Proclamation of Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks, January 11, 1864

PROCLAMATION.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,                  

New Orleans, January 11, 1864.

 TO THE PEOPLE OF LOUISIANA:

I. In pursuance of authority vested in me by the President of the United States, and upon consultation with many representative men of different interests, being fully assured that more than a tenth of the population desire the earliest possible restoration of Louisiana to the Union, I invite the loyal citizens of the State qualified to vote in public affairs, as hereinafter prescribed, to assemble in the election precincts designated by law, or at such places as may hereafter be established, on the 22d day of February, 1864, to cast their votes for the election of State officers herein named, viz: Governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary of state, treasurer, attorney-general, superintendent of public instruction, auditor of public accounts, who shall, when elected, for the time being, and until others are appointed by competent authority, constitute the civil government of the State, under the constitution and laws of Louisiana, except so much of the said constitution and laws as recognize, regulate, or relate to slavery, which, being inconsistent with the present condition of public affairs and plainly inapplicable to any class of persons now existing within its limits, must be suspended, and they are therefore and hereby declared to be inoperative and void. This proceeding is not intended to ignore the right of property existing prior to the rebellion, nor to preclude the claim for compensation of loyal citizens for losses sustained by enlistments or other authorized acts of the Government.

II. The oath of allegiance prescribed by the President's proclamation, with the condition affixed to the elective franchise by the constitution of Louisiana, will constitute the qualification of voters in this election. Officers elected by them will be duly installed in their offices on the 4th day of March, 1864.

III. The registration of voters, effected under the direction of the Military Governor and the several Union associations, not inconsistent with the proclamation, or other orders of the President, are confirmed and approved.

IV. In order that the organic law of the State may be made to conform to the will of the people, and harmonize with the spirit of the age, as well as to maintain and preserve the ancient landmarks of civil and religious liberty, an election of delegates to a convention for the revision of the constitution will be held on the first Monday of April, 1864. The basis of representation, the number of delegates, and the details of election will be announced in subsequent orders.

V. Arrangements will be made for the early election of members of Congress for the State.

VI. The fundamental law of the State is martial law. It is competent and just for the Government to surrender to the people, at the earliest possible moment, so much of military power as may be consistent with the success of military operation; to prepare the way by prompt and wise measures for the full restoration of the State to the Union and its power to the people; to restore their ancient and unsurpassed prosperity; to enlarge the scope of agricultural and commercial industry, and to extend and confirm the dominion of rational liberty. It is not within human power to accomplish these results without some sacrifice of individual prejudices and interests. Problems of state too complicate for the human mind have been solved by the national cannon. In great civil convulsions the agony of strife enters the souls of the innocent as well as the guilty. The Government is subject to the law of necessity, and must consult the condition of things rather than the preferences of men, and if so be that its purposes are just and its measures wise, it has the right to demand that questions of personal interest and opinion shall be subordinate to the public good. When the national existence is at stake and the liberties of the people in peril, faction is treason.

The methods herein proposed submit the whole question of government directly to the people. First, by the election of executive officers faithful to the Union, to be followed by a loyal representation in both Houses of Congress, and then by a convention which will confirm the action of the people and recognize the principles of freedom in the organic law. This is the wish of the President. The anniversary of Washington's birth is a fit day for the commencement of so grand a work. The immortal Father of his Country was never guided by a more just and benignant spirit than that of his successor in office, the President of the United States. In the hour of our trial let us heed his admonitions.

Louisiana in the opening of her history sealed the integrity of the Union by conferring upon its Government the Valley of the Mississippi. In the war for independence upon the sea she crowned a glorious struggle against the first maritime power of the world by a victory unsurpassed in the annals of war. Let her people now announce to the world the coming restoration of the Union, in which the ages that follow us have a deeper interest than our own, by the organization of a free government, and her fame will be immortal.

N. P. BANKS,                       

Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 22-3

Amos A. Lawrence to David R. Atchison, March 31, 1855

(cottage Farm Near) Boston, March 31, 1855.

