gen. Stevens was detached from our Brigade to command one stationed at Annapolis, I was left, almost without appeal from the insults of . . . Morrison. I found my rights taken away, and favors bestowed on low, ignorant rowdies. I then obtained a furlough, meaning to arrange some plan of honorable escape while on a visit home.

Suddenly a despatch came ordering our Regiment to meet Gen. Stevens at Annapolis, and it was whispered our destination was to be some place on the Southern coast. I thereupon pocketed all affronts, gave up all thoughts of a leave of absence, and resolved to be resigned to the painfulness of my position, and to perform any duties that might be allotted me. A few days ago I was appointed officer of the day. The duties of the day were arduous, and for twenty-four hours I had no sleep. It was about 7½ in the morning and my duties had nearly expired, when Gen. Stevens desired to see the officer of the day. I supposed it was to perform some business in connection with my position. On reporting myself he said, “Mr. Lusk I wish to have a few words with you.” “Yes,” said I, “but be quick as my time has nearly expired.” “Oh!” said he, “I only wish to tell you that you are appointed my Aide-de-camp. You know my peculiarities, and if we are satisfied with each other I think you will have no reason to repent of your appointment.” I thanked him, told him I was proud to accept the appointment. So now, Mother, with best love to all the dear ones at home, I subscribe myself,

Your affectionate son,

Capt. W. T. Lusk,

Aide-de-camp to Gen. Stevens,

Sherman's Division.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 93-4

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, October 21, 1861

October 21st, 1861.

My dear Mother:

We are sailing rapidly down the Chesapeake, still in doubt as to our ultimate destination, but expecting soon to reach Fortress Monroe where possibly there may be a chance of mailing a letter. We feel as though we were leaving the scene of old triumphs, and old disasters — of the latter we are mindful of many; so it was delicate sarcasm upon the part of our Bandmaster which induced him to strike up “Carry me back to old Virginny!” as we were crossing the Chain Bridge (which spans the Potomac), leaving the “sacred soil” behind us. And now we are embarked on the “Vanderbilt,” bound, this much we know, for “Dixie.” I am hoping to exchange salutations with some of my old friends in Charleston. What fun it would be to be playing the magnanimous to a captive Prince Hugo, or Whalley despising Yankees much, or any other of the royal youth who live in the Kingdom of South Carolina. It may be we are to visit Mobile. If so, tell Hunt I will try and collect his rents with interest. But why speculate?

Let us pray for laurels and victory! Much is expected of the 79th Regiment, I find. “My Highlanders!” as Gen. Stevens calls them. “They are equal to Regulars,” the General is reported to have said to Gen. Sherman' commanding our expedition. "Send for them!" says Sherman. They are sent for, and arrive on shipboard in a horrible state of intoxication, with bloody faces and soiled clothes. The Chaplain of the 8th Michigan Regiment is horrified. He preaches to his men, and says: “I wish to make no invidious comparisons, but after what I've seen of late, I'm proud of you for your excellent conduct!” Well, we must hope that “My Highlanders” will silence invidious comparison when facing the foe. You tell me Ellis thinks I ought to boast of my Graham blood, and gently urge the same yourself, but the fact is, nothing has caused more amusement than Ellis' own pretensions to his descent from the King of the Hebrides. Indeed, on one occasion, up at Sunbury — a country town of Pennsylvania — when he was introduced on a public occasion to the worthy citizens of the place as a lineal descendant of Donald, King of the Hebrides, a man in the audience forgot himself so far as to call out, “Damn Donald, King of the Hebrides!” which was highly improper, and wholly irrelevant, yet very entertaining to those who heard it. I am awaiting an official announcement of the birth of Walter's boy, and mean to write congratulations as soon as I can find time. Hall will soon be married, he tells me. All my friends are getting settled, but I am a Nomad, fit, I fancy, for my present mode of life, which I find healthy and by no means disagreeable. Indeed, were my brother officers of a more agreeable character, I would take to soldiering with a relish, and with a reasonable amount of success might cry, “Vive la guerre!” However all dreams of the future terminate in dreams of peace, of home, and honorable repose in advancing years, all of which, dear mother, may we enjoy together, loving our country better, for having proved that it was so dear that we were willing even to give up our life for its preservation.

Well, the blessings of peace be upon all at home. Kiss the little ones for me. Give love to all and

Believe me,

Affec'y.,

WILL.

