Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: April 12, 1864

Another beautiful but warm day with no news. Insects of all descriptions making their appearance, such as, lizards, a worm four or five inches long, fleas, maggots &c. There is so much filth about the camp that it is terrible trying to live here. New prisoners are made sick the first hours of their arrival by the stench which pervades the prison. Old prisoners do not mind it so much, having become used to it, No visitors come near us any more. Everybody sick, almost, with scurvy — an awful disease. New cases every day. I am afraid some contagious disease will get among us, and if so every man will die. My blanket a perfect Godsend. Is large and furnishes shelter from the burning sun. Hendryx has a very sore arm which troubles him much. Even he begins to look and feel bad. James Gordan, or Gordenian, (I don't know which) was killed to day by the guard. In crossing the creek on a small board crossway men are often shot. It runs very near the dead line, and guards take the occasion to shoot parties who put their hands on the dead line in going across. Some also reach up under the dead line to get purer water, and are shot Men seemingly reckless of their lives New prisoners coming in and are shocked at the sights.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 50-1

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: April 11, 1864

Dr Lewis is very bad off with the scurvy and diarrhea. We don't think he can stand it much longer, but make out to him that he will stick it through. Our government must hear of our condition here and get us away before long. If they don't, its a poor government to tie to. Hendryx and myself are poor, as also are all the mess. Still in good health compared with the generality of the prisoners. Jimmy Devers has evidently sort of dried up, and it don't seem to make any difference whether he gets anything to eat or not. He has now been a prisoner of war nearly a year, and is in good health and very hopeful of getting away in time. Sticks up for our government and says there is some good reason for our continued imprisonment. I can see none As many as 12,000 men here now, and crowded for room. Death rate is in the neighborhood of eighty per day. Hendryx prowls around all over the prison, bringing us what good news he can, which is not much. A very heavy dew nights, which is almost a rain Rebels very domineering. Many are tunneling to get out. Our tunnel has been abandoned, as the location was not practicable. Yank shot to-day near our quarters. Approached too near the dead line. Many of the men have dug down through the sand and reached water, but it is poor; no better than out of the creek.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 50

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: March 30, 1864

The gate opens every little while letting some poor victims into this terrible place, which is already much worse than Belle Isle. Seems as if our government is at fault in not providing some way to get us out of here, the hot weather months must kill us all outright. Feel myself at times sick and feverish with no strength seemingly. Dr. Lewis worries, worries, all the day long, and it's all we can do to keep him from giving up entirely. Sergt. Rowe takes things as they come in dogged silence. Looks like a caged lion. Hendryx sputters around, scolding away, &c.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 45

Diary of Private Charles Wright Wills: June 13, 1861

Cairo. I am converted to the belief that Cairo is not such a bad place after all. The record shows that less deaths have occurred here in seven weeks among 3,000 men, than in Villa Ridge (a higher, and much dryer place with abundant shade and spring water), in five weeks among 1,000. There has been but one death here by disease in that time, and that with miserable hospital accommodations. The soldiers lie like the d---1 about Cairo. The days are hot of course, but we do nothing now between 8 a. m. and 9 p. m. but cook and eat, so that amounts to not near as much as working all day at home. The mosquitoes and bugs are furious from 6 p. m. to 11, but we are drilling from 7 p. m. to nearly 9, and from that to 11 we save ourselves by smoking, which we all do pretty steadily. The nights after 11 are splendidly cool, so much so that we can cover ourselves entirely in our blankets, which is a block game on the mosquitoes, and sleep like logs. I believe those Camp Mather boys are hard sticks from the accounts we get of their fingers sticking to chickens, vegetables, etc. The citizens here say that the boys have not taken a thing without permission, or insulted a citizen. “Bully for us.”