My Dear Sir, — I take the liberty to address you upon a subject in which I have a common interest with yourself, viz.: the settlement of Kansas. Since the repeal of the “Missouri Compromise” by the last Congress, this Territory has attracted the attention of distant not less than of the neighboring States; for it is evident that there must be decided the question whether there shall be slave or free labor over a vast region of the United States now unsettled. You and your friends would make slave States, and we wish to prevent your doing so. The stake is a large one, and the ground chosen. Let the fight be a fair one. It is to secure this that I address you. Your influence is requisite to restrain your people from doing great injustice to actual settlers, and provoking them to retaliatory measures, the consequences of which would be most deplorable. I beg you, my dear sir, to use your efforts to avert so great an evil.

Let the contest be waged honorably, for unless it be so, no settlement of the question can ever be final. It is already reported here that large bodies of Missourians will cross over merely to vote, and that they may gain this election as they did the last. But how delusive to suppose that settlers who have come from one to two thousand miles with their families will acquiesce in any election gained by such means, or that any future election can be satisfactory which is not conducted according to law. The advantage of proximity is yours; your people can afford to be not only just, but generous, in this matter. The repeal of the law which secured this Territory against the introduction of slavery is considered by most men in the “free States” to be a breach of the national faith; and it is not unreasonable for those who have gone there to find a home to expect a compliance with the laws as they are. Those from New England have gone in good faith and at their own expense. They are chiefly farmers; but among them are good representatives from all professions. Some have considerable property, but all have rights and principles which they value more than money, and, I may say, more than life itself. Neither is there any truth in the assertion that they are abolitionists. No person of that stripe is known to have gone from here; nor is it known here that any such have gone from other States. But oppression may make them abolitionists of the most dangerous kind.

There has been much said in regard to an extensive organization here, which is wholly untrue. I assure you, sir, that what has been undertaken here will be carried on fairly and equitably. The management is in the hands of men of prudence, of wealth and determination; they are not politicians, nor are they aspirants for office: they are determined, if it be possible, to see that justice is done to those who have ventured their all in that Territory. May I not hope, sir, that you will second this effort to see that the contest shall be carried on fairly? If fairly beaten you may be sure that our people will acquiesce, however reluctant; but they never will yield to injustice.

Respectfully yours,

A. A. L.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 89-92

Amos A. Lawrence to Congressman Thomas Hart Benton, January 2, 1855

Boston, January 2, 1855.

Dear Sir, — . . . It has been asserted that the emigrants have had their expenses paid to go to Kansas and vote. In your published speech you say that the same game may have been played on both sides.

As you love to know the truth and to defend it, I will state that not one man has gone from New England who has had his expenses paid, even in part. I am the treasurer and a trustee of the only New England society which has sent out settlers, and know that all the money collected has been spent in erecting school-houses, temporary huts, steam saw and grist mill, in purchasing a tavern in the town of Kansas, Mo., and for similar purposes, and for nothing worse.

In soliciting subscriptions or receiving them, it is usual to allow the subscriber to take and pay for it as stock, say $200, and to receive a certificate of it, as in any other stock company; or to give outright, for the same, $100. Many prefer to give the money; that is, they do not value the stock at half price. None has ever been sold, nor would it sell at over one half; nor do I believe that there is a stockholder who would not have taken three fourths of the cost the moment when he paid the money. It is what those who favor it call a “patriotic” movement, to bring into active and healthy life a new State, and to keep slavery out of it; to get good institutions in, and to keep a bad institution out. Those “sent out” have not been abolitionists; so far as we know, not one known to be of that stamp has gone in our parties. They are free to vote and to do as they please. The society has no agreement with them nor pledge, nor are they asked any questions; since it is presumed that all New England men think alike about the iniquity of the measure of the last session, and as you do.

Yours truly,

A. A. L.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 86-8

Samuel Gridley Howe to Stephen Fairbanks, November 17, 1848

Nov. 17, ’48.

Hon. S. Fairbanks.