_______________

¹ Thomas W. Sherman.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 91-2

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, October 18, 1861

October 18th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

I can only write you a few hasty lines. We have suddenly been summoned to Annapolis, and are now on board ship, bound I know not whither. This is so far pleasant, as there is a chance of relief from the wearisome picket duties which devolve upon Regiments on the advanced outposts; and we have likewise an opportunity for distinction, as well as to do the country good service. It is so far a disappointment, in that I had a leave of absence granted me, and hoped yesterday to be spending to-day with my dear Mother. I am very tired, as I marched all last night, and have been hard at work all this morning. Health and spirits are excellent. Gen. Stevens will most likely command our expedition, which is almost a guarantee of success. At any rate we will trust it will prove more brilliant even than the affair at Hatteras. At any rate let us pray, come what will, God grant us peace in the life hereafter. A thousand times love for all.

In haste, Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 89-90

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, August 17, 1861

Maryland,

Camp Causten, Aug. 17th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

This has been a busy and painful week for the officers of the Highland Regiment. You have seen various accounts of our troubles in the papers, but they contain nothing authentic, although perhaps about as much as an outsider can understand. The mutiny of Thursday is only the legacy of a quarrel begun among the officers before the Regiment left for the seat of war. The quarrel ended after the battle of Bull Run, in the resignation of several of the officers whose ambition was disappointed as to governing the affairs of the Regiment. Not content with withdrawing their services, these men resolved to undermine the Regiment itself. Their plans were well laid. In an underhand way they conveyed papers among the men purporting that, as State Militia they were entitled to return home at the expiration of three months service, but that an effort would be made to detain them for the war. By going home, it was represented the men would receive a grand ovation, would meet their families, and be enabled to tell their tale of the Bull Run battle. Those who had had enough of fighting could resume their old employments, while the greater part who were ready to re-enlist for the war, would be entitled to the re-enlistment bounty of $30. A Government which would give $30 bounty for re-enlisted three month soldiers must place a high value upon them. “Now,” the men were told, “a secret plan has been formed to prevent your return home at all. Lieut.-Col. Elliott has received from Government $10,000.00 to sell you all for the war, and to cheat you of your rights and privileges.”Some little things occurred, which as far as the men were concerned, seemed corroborative of these statements, viz: — An order which had been issued by the Secretary of War for us to return to NewYork to recruit, was recalled as inexpedient on the day the three-month service of our men expired. This was sufficient for them. They believed they had been sold; and the train which had been carefully laid, exploded upon our being ordered, not into the boat for home, but onto the road into Maryland. Since the battle, owing to the loss through resignations or deaths, of our Colonel, Major and 9 of the 10 Captains, besides that of many of the Lieutenants, we were left in a condition peculiarly unfavorable to discipline; and this much is to be said that the companies of Captain Ellis (my own) and that of Captain Elliott, which were provided with officers, obeyed their orders, and refused to join the mutineers. The mutiny commenced in the morning by the men's refusing to strike their tents as commanded. They were to have been struck at 5 a.m. and the Regiment was to move at 6 o'clock. Col. Stevens repeated the orders, but they were still silently and sullenly neglected. He then went among the men and used all his powers of persuasion, but they had been told that they had the law on their side, and if they only persevered, they would be able to return home as a militia regiment. Col. Stevens next went to each company singly and read the articles of war, appending to them such remarks as would enforce in the men the danger of their course; but by this time, the camp, left without sentry, became exposed to the whiskey dealers who made good use of their opportunities. Soon a scene of the wildest confusion took place. The soldiers, throwing off all authority, presented the hideous and disgusting spectacle of a debauched and drunken Helotry. It was a time trying to one's nerves — more trying far than the musketry or cannonading of Bull Run. The Colonel ordered the officers to strike the tents themselves. This we did amid the jeers, the taunts, and the insults of an infuriated mob. One man brought me his gun, cocked it, showed me it was capped, and reminded me it was intended for one officer at least to die, should our release be attempted. Still we worked quietly on, obeying our orders. Some of the Lieutenants were allowed to take down the tents undisturbed, but on leaving them a moment, they were again pitched by the men. Everywhere we were threatened, and it became equally necessary to show neither fear of the men, nor, on the other hand, to allow ourselves any act of violence which would precipitate bloodshed. Luckily for us, when the men were most maddened by drink, an old country quarrel broke out among them, viz: — the feud between the Orangemen and the Ribandmen, which we only know of through English novels, and history. We were not, however, altogether forgotten. Names neither poetical, decent, or complimentary were freely bestowed upon us. Finally afternoon advanced, and nothing was gained. The Colonel called on the men for the last time to render obedience. Soberness and reflection had begun their work upon a few. These fell into their places, and were stationed around the Camp as a guard over the others. Still, though thus yielding, their sympathies were either extended to their mutinous comrades, or else they were too fearful to render much assistance. It was necessary for the officers to be everywhere, and I confess I was quite exhausted when a body of cavalry and a line of infantry appeared, coming toward us. This was a great relief. The mutineers, all unconscious, were surrounded, and, when it was too late to resist, obeyed the orders issued, a death penalty being promised to those who wavered. You have seen in the papers the punishment awarded to the Regiment — the taking of our colors and the disgrace from which we are suffering.

