Charles L. Vose and Others to Senator Daniel Webster, March 28, 1850

New York, March 28, 1850.

DEAR SIR,—In behalf of our fellow-citizen, Mr. Geo. W. Egleston, now in California, we transmit to you a golden chain, manufactured under his direction, from the mineral products of that portion of our country, and which he desires to present to you, as a fitting symbol of that glorious Union, of which you stand preeminently the ablest defender.

As sons of New England, and merchants of New York, we ask leave to unite in this testimony of respect, by appending to it the accompanying token, which we beg you to accept as an evidence of our high sense of the patriotism and ability which have marked your whole public career, and never more conspicuously than in your recent speech in the Senate, which maintains so strikingly the necessity of fraternal feeling between the different sections of our common country, and the solemn duty of adhering faithfully to the provisions and the spirit of the national constitution.

With high regards, we remain your friends,

CHARLES L. VOSE,

GEORGE GRISWOLD,

MOSES H. GRINNELL,

CALEB BARSTOW,

JOHN THOMAS,

ALFRED G. BENSON,

JOSEPH HOXIE,

PAUL SPOFFORD,

THOMAS TILESTON,

J. W. ALSOP, JR.,

HENRY CHAUNCEY,

GEORGE WARREN,

S. J. BEALS,

DAVIS, BROOKS, AND CO.

To the Honorable DANIEL WEBSTER, Washington, D. C.

_______________

NOTE.

On the slide of the chain, referred to in the foregoing letter, is engraved on one side the following inscription:

"To the Honorable DANIEL WEBSTER, the Defender of the Constitution, and the Advocate of the Union."

On the other side:

"From G. W. Egleston, manufactured by Woodruff & Addison, San Francisco, California, Sept. 29, 1849."

On the inner case of the watch are engraved the names of the donors.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 361

The Assault on Mr. Sumner—Indignation Meeting In New York, published June 2, 1856

NEW YORK, May 30.—A meeting was held this evening in the Tabernacle to express the indignation entertained at the assault on Senator Sumner. Long before the hour of meeting the building was crowded to overflowing with one of the most respectable audiences ever convened there. Mr. G. Griswold presided, assisted by some twenty vice-presidents, including Moses H. Grinnell, P. Perritt, President of the Chamber of Commerce, Benj. F. Butler, Ex-Mayor Havemeyer, Ex-Mayor Kingsland, Wm. C. Bryant, Wm. M. Eveasts, Erastus Brooks, and others.

A series of appropriate resolutions were adopted, in which the assault on Mr. Sumner was characterized, in the language of Senator Wilson, as “brutal, murderous and cowardly;” and calling upon the House to expel, immediately and unconditionally, Mr. Brooks from his seat.

The resolutions were advocated by Daniel D. Ford, Charles King, President of Columbia College, E. D. Morgan, John A. Stevens and others. The tenor of the speeches was that party feeling among the patriotic conservative Union loving men of the North must henceforth be sunk at the North and a united effort be made to avenge the insult put upon it.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Monday Morning, June 2, 1856, p. 2

John L. Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, December 16, 1863

Vienna,           

December 16, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: I received your letter of 25th November a few days ago, and am delighted to find you giving a good account of your health. As you say that you can find satisfaction in my stupid letters, I send you to-day another little note. Pray don't think it affected on my part when I say that I have literally nothing to write about.

We had the pleasure of a brief visit last week of a couple of charming bridal pairs — Irving Grinnell (son of my excellent friend Moses Grinnell) and his pretty, sweet little wife, who was, I believe, a Howland; and Fred d'Hauteville and his bride, a daughter of Hamilton Fish of New York — very elegant, high-bred, and handsome.

It was almost a painful pleasure to us to see Fred, for it brought more vividly to our memories his beautiful and most interesting mother, whose life was ended so sadly, just as it might have been gladdened by such a daughter. Still, although our regrets for his mother were reawakened, we were most happy to see the son, and to find how manly and high-spirited, and at the same time modest and agreeable, he seemed to be. Ah, this war is a tremendous schoolmistress, but she does turn our boys into men. And if all this campaigning has caused many tears to flow, it seems to me I had rather my son had died in the field, fighting for the loftiest and purest cause, than that he had remained in the sloth and the frivolity which form the life of too many who stay at home. I am determined to say nothing of political matters save to repeat my conviction, firm as the everlasting hills, that the only possible issue of the war is the reconstruction of the Union and the entire abolition of slavery, and such a glorious consummation is as sure as that the sun will rise to-morrow. We are all well, and send much love to the governor and yourself and all the family. The little Schleswig-Holstein fuss is in a fair way of being settled.

Ever your most affectionate son,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 350-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, January 22, 1864

Very little done at the Cabinet. Stanton, Usher, and myself were the only ones present. Some general talk and propositions. Last night the President gave a dinner to the members of the Cabinet, judges of the Supreme Court, and a few others, with their wives. It was pleasant. A little stiff and awkward on the part of some of the guests, but passed off very well.