We had a little fun yesterday. At 8 p. m. we (the Peoria and Pekin companies) were ordered to get ready for marching in ten minutes. So ready we got (but had to leave knapsacks, canteens and blankets) and were marched down to the “City of Alton,” which had on board a six pounder and one 12 pound howitzer. We cast off, fired a salute of two guns and steamed down the Mississippi. After five miles the colonel (Oglesby) called us together, told us that he was out on a reconoitering expedition, and his information led him to think we should be forced into a little fight before we got back. We were then ordered to load and keep in our places by our guns. At Columbus we saw a secesh flag waving but passed on a couple of miles farther where he expected to find a secesh force. Failed and turned back. At Columbus the flag was still waving and the stores all closed, and quite a crowd collected on the levee, but one gun though, that we could see. The colonel ordered the flag down. They said they wouldn't do it. He said he would do it himself then. They answered, “We'd like to see you try it.” We were drawn up then round the cabin deck guards next the shore in two ranks, with guns at “ready,” and the captain jumped ashore and hauled down the serpent. We were all sure of a skirmish but missed it. Flag was about 15x7, with eight stars and three stripes. I send you some scraps of it. They raised another flag one hour after we left and sent us word to “Come and take it.” The ride on the river was the best treat I've had for two years.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 17-9

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes August 5, 1862

Green Meadows, August 6 [5], i862.

Dearest: — Adjutant Avery, Lieutenant Hastings, and some good men go home on recruiting service.

I have nothing to say this hot day. I have still some hope that things will so work together as to allow me to see you during the next month or two. At present no leaves of absence are granted to officers appointed in new regiments. I do not know how this will affect the appointees for the Seventy-ninth. If they choose to turn us out, all right. I am indifferent. Indeed, leaving the Twenty-third is an unpleasant thing to contemplate. When I look at the neat, hardy, healthy, contented young fellows who make up nine-tenths of the regiment, and contrast their appearance with a mob of raw recruits — dirty, sickly, lawless, and complaining, I can't help feeling that I should be a great fool to accept the new position.

But there are other considerations which influence me in the other direction, and so I quietly dodge the question for the present. To see “all the boys” and your own dear self, that is a great matter, and I think, if things go on as I anticipate, that circumstances will decide me for the Seventy-ninth, always provided these stringent orders as to absence don't cut me out of the chance.

Dr. Joe has been for three or four days quite sick. He is now up and about again. He complains that he gets no letters.

Later. — Dr. Joe is content. He has got two letters — one from you and one from Mother. I have yours of the 26th. Yes, we feel a good deal alike about leaving the Twenty-third. Well, I have no official notice as to what I am to do. But I have official notice that no leave of absence is granted for the purpose of recruiting new regiments. So the question as to whether I go or stay is likely to decide itself. So let it do. Love to all the boys.

Affectionately ever,

R.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 317-8

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, July 29, 1862

Camp Green Meadows, July 29, 1862.

Dear Mother: — I received a letter from you dated the 17th July — one from William dated 22d July, and another from you dated June 3, yesterday. I begin to have hopes that your birthday letter may yet turn up. Letters are rarely lost, even in this region. The Rebels captured one of our mails early in May, and may have got your letter.

I am glad you are enjoying so much. It is not at all unlikely that I may have an opportunity to visit you in August or September for a day or two. I shall do so if it is possible without neglecting duty.

We are not as busy here as we would like to be, but we are delightfully camped, and among a friendly people. The greater part of them are preparing to move to Ohio and Indiana, fearing that we may go off and let the Rebels in to destroy them. We receive many letters at this camp from Rebels who are in Camp Chase as prisoners. Their wives and relatives call almost daily to inquire about them and for letters.

Last Sunday I dined at a Union citizen's near here. There were eleven women there whose husbands or brothers were at Camp Chase. I took over a lot of letters for them. Some were made happy, others not so. There had been sickness and death at the prison, and the letters brought tears as well as smiles.

Good-bye. — Affectionately, your son,

Rutherford.

Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 312-3

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, July 6, 1862

Flat Top Mountain, July 6, 1862.

Dearest: — Sunday afternoon about 4 P. M. — hotter than ever. I have just finished reading your letter written last Sunday at Chillicothe. I am very glad you are so happily homed at Uncle Scott's. It is far better- up on that beautiful hill with such kind friends, young and old, than in a hot and dirty city. You cannot think oftener of me than I do of you and the dear ones around you; no, nor more lovingly.

I knew you would be troubled when Fremont was relieved from duty, and perhaps still more when you hear of McClellan's repulse before Richmond. These things appear to postpone the termination of the war; but are such disasters as must be looked for in such a contest. We must make up our minds that we have a heavy work, and that reverses must frequently occur.