Dear Mother, I feel heartsick and much depressed. I begin to repent bitterly of having cast my lot with a foreign Regiment. Our men have not the feelings of Americans, and cannot, when a reverse comes, be inspired to renewed efforts by enthusiasm for the cause. I am eager for another battle in order that we may have an opportunity to regain our colors, yet dread to risk it now that our men are much demoralized. I wish old Connecticut had a place for me.

Col. Stevens, who is an able man, thinks though, in less than a month he can make us once more the finest Regiment in the field. These stories regarding the Lieut.Col. are simply absurd. I have just received a letter from you. I endorse fully the bravery of Gen'l Tyler. His chief fault was his paying the Connecticut Volunteers the high compliment of believing they could fight like veterans, a compliment not at all to the taste of the Connecticut boys.

Good bye, dear mother.

Love to sisters and all.

Affec'y.,

W. T. Lusk.

_______________

Note. — Dr. Lusk once said that at the time of the mutiny among the 79th Highlanders he had one of the narrowest escapes of his life. A drunken soldier pointed a rifle at his head and fired, but a friend seeing the danger, knocked the muzzle of the gun in the air, just in time to avert catastrophy. In narrating this episode Dr. Lusk remarked with characteristic modesty, “You know I never was very brave, but when the men refused to strike the tents, the officers had to do it themselves.”

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 72-6

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, August 11, 1861

Meridian Hill, Washington.

Aug. 11th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

I have been overjoyed by a visit from Hunt, who has now probably returned home and reports me hearty and well. I have been fortunate in meeting several friends most unexpectedly during the last few days. Miss Woolsey was at our encampment on some errand of mercy yesterday evening. I saw her for a few moments, and promised to call upon her and Mrs. Howland soon, which I shall do if allowed to leave the camp. The laws are very strict though now, and I doubt whether I shall be able to leave the camp for some time to come. We are now going through a stage dreaded by all officers in the army, viz: that immediately following upon pay-day. Notwithstanding the utmost precautions the men contrive to obtain liquor, and when intoxicated are well-nigh uncontrollable, so that the utmost vigilance is needful. As the number of our officers is but small we are kept almost constantly active. When the money is once spent we will then breathe more freely. To-morrow I am to be the officer commanding the Guard, so I am scribbling a few lines rapidly to-night, as I shall be too busy to attend to such things to-morrow, and the following day too exhausted to do much after twenty-four hour's exertion. You see all the labors of an officer generally are compressed into short seasons of unexampled labor, and long periods of repose. We have now a new Colonel — Governor Stevens of Washington Territory. He seems to be a first class man. His advent among us was inaugurated by an order for us young officers to leave the pleasant rooms we occupied when Hunt was with us, and to return to our tents. This was as it should be; and other strict measures toward officers and men show that he is the right sort of a commander for a Regiment like ours, requiring a strong firm hand to govern it. I trust we may continue to be satisfied with him as our chief officer.

I begin to regard it as a little doubtful as to whether we really return to New York. Military men regard such a movement as unprecedented, and as affording a dangerous example. We will see how it is to end. You ask me regarding Gen’l Tyler! I will answer with all candor that he acted with the utmost bravery on the day of the fight. It was owing to his prompt and energetic action that once, after our Regiment was scattered, when weary and exhausted, having also (Elliott assisting) the additional burden of our wounded Captain to bear away, we escaped a cavalry charge in which many of our men were taken prisoners. When the cavalry came in sight, and all was in confusion, you could hear his quick, sharp voice rallying the disheartened to make such a stand as alone would ensure them victory. The men rallied, poured a volley of musketry into the foe galloping upon us, at the same time giving them two fatal shots from a couple of artillery pieces which luckily were in our possession — at which time I must mention the activity displayed by Ned Harland too. The fire was effective, the cavalry retreated and we marched on unharmed. Such things should shut the mouths of slander. Gen'l Tyler unfortunately played a leading part in a fatal engagement, and consequently must bear an undue share of blame. His great fault seems to have been an overweening confidence in our strength, and a great undervaluation of the enemy. Since the fight I regret to say a spirit of bitterness pervades his conversation as well as his official report of the battle.