The challenge of Fox has created some noise. When read in the Chamber of Commerce, Moses H. Grinnell appeared much disturbed, — said the Navy had no fast boats, the challenge was improper, undignified, etc. Moses unwittingly showed his true colors, — was drawn out. He has professed to be friendly, but I have not been deceived by him, for I have been satisfied that he was secretly inimical, though not with manly courage to avow it. Moses has been a successful merchant, and generous with his money in a certain way. He has some good and some weak qualities in his profession, but his great failing has been in political aspirations. With commercial party principles, no sound or correct knowledge of government, or of individual rights, he has hungered for office and believed that money ought to secure it. He has seen with envy the success of Morgan and some others, whom he believes no more capable or deserving than himself, and had hoped the change of administration would bring him into distinction. It had been his hope that Seward would have the nomination at Chicago, and he showed grief and great vexation as well as others over the result. When President Lincoln came to Washington, he was invited to, and did, breakfast with Moses at his house in New York. But these attentions failed to bring the coveted honors. He had been a large shipping merchant and why should he not be Collector or even take charge of the Navy. His friend Seward was in the Cabinet but from western New York. Moses lived in the city of New York, and was from New England. All did not answer. After the blockade was declared he came twice to Washington and wanted, evidently, to be consulted. On one, and perhaps both occasions, he brought with him C. H. Marshall, an old ship-master, opinionated, conceited, and infinitely worse than Grinnell. I treated them courteously, listened to their opinions, invited them to be communicative, but did not adopt their views. Marshall, however, declared himself well satisfied with what he understood to be the management of the Department, and Grinnell did not dissent. This was, I think, in May, 1861. Some two months, perhaps, later, Moses was again in Washington; wanted the Department to procure more vessels; urged the purchase of a fleet of merchant ships on which there might be placed a small armament to establish an efficient blockade. I gave but little attention to his advice or offers of service. Two good steamers in my opinion would be more effective than the sixty sailing vessels which he proposed to purchase. By the kindness of Mr. Seward he had an interview with the President and laid before him his plans. Charleston he would blockade with ten or a dozen ships lying off outside. I happened to enter the President's room about the time Grinnell was leaving, and he spoke quite oracularly about the “swash channel”'; repeated that expression several times. He knew the harbor and the “swash channel.” Could blockade it with ten or a dozen good ships. The President subsequently informed me of the plan of Mr. Grinnell, in the presence of the Secretary of State, and each of them kindly commended him. I told them I knew Mr. Grinnell well, but that my views did not correspond with his, and my arrangements were not such as would admit of employing him.

On several occasions since I have had the benefit of Mr. G.'s advice and promptings, but am not aware that I was ever benefited by either. His friend Marshall was sometimes artfully pushed forward and chafed into an abuse of me personally. It has been some time, however, since I have been assailed by him personally, and he does not appear to have united with Moses on this occasion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 512-4

Abraham Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, May 26, 1862

WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862.

To the SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States, and aims at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open organization in the form of a treasonable Provisional Government at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped, and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces, which had been called out by the Government for the defense of Washington, were prevented from reaching the city by organized and combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective organization for the public defense. Congress had indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It became necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the Government fall at once into ruin, or whether, availing myself of the broader powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it with all its blessings for the present age and for posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers — the heads of all the Departments — to meet on Sunday, the 20th [21st] day of April, 1861, at the office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the commercial marine, and especially the California treasure ships, then on their way to this coast. I also directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, five steam-ships, for purposes of public defense. I directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number for the same purpose. I directed the commandant at New York to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, or charter and arm, and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions were given to Commodore Du Pont with a view to the opening of passages by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the matter of His Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, Governor of New York, or in his absence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were by my direction especially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his Department in that crisis in matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the public defense. On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alexander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war in aid and assistance of the officers of the Army of the United States until communication by mails and telegraph should be completely re-established between the cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to be given by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other. On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, $2,000,000 of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon military and naval measures necessary for the defense and support of the Government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and to report their transactions when duly called upon.

The several departments of the Government at that time contained so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide safely, through official agents only, for the performance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and patriotism. The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the sea-board cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the Northern Lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any authority of law, the Government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as objections to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily overruled. I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in these words:

Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money, and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent public officers were available, and by involving the Government in a vast number of contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and deserves the censure of the House.

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously entertained by the heads of Departments, who participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives has censured. It is due Mr. Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not only the President but all the other heads of Departments were at least equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 73-5

Circular of the Union Defence Committee of the City of New York, April 24, 1861.

Union Defence Committee of the City of New York,

No. 30 Pine Street, April 24, 1861.

