The week as usual has been busy. The faction in Congress
holds possession of the majority in both houses, yet there are signs of
restiveness, of misgiving, on the part of many. Baldwin, from the Worcester
District, Massachusetts, who is on the Directory, or Reconstruction, Committee,
assures me that Stevens has in a great measure lost his influence in that
committee. I have no doubt that Baldwin and others so believe when away from
Stevens and perhaps when with him, but without intending it or even being fully
aware of the extent to which it is carried, they are subjected, controlled, and
directed by him. They may, by appeals, modify, but not to great extent,
Stevens's plans. Baldwin intimates that action will be taken in behalf of the
Tennessee Members, admitting them to the seats to which they are elected, early
next week. The same thing has been repeated to me to-day by others. There is a
manifest feeling of the gross wrong committed by their exclusion, not only to
the State but to the Federal Union.
They have made the necessity of action in this case felt,
and Stevens has had to yield, but he will, I presume, make the proceeding
odious and unjust. Baldwin asks, Why not pass a law admitting those States? I
told him Tennessee had been admitted seventy years ago. He said he did not
strictly mean admission, but a law authorizing them to resume their relations with
the Government. I said I could not see the necessity, or even the expediency of
such a law, for, the Rebellion being suppressed, Tennessee and each of the
States resumed their position as States, and if they sent loyal men here, I
thought they should be admitted; if disloyal or unpardoned Rebels, such could
be rejected. He was, however, very tenacious on this point, and I doubt not is
committed to it. What harm, inquired he, can come from passing such a law,
preliminary to receiving the Members. I told him it was, as a general rule,
harmful to over-legislate, it is harmful to pass laws without authority, to
assume powers or to concede them; that Congress, as a body, had no business
with the election of Members, but the Constitution directs each house shall
decide for itself in regard to the members of the respective bodies. The two
houses could not legally or by any constitutional authority exclude a State or
deny it representation. It was, however, unpleasant for the President and
Congress to be in antagonism, and if it was mere form which he had in view
without objectionable points or ulterior purpose, possibly such a bill might
not be vetoed, yet I thought it very questionable, for it would be centralizing
and magnifying federal power here and dwarfing the State.
I therefore anticipate that Stevens, finding the Committee
and Congress are determined to admit the Tennessee Members to their seats, will
set to work to frame an offensive bill such as the President cannot sign, or
which, if he does sign, will discredit himself and violate his, and all
correct, principles. This, however, I am satisfied he will not do. Then on him
is to be thrown the responsibility of excluding the Tennessee Members.
I intimated to the President my conjectures, and he remarked
he was prepared for such an alternative whenever it was presented. He had, from
some quarter, been previously admonished in regard to the doings of the
Committee.
Stevens is determined to have an issue between the Executive
and Congress, and, notwithstanding a majority of Congress and of the country
deprecate such an issue, and Members to me and others express their dislike of
and opposition to Stevens, I incline to the opinion that he will, by the
working of his Directory machinery, be successful in raising that issue. Should
he, the result will be likely to rend the party, unless the minority are
subservient and tamely submissive. The Administration must be supported or
opposed. The positive and violent will oppose; the mild and passive will yield.
Congress must be with the Administration or against it. Double-dealing cannot
continue. I am apprehensive that there is treachery to the President in
quarters which he will ultimately keenly feel. Sometimes I think he suspects
the mischief, but is unwilling to have a breach just at this time and listens
to those who advise temporizing and expediency.
Sherman (Senator), after speaking against the concurrent
resolution, finally voted for it in the face of his own delivered opinion,
argument, and conviction. This is a specimen of the influence of party
discipline at this time in Congress. It is all-powerful.
Governor Dennison tells me this evening that he has written
a letter to Patterson of New Hampshire, stating that he has removed no man and
intends to remove none on account of differences between Congress and the
President, provided they belong to the Union party. I am afraid he has gone
farther than is wise in this matter, for if Stevens gets up the issue between
the President and Congress, it may be necessary for the President to relieve
himself of troublesome and officious electioneers in post-offices. I suspect
Dennison has been entrapped by fair words.
If I mistake not, the Union League organization has
contributed largely to present difficulties. It is controlled by extreme
Radicals and rules many Members of Congress. An irresponsible faction,
organized for mischief.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 —
December 31, 1866, p. 441-4