We have no right to complain of our lot. We have a beautiful and healthy camp, with the enemy in front, strong enough to keep us busy holding our position, without much danger of losing it. It is the common opinion that if the reverse before Richmond has been serious, we shall be sent to eastern Virginia, and I may add that it is the universal wish that we may see some of the movements that are going on there.

Drs. Joe and Jim are both very well and with little to do. Our loss by sickness during the last three months is only three.

Dr. Joe and I sent early in June to your address nine hundred and fifty dollars. Did you get it? It is important we should know if it has failed to reach you. As letters miscarry sometimes, be sure to speak of it in two or three letters.

I got from Mr. Stephenson a Harper and Atlantic for July today. All reading matter is in the greatest demand. . . .

It is not of much consequence to Boggs whether he returns or not; yet he ought to be allowed to do it. If a soldier is well enough to be a nurse he can be useful with his regiment. If he can neither nurse nor march, he can get his pay or a discharge easier here than elsewhere. But we will do our best for the man.

Think of it, the Fourth was a lovely day but we sat around a fire in the evening and slept under blanket and coverlid. . . .

Good-bye, darling. Don't get downhearted about the war and our separation. It will all come right, and then how happy we shall be — happier than if we had not known this year's experience.

Affectionately ever, your

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 297-8

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant George G. Smith: August 8, 1864

Captain Felton being sick and myself in command of the company, of course I must take his place on guard duty as officer of the day. It was the first time I had worn my sash over my shoulder and of course I did not feel altogether insignificant.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 129

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Friday, April 7, 1865

Had bad cold & did not rest any too well last night did not get up until called to breakfast. sky has the appearance of rain. I go to the camp of our teams in the rear to draw clothing for the co, send it over by Bowman & go on to the Commissary to get some grub for our mess see a train starting to Steele who is said to have taken Blakely destroying with his artillery every house but one, he can not hold his army in the town on account of the Reb iron clads shelling him out. A sergent from Steeles comd. says the Mobile paper states their loss the 1st day we came in here at 400 killed & wounded, estimates our loss at double that when in fact it was not over 100 begins to rain while I am at the com. 1 stop at camp of teams to talk to Capt & wait for the rain to cease Capt is getting along finely & expects to be for duty within a week, he tells me of one of the 35th Wis who had his leg blown off by the explosion of a torpedo in the road not far from his camp, ceases raining & I retire to camp at 11 o clock, after dinner issue the clothing & then work on our bomb-proofs except about an hour from 1.30 to 2.30 while it was raining, heavy detail for picket from our regt. co I is out tonight for a reserve & a detail of 2 com. off & 69 men in front with orders to advance the line. Each man takes a spade. At, 11 P. M. heavy firing on the Right of Smiths corp small arms used much there are a great many reports flying about camp, of which the following are some, & I cant say they are true or false. Faragut has arrived & taken comd of the fleet. a chain of 78 torpedos was taken up. a mine is nearly completed under the forts.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 585

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: Monday, November 17, 1862

Made the accustomed details. Papers from home, Herald, the 8th. Archie gave me a bottle of pickles. Lay still in the tent. Boys got a stove and had a good fire. At night feverish again. Very hot fire.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 44

Diary of Brigadier-General William F. Bartlett: September 23, 1864

The boat does not go this morning, some delay, to-morrow now. To-night the roll is brought in for us to sign. My name leads it again. Fisher the flanker is down to go. Brady goes too. Arthur alone of the quartette is left. The last night in Libby! I was taken with a bad diarrhoea, up all night, very weak.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 142

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Saturday, November 15, 1862

Alarm at 4. Saddled and packed up. At nine in line on account of firing heard. Proved to be Capt. Greenough fighting a scouting party. Enemy moved camp about a mile to the prairie west, a little nearer the other brigades. I still felt pretty bad — another slight chill. Lay down by fire but could not keep warm. Fever some worse in the night.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 44

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Friday, November 14, 1862

At 2 A. M. moved a mile to the other mill, then lay down by the fire till sunrise. Marched most of the day in the woods, southwest. Found the command encamped at some good springs. I felt very tired and sick, sore throat and chill. Went to bed early. Capt. Seward came in. Had been with 200 men, some 2nd O. to Cane Hill. Had a skirmish with enemy. None hurt.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 43-4