Dear Sir: — In reply to your question the other day whether there was any truth in the story that I led blind persons to the polls, on the last election day, and guided their hands to the ballot box while they dropped in their votes, I said that there was not, and that probably there was no foundation for it.

I now learn that there was some foundation for the story. One of our teachers, who is blind, wished to vote, and our principal teacher, Mr. Littlefield, led him to the polls, and guided his hand to the ballot box.

From the satisfaction which you manifested when I told you the story was untrue, I am led to believe that you regard the act of helping a blind man to vote as an improper one: and I know that you have so much rectitude of purpose and so much kindness of heart that you will be glad to be disabused of such an error.

I consider the act of Mr. Littlefield as perfectly proper; and I should feel ashamed of myself if I could hesitate a moment about leading any blind man to the polls, and guiding his hand to the ballot box, if he was duly qualified and wished to vote.

Look at it, my dear Sir, for one moment, and if there ever was the shadow of doubt in your mind about the propriety of the thing it will vanish away.

We endeavour by all means in our power to inspire the blind with a proper degree of self-respect; we educate them for the world, for citizens of a free country; and when their education is finished, we bid them go out into the world and take their place among men. The blind person whom Mr. Littlefield led to the polls is a most intelligent, high-minded, and worthy young man.

He was trained here in our school: he afterwards went through college, and graduated with honour. He feels the same interest in the general politics and welfare of the country that you and I do; he is as desirous as we are of discharging all the duties of a freeman, and exercising all the privileges of a voter; and why should he not vote?

I say nothing about the practice so common here of paying for carriages to carry the old, the feeble, or the lazy to the polls, out of a fund to which our wealthy men contribute; but I ask you, if on the morning of the election you had met one of your friends who had by accident lamed himself, and injured his arm so as not to be able to hold his hand steadily, and he asked you for your aid, would you not have given him your arm to lean upon as he walked to the polls, and even steadied his hand, if he so wished, while he dropped his vote? And shall I refuse my aid to my fellow man because he is afflicted with the dreadful calamity of blindness? God forbid!

But it would be an insult to your understanding and to your heart to suppose that any argument is necessary to convince you of the propriety of Mr. Littlefield's action.

If you should think the matter worth mentioning to your informant, please say, that Dr. Howe did not lead a blind man to the polls, and guide his hand to the ballot box at the late election, but that he regrets that he had not the opportunity of doing such a kind and righteous act.

Now that I am upon the subject, let me say that if I had chosen to exercise my influence here, and especially if I had, as is often done in Boston, paid the poll tax for others, I might have sent more than half a dozen persons to the polls from this house, every one of whom, probably, would have voted the Free-soil ticket.

But I did no such thing. I leave the inmates to make up their own mind on political matters, taking care that they shall have the means of getting that side of the question that they would not be likely to get from me. The only newspapers that have been regularly supplied to them and paid for by the Institution are the Daily Advertiser, the Courier, and the Evening Journal, all staunch Whig papers; and if they have not been able to convince the blind of the correctness of the doctrines they teach, it is their own fault.

Excuse this long intrusion upon your patience and believe me

Very truly yours,

S. G. Howe.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 296-8

Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Edwin M. Stanton, November 7, 1864

Headquarters, City Of New York, Nov. 7, 1864.

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary Of War:

Sir: — I beg leave to report that the troops detailed for duty here have all arrived and dispositions made which will insure quiet.

I enclose a copy of my order and I trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent the secessionists from voting and think have had some effect.

I think I may be able to punish some of the rascals for their crimes after election.

All will be quiet here. The State authorities are sending from the arsenal in New York arms and ammunition to Mr. John A. Green, brigadier-general at Buffalo, and I am powerless to prevent it.

This is what I mean by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.” I am in command of troops solely. It is none of my business to prevent arms and ammunition being sent to Buffalo.

This is one of the dozen cases wherein I cannot act without colliding with General Dix and the State authorities both.

I have not landed any of my men save those I have sent to Buffalo, which are two (2) regiments of regulars and one hundred (100) men at Watervliet for Albany. Now these regiments report to General Peck, but Peck does not report to me. He has some regulars besides those arriving and to arrive.

