1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: February 9, 1862

Cape Girardeau, February 9, 1862.

I, like a good boy, wrote you a long letter yesterday, and, like a careless fellow, lost it. I told you in it how we “300” of us, left here in the p. m. of last Monday, rode all night and at daylight made a desperate charge into Bloomfield where we found and captured nothing. How a little party of 15 of our boys were surprised some