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Thursday, November 13, 1862

Felt most sick. Had a slight chill — I suppose — afterwards feverish. Moved camp late in the afternoon on account of a report by an old man who came in with two conscript deserters to join our army, that a force of cavalry of 9,000 were moving north, then at Cane Hill. Before midnight orders came to join our commands. Got breakfast and saddled at 2 A. M.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 43

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Tuesday, November 11, 1862

Capt. went to camp and left me in charge of Det. Wrote letters home and to Fannie. Felt most sick during the day. Did little. Read the Independent in the evening.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 43

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: December 12, 1863

At just daylight I got up and was walking around the prison to see if any Michigan men had died through the night, and was just in time to see a young fellow come out of his tent nearly naked and deliberately walk up the steps that lead over the bank. Just as he got on the top the guard fired; sending a ball through his brain, and the poor fellow fell dead in the ditch. I went and got permission to help pull him out. He had been sick for a number of days and was burning up with fever, and no doubt deranged at the time, else he would have known better than to have risked his life in such a manner. His name was Perry McMichael, and he was from Minnesota Perhaps he is better off, and a much easier death than to die of disease as he undoubtedly would in a few days longer. The work of issuing clothing slowly goes on. In place of Gen. Dow. Col. Sanderson comes over on parole of honor; and is not liked at all. Is of New York and a perfect tyrant; treats us as bad or worse than the rebels themselves. Col. Boyd also comes occasionally and is a perfect gentleman. Talked to me to-day concerning Sanderson's movements, and said if he got through to our lines should complain of him to the authorities at Washington. He took down notes in his diary against him.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 17-8

Diary of 5th Sergeant Alexander G. Downing: Monday, June 12, 1865

The boats ran all night, and we passed Cincinnati about 1 a. m. At daylight we landed at Ornod, Indiana, remaining there about two hours, till the fog lifted. We arrived at Louisville about 4 p. m., and disembarking, marched out about eight miles below town where we went into bivouac. This is a miserable place for the troops to camp, being very low, the next thing to a swamp, and heavily timbered; we cannot remain here long without its resulting in a great deal of sickness.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 282

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 24, 1861

In the morning we found ourselves in chopping little sea-way for which the “Nina” was particularly unsuited, laden as she was with provisions and produce. Eyes and glasses anxiously straining seawards for any trace of the blockading vessels. Every sail scrutinized, but no “stars and stripes” visible.

Our captain — a good specimen of one of the inland-water navigators, shrewd, intelligent, and active, — told me a good deal about the country. He laughed at the fears of the whites as regards the climate. “Why, here am I,” said he, “going up the river, and down the river all times of the year, and at times of day and night when they reckon the air is most deadly, and I've done so for years without any bad effects. The planters whose houses I pass all run away in May, and go off to Europe, or to the piney wood, or to the springs, or they think they'd all die. There's Captain Buck, who lives above here, — he comes from the State of Maine. He had only a thousand dollars to begin with, but he sets to work and gets land on the Maccamaw River at twenty cents an acre. It was death to go nigh it, but it was first-rate rice land, and Captain Buck is now worth a million of dollars. He lives on his estate all the year round, and is as healthy a man as ever you seen.”

To such historiettes my planting friends turn a deaf ear. “I tell you what,” said Pringle, “just to show you what kind our climate is. I had an excellent overseer once, who would insist on staying near the river, and wouldn't go away. He fought against it for more than five-and-twenty years, but he went down with fever at last.” As the overseer was more than thirty years of age when he came to the estate, he had not been cut off so very suddenly. I thought of the quack's advertisement of the “bad leg of sixty years' standing.” The captain says the negroes on the river plantations are very well off. He can buy enough of pork from the slaves on one plantation to last his ship's crew for the whole winter. The money goes to them, as the hogs are their own. One of the stewards on board had bought himself and his family out of bondage with his earnings. The State in general, however, does not approve of such practices.

At three o'clock, P. M., ran into Charleston harbor, ant landed soon afterwards.