I have just seen Lieut.-Col. Elliott, and feel more reason to hope we may return, as was before promised. Give the best of love to all,

And believe me,

Very Affec'y.,

William T. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 70-2

William Thompson Lusk to Lou Thompson, June 27, 1861

June 27th, 1861.

Dear Cousin Lou:

Did I not promise to write you, when the time came to say good-bye? Aye, oh best of women! And now I am fulfilling my promise hastily, for in an hour I shall be on my way to Washington. You must feel with me in my happiness! At length I am judged worthy to expose my life for my country's sake. I go to join the 79th Regiment. Think, Cousin Lou, I am going to see real danger, real privation, real work — not as a mere Carpet-Knight, talking valorously to girls, but going forth in all humility to help to conquer in the name of God and my Country. Pray for me, Cousin Lou! Not for my life — I never prayed for that in any hour of peril — but pray that I may never falter, whether my duty shall lead me to honor or to death.

Good-bye Cousin. Love to Mr. Grant, Cousin Laura, Cousin Henry, the children, and all friends.

Lovingly,

Willie.

Hurrah! Off in ten minutes, so Au-Revoir here or hereafter.

_____

"Life of General Isaac I. Stevens," Vol. II, p. 321.

“For many years the Highland Guard was a crack New York City Militia Battalion, composed of Scots, or men of Scottish lineage. They wore the kilt as their uniform, and, for fatigue or undress, a blue jacket with red facings, and trousers of Cameronian tartan. At the breaking out of the rebellion, the battalion was raised to a full regiment by the addition of two companies and filling up the ranks, and on May 13th, 1861, entered the United States service for three years as the 79th Highlanders, New York Volunteers. . . .

“One company contained so many bookkeepers and clerks, that it was known as the Clerk's Company.”

Page 327. In August, 1861, “the Highlanders still wore the blue jacket with red facings, but the regulation uniform as to the remainder. Later, when the jackets were worn out, they were uniformed like other troops.”

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 47-8

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, September 3, 1862

ARLINGTON HOUSE, VA., September 3, 1862.

We arrived here this morning. Everything now is changed; McClellan's star is again in the ascendant, and Pope's has faded away. The whole army has been withdrawn in the face of the enemy, around Washington, getting back to where we left last March, and now we have to defend our capital, and perhaps resist an invasion of our soil through Maryland, and all from the willful blindness of our rulers. However, this is to no purpose.

I am writing in the house occupied as the headquarters of Whipple's division. I have not time to give you a full account of all I have gone through since leaving Fredericksburg, but will briefly relate. We were ordered up to support Pope, and arrived at the railroad crossing of the Rappahannock just as Pope had found it necessary to fall back on Warrenton. From Warrenton, he, having learned they were still turning his right flank, we started to fall back on Centreville. On the 28th my brigade, the advance of McDowell's corps, was opened upon by a battery, and from that time till the night of the 30th we were pretty much manoeuvring and fighting all the time. The principal scene of the conflict was the old battle-ground of Bull Run, with this difference, that we were in the reverse position from what we occupied before, we holding the position occupied by the enemy in the old battle. The fighting continued till the night of the 30th, at which time Pope became satisfied they were in too large numbers for him and would get behind him; whereupon he withdrew to Centreville, and subsequently to Fairfax Court House; Kearney and Hooker having a fight on September 1st, when Kearney and Stevens both were killed; but we succeeded in driving the enemy for miles. The Pennsylvania Reserves were engaged throughout the whole time, and particularly distinguished themselves on the afternoon of the 30th, when our attack on the enemy's right flank having failed, they attacked us very vigorously on our left flank; when the Reserves came into action, and held them in check and drove them back, so that when other troops came up, we were enabled to save our left flank, which if we had not done, the enemy would have destroyed the whole army. That night we retreated to Centreville. In a few words, we have been, as usual, out-manoeuvred and out-numbered, and though not actually defeated, yet compelled to fall back on Washington for its defense and our own safety. On these recent battle-fields I claim, as before, to have done my duty. My services, then, should, I think, add to those previously performed, and that I may now fairly claim the command of a division. I suppose, now that McClellan is up again, all his old friends will be as affectionate as ever. I expect the enemy will follow us up, and though I hardly think they will adventure to attack Washington, yet I believe they will try to get into Maryland, and that will necessitate our moving to meet them.

I am quite well, notwithstanding we have been for the last ten days without regular food or sleep. All of my staff and most of the command are completely knocked up, but I am just as well as ever. General Reynolds has been very kind and civil to me.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 307-8