Sir, — At a meeting of the citizens of New York, held on Saturday, 20th instant, a committee was appointed to represent the citizens in the collection of funds, and the transaction of such other business in aid of the movements of the government as the public interests might require.

The undersigned have been appointed a Committee of Correspondence, in behalf of the General Committee constituted at the public meeting, and take leave respectfully to say that they will be happy to receive any communications of information, advice, or suggestion on the subject of the present state of public affairs, and to convey any information which they possess or may receive that will advance the public interests.

With this view they subjoin a copy of the organization of the Union Defence Committee and the address of each member of the Committee of Correspondence, and beg that any subject of interest may be communicated, either by mail or by telegraph, to any member of the General Committee, and they promise immediate attention thereto.

They beg to be advised of the organization of any similar committees of citizens with which they may put themselves in communication.

With great respect, your obedient servants,

Hamilton Fish,	Committee of Correspondence
William M. Evarts,
Edwards Pierrepont,
James T. Brady,
John J. Cisco,

N.B. — The Committee has rooms at No. 30 Pine Street, open all day; and at Fifth Avenue Hotel, open in the evening.

Committee.

JOHN A. DIX,	MOSES TAYLOR,
MOSES H. GRINNELL,	EDWARDS PIERREPONT,
ROYAL PHELPS,	RICHARD M. BLATCHFORD,
WILLIAM E. DODGE,	ALEXANDER T. STEWART
GREENE C. BRONSON,	HAMILTON FISH,
WILLIAM M. EVARTS,	SAMUEL SLOAN,
JOHN J. CISCO,	JOHN JACOB ASTOR,
JAMES T. BRADY.	WM. F. HAVEMEYER,
SIMEON DRAPER,	CHARLES H. RUSSELL,
JAMES S. WADSWORTH,	RUDOLPH A. WITTHAUS,
ISAAC BELL,	CHARLES H. MARSHALL,
JAMES BOORMAN,	PROSPER M. WETMORE,
ABIEL A. LOW,	ROBERT H. McCURDY
THEODORE DEHON,	AUGUSTUS C. RICHARDS

Ex-officio.

FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor,	HENRY W. GENET, President of Board of Aldermen.
ROBERT T. HAWS, Comptroller,	MORGAN JONES, President of Board of Councilmen.

President. 

JOHN A. DIX.

Vice-President. 

SIMEON DRAPER.

Secretary. 

WILLIAM M. EVARTS.

Treasurer. 

THEODORE DEHON.

Executive Committee.

SIMEON DRAPER, Chairman,	PROSPER M. WETMORE,
JAMES S. WADSWORTH,	JOHN J. ASTOR,
MOSES H. GRINNELL,	AUGUSTUS C. RICHARDS,
ISAAC BELL,	RICHARD M. BLATCHFORD,
SAMUEL SLOAN,	CHARLES H. MARSHALL.

                                                                                               

Committee on Finance.

CHAS. H. RUSSELL, Chairman,	THEODORE DEHON,		ABIEL A. LOW.
MOSES TAYLOR,		JAMES BOORMAN.

Committee of Collections and Subscriptions.

A. T. STEWART, Chairman,	WM. E. DODGE,	ROBT. H. McCURDY,
WM. F. HAVEMEYER,	ROYAL PHELPS,	R. A. WITTHAUS

Committee of Correspondence and Publications.

HAMILTON FISH, Chairman, No. 134 E. Seventeenth Street,

WM. M. EVARTS, No. 2 Hanover St.,

E. PIERREPONT, No. 16 Wall St.,

JAS. T. BRADY, No. 111 Broadway,

JOHN J. CISCO, No. 52 Wall Street.

SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 11-12

John M. Forbes to Moses H. Grinnell, July 6, 1861

Boston, July 6,1861.

Thank you for your telegram. I wrote you last Sunday in substance as follows: —

We are obliterating party lines, which is all the fashion, especially with the Outs. Why not do so with state lines? Of all the men who should go abroad, Lothrop Motley would do most credit to the administration. He was shut off by Adams and Burlingame, much to our regret, and to the loss of the country. He is a Republican from the start, a linguist, and the historian of the day. Now that Burlingame has been banished to China, why not send Motley to Vienna? It would be a delicate matter for Massachusetts to press, as she has two foreign missions, but if the suggestion came from you, upon considerations of public interest, I should think Mr. Seward would not hesitate to appoint him. We have not, outside of London and Sardinia, a very strong representation in Europe, and it does strike me this would strengthen the administration.

If you agree with me, and will push it, you can do it, and I know it will be applauded, as Mr. Irving's appointment, you remember, was universally. It would be a compliment to literature rather than to our State. . . .

I hope to see Congress organize a mercantile navy, and put you at the head of a commission to sit in New York, and see to it. Buy clipper ships, and commission the captains with good rank for the war!

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 225