I saw General Beauregard in the evening: he was very lively and in good spirits, though he admitted he was rather surprised by the spirit displayed in the North. “A good deal of it is got up, however,” he said, “and belongs to that washy sort of enthusiasm which is promoted by their lecturing and spouting.” Beauregard is very proud of his personal strength, which for his slight frame is said to be very extraordinary, and he seemed to insist on it that the Southern men had more physical strength, owing to their mode of life and their education, than their Northern “brethren.” In the evening held a sort of tabaks consilium in the hotel, where a number of officers  — Manning, Lucas, Chestnut, Calhoun, &c, — discoursed of the affairs of the nation. All my friends, except Trescot, I think were elated at the prospect of hostilities with the North, and overjoyed that a South Carolina regiment had already set out for the frontiers of Virginia.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 135-6

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Tuesday, November 1, 1864

We started early this morning and marched through to Cedartown and went into bivouac for the night. I was taken sick this morning and had to ride all day in the ambulance. This was my first experience in the ambulance.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 225

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Friday, January 3, 1862

Last evening threatened snow but too cold. Today cold and dry. P. M. 4 o'clock began to rain; may rain for a month now.

Charles, an honest-looking contraband — six feet high, stout-built, thirty-six years old, wife sold South five years ago,— came in today from Union, Monroe County. He gives me such items as the following: Footing boots $9 to $10. New boots $18 to $20. Shoes $4 to $4.50. Sugar 25 to 30 [cents a pound], coffee 62½ , tea $1.50, soda 62½, pepper 75, bleached domestic 40 to 50 [cents a yard.] Alex Clark [his master], farmer near Union (east of it), Monroe County, one hundred and fifty (?) miles from Fayetteville — fifty miles beyond (?) Newbern. Started Saturday eve at 8 P. M., reached Raleigh next Monday night; crossed New River at Packs Ferry. (Packs a Union man.)

Companies broken up in Rebel army by furloughs, discharges, and sickness. Rich men's sons get discharges. Patrols put out to keep slaves at home. They tell slaves that the Yankees cut off arms of some negroes to make them worthless and sell the rest in Cuba for twenty-five hundred dollars each to pay cost of war. “No Northern gentlemen fight — only factory men thrown out of employ.” They (the negroes) will fight for the North if they find the Northerners are such as they think them.

Union is a larger and much finer town than Fayetteville. William Erskine, keeper of Salt Sulphur Springs, don't let Rebels stay in his houses. Suspected to be a Union man. Lewisburg three times as large as Fayetteville. Some Fayetteville people there. People in Greenbrier [County] don't want to fight any more.

General Augustus Chapman the leading military man in Monroe. Allen T. Capelton, the other mem[ber] of Legislature, Union man, had his property taken by them. Named Joshua Seward, farmer. Henry Woolwine, ditto, for Union, farmer, [living] near Union — three and three and one-half miles off. Dr. Ballard a good Union man (storekeeper) on the road from Giles to Union, twelve miles from Peterstown, also robbed by Floyd. Wm. Ballard and a large connection, all Union men — all in Monroe. Oliver Burns and Andrew Burns contributed largely to the Rebels. John Eckles in Union has a fine brick house — a Rebel colonel. Rebels from towards Lynchburg and Richmond would come by way of Covington, forty-five miles from Union. Landlords of principal hotel Rebels — one at Manassas. Two large, three-story high-school buildings, opposite sides of the street, on the hill this end of town. “Knobs,” or “Calder's Peak,” three miles from town. A hilly country, but more cleared and better houses than about Fayetteville.

They “press” poor folks' horses and teams not the rich folks'. Poor folks grumble at being compelled to act as patrols to keep rich men's negroes from running off. “When I came with my party, eleven of us, in sight of your pickets, I hardly knew what to do. If you were such people as they had told us, we would suffer. Some of the party turned to run. A man with a gun called out halt. I saw through the fence three more with guns. They asked, ‘Who comes there?’ I called out ‘Friends.’ The soldier had his gun raised; he dropped it and said: ‘Boys, these are some more of our colored friends,’ and told us to ‘come on, not to be afraid,’ that we were safe. Oh, I never felt so in my life. I could cry, I was so full of joy. And I found them and the major (Comly) and all I have seen so friendly — such perfect gentlemen, just as we hoped you were, but not as they told us you were.”

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 175-7