That is another instance of what is meant by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.”

I have three (3) batteries on ferry-boats all harnessed up ready to land at a moment's notice at any slip on North or East River; gunboats covering Wall Street and the worst streets in the city, and a brigade of infantry ready to land on the battery, and the other troops placed where they can be landed at once in spite of barricades or opposition. A revenue cutter is guarding the cable over the North River and a gunboat covers High Bridge on Harlem River which is the Croton aqueduct.

I have given you these details so that you may understand the nature of my preparations, and perhaps the details may be interesting and of use at some other time.

I propose, unless ordered to the contrary by you, to land all my troops on the morning of election in the city. I apprehend that, if at all, there will be trouble then. I have information of several organizations that are being got ready under General Porter, Duryea, and Hubert Ward, disaffected officers, and others who are intending, if the elections are close, to try the question of inaugurating McClellan, and will attempt it, if at all, by trying how much of an entente can be raised in New York City for that purpose. They propose to raise the price of gold so as to affect the necessaries of life and raise discontent and disturbance during the winter, declare then that they are cheated in the election by military interference and fraudulent ballots, and then inaugurate McClellan.

Now, that there is more or less truth in this information I have no doubt. One thing is certain, that the gold business is in the hands of a half dozen firms who are all foreigners or secessionists, and whose names and descriptions I will give you.

You are probably aware that the government has sold ten (10) or twelve millions (12,000,000) of gold within the past twenty days. The Secretary of the Treasury will tell you how much, it is none of my business to know; but one firm, IT. J. Lyons & Co., have bought and actually received in coin, by confession to me, more than ten millions (10,000,000) within the past fortnight, and his firm is now carrying some three millions (3,000,000) of gold. I felt bound to look up the case of Gentlemen H. J. Lyons & Co. I sent for Lyons, although I suppose I had no right to do so, wanting territorial jurisdiction, set him down before me, and examined him. His story is, as I made him correct it by appealing to my own investigations, as follows: His firm consists of himself, his brother, and the president of the Jeffersonville Railroad, Indiana. He is from Louisville; left there when Governor Morehead was arrested; went to Nashville; left there just before the city was taken by the Union troops; went to New Orleans; left there just before the city was taken; went to Liverpool; left there; went to Montreal and went into business; stayed in Montreal until last December; came here with his brother younger than himself, and set up the broker's business. He claims to have had a capital in greenbacks of eighty thousand (80,000) dollars, thirty thousand (30,000) put in by himself, ten thousand (10,000) by his brother, and forty thousand (40,000) by the other partner. This in greenbacks equal now at two forty-five (2-45) to about thirty thousand (30,000) dollars in gold. On this capital he was enabled to buy and pay for, not as balances, but actually in currency, almost twelve millions (12,000,000) of dollars in gold within the last fortnight, and now is carrying about three millions (3,000,000). This shows that there is something behind him.

He confessed that he left Louisville afraid of being arrested for his political offences. During the cross-examination, he confessed he was agent for the People's Bank of Kentucky, a secession concern which is doubtless an agent for Jeff Davis. Having no territorial jurisdiction, all I could do was to set before him the enormity of his crime, the danger he stood, having forfeited his life by rebellion to the government, and to say to him that I should be sorry if gold went up any to-day, because, as he was so large an operator, I should have cause to believe that he was operating for some political purpose, but that this was a free country and I had no right to control him. Does the Secretary of War suppose that, if I had an actual and not an emasculated command in the city of New York, such a rascal would have left my office without my knowing where to find him? He said, indeed, when he went out, that he thought he should not buy gold any more, and sell to-day all he has. It has got noised around a little that we are looking after the gold speculators, and gold has not risen any to-day up to five (5) o'clock, the time at which I am now writing, although Mr. Belmont's bet is that it would be at three hundred (300) before election, and the treasury is not selling.

Now, what I desire is to spend about a week in which I will straighten the following firms, which are all the men that are actually buying gold:

H. J. Lyons & Co., before spoken of; Vickers & Co., of Liverpool, an English house; H. G. Fant, of Washington; H. T. Suit, Washington house; Hallgarten & Heryfield, a Baltimore house of German Jews; and also to see if some of the rebels that are here cannot be punished. Substantially, none of them registered under General Dix's order.

I have stated all the reasons why I desire to be here. It is respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War, if I am desired to do anything at all, to telegraph me what I shall do, and it shall be done, or please let me return in the front. I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER,  

Major- General.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Butler, Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benj. F. Butler, Appendix (the pages of which are separately numbered from the text of the book), p. 56-8

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: October 13, 1863

Got the desk out and papers to vote. Mail came. Seven letters for me. Fannie, Ella, Fred, Will and home. Never felt as today, an epoch in my life. Felt sad all day. Ordered forward. Moved out on Blountville road, damp day and somewhat rainy. Read considerable in the Independent. Letters seem so acceptable once more. Camped 5 miles from B. Hardly been myself today. Camped after dark.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 93

Edmund B. Whitman: Order No. 2, October 19, 1857

(Order No. 2.)

Quartermaster's Department, Headquarters Kansas

Volunteers For The Pkotection Of Thk Ballot-box,

Lawrence, Oct. 19, 1857.

Whereas, On the 3d day of August an order was issued from this department requesting the appointment of company, brigade, and division quartermasters, and an immediate return to be made of the number and description of all arms available for the use of the respective companies; and whereas, said returns have been generally made: Now, therefore, in reply, and in explanation of the failure to furnish an entire supply for the deficiency, it is deemed proper to declare, that while no efforts were spared by this department, and by the entire staff, promptly to supply the necessary quota of arms, yet the unexpected obstacles which the great financial pressure threw in their way have prevented the anticipated success for the time being. It is, however, a cause for congratulation, that while the reports show a considerable deficiency, yet the entire armament is by no means insignificant.

The immense immigration of the past year, composed largely of those who deceived by official promises of protection had anticipated no occasion for personal defence, readily accounts for this deficiency. In our disappointment we may rejoice that the effect of the organization, with all its imperfections, has been in the highest degree satisfactory. The knowledge that an outraged people had at length banded themselves together, almost to a man, for the protection of the most sacred rights of freemen, and were ready to die in their defence, has most manifestly deterred an organized invasion. Voting lists ready manufactured and false returns have been made to supply its place; against this the organization could afford no protection.

It remains to be seen whether the people of Kansas will have any further use for this organization. It is always true that the surest way to prevent an evil is to be prepared to meet it, and three years' experience in the past should teach us not to indulge in any premature feelings of security and safety. In view of possible contingencies, this department hereby announces that it will still continue its exertions to furnish the means of protection and defence to all who may be destitute of them, and in all cases first to supply those localities most exposed to invasion and attack.

E. B. Whitman,

Quartermaster-General Kansas Volunteers.

Approved: J. H. Lane, Organizer.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 403-4

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Tuesday, September 6, 1864

O, such a terrible day! Rain, wind, sleet and everything to make it gloomy. The Vermont troops have voted to-day as directed by the Governor. My Company (E) cast seven votes for the Republican candidate. The other men didn't know who the Democratic candidate was and so didn't vote. Nothing has disgusted me so since I left Vermont. I'm sadly disappointed politically, in my Company, but the men are good fighters and I like them. They seem devoted to me. It is disappointing, though, to have to send such a report to Vermont! It's mortifying! But I mustn't let the men know how I feel for it can't be helped now. It makes me feel queer, though, for my Republicanism is as staunch as the granite hill (the Bar re granite quarries) on which I was born. I am dazed at the result of the vote in Company E! I guess I'm in the wrong pew politically; very few democrats in Barre.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 144

Diary of 4th Sergeant John S. Morgan: Sabbath, October 11, 1863

Paymasters and commissioners to rec votes of regts in town.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 7, January 1923, p. 498

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: March 9, 1865

All is quiet. Our regiment voted for governor today. Ballots sealed in envelopes, to be opened in Connecticut on the day of election. Commissioners here to receive the ballots. We hope our war governor, Buckingham, will be re-elected.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 143

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: October 29, 1864

All things have been quiet with us since the last date. The regiment voted for President. Commissioners were here from Connecticut. Each voter was given two ballots and an envelope. One for Lincoln and one for General McClellan. The voter, taking his ballots to his tent or anywhere he chose, put in the envelope the one of his choice, seal and return to the Commissioners who carried the vote home. I was not old enough to vote. I could carry a gun and do as much duty as any man.

The excitement through the North is great, so it is reported to us, and trouble is expected in the large cities, owing to the anti-war spirit that is cropping out. According to reports many regiments are being sent to the North to hold the toughs in check. Reported late this afternoon we may be sent to New Haven. Hope there won't be any trouble, for the sake of good old Connecticut. Later orders came for us to prepare to take train for New Haven. Great excitement in camp tonight as we are getting ready to leave in the morning.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 132

Major-General George G. Meade to Henry A. Cram,* December 11, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, December 11, 1864.

I fear you good people confine your efforts to suppress the Rebellion too much to speechifying, voting, and other very safe and easy modes of showing firm determination never to yield; but the essential element to success, namely, turning out to fight, don't seem to be so popular. You will have to stop filling quotas without adding to your armies before you can expect to finish the war. Do you know that the last loud call for five hundred thousand men has produced just one hundred and twenty thousand? Of these only about sixty thousand were sent to the field, and the share of my army, one of the largest in the field, was not over fifteen thousand; and of this number the greater part were worthless foreigners, who are daily deserting to the enemy. These are sad facts. I remember you were struck last winter with my telling the Councils of Philadelphia that this army, of whose fighting qualities there seemed to be a doubt, had lost, from official records, from April, 1862, to December, 1863, one hundred thousand, killed and wounded. I have now an official document before me in manuscript, being my report of the campaign from the Rapidan to the 1st of November, and it has a list of casualties showing the enormous number of ninety thousand men, killed, wounded and missing. All this is strictly confidential, as I would be condemned for telling the truth; but when people talk to me of ending the war, I must tell them what war is and its requirements; because you can then see how much prospect there is of finishing it, by forming your own judgment of the adaptation of the means to the end. No, my good friend, this war is not going to be ended till we destroy the armies of the Confederation; and in executing this work we shall have to expend yet millions of treasure and vast numbers of lives. Nothing is gained by postponing the exigencies which must be met. The people must make up their minds not only that the war shall be carried on, they must not only subscribe and cheerfully pay money to any extent, but they must themselves turn out, shoulder their muskets and come to the army, determined to fight the thing out. When I see that spirit, the men coming, and doing the fighting, then I will begin to guess when the war will be closed. Undoubtedly, the South is becoming exhausted; its calmly discussing the expediency of freeing and arming the slaves is positive evidence of its exhaustion and desperation; but unless we take advantage of this by increasing our armies and striking telling blows, it can prolong such a contest as we are now carrying on indefinitely.

I thank you for your kind congratulations on my appointment as major general in the regular army. If confirmed by the Senate, it places me fourth in rank in the army — Grant, Halleck and Sherman only being my seniors. Putting me ahead of Sheridan, from the popular position that officer now holds, may create opposition in the Senate; but it is well known my appointment was recommended by the lieutenant general, commanding, approved and determined on by the President, when Sheridan was my subordinate, commanding my cavalry, and before he had an opportunity of distinguishing himself, as he has since done. No injustice, therefore, has been done him, though when his appointment was announced in the theatrical manner it was, and mine not made, I felt called on to ask an explanation, which resulted in a disavowal to do me injustice, and the appointing me with a date which caused me to rank, as it was originally intended I should. So that, what ought to have been an acceptable compliment, became eventually a simple act of justice due to my remonstrance. Still, I ought to be and am satisfied and gratified, because I think it quite probable we are both of us placed far beyond our merits. I am afraid you will tire of so much personality and think I am greatly demoralized.

_______________

* Brother-in-law of Mrs. Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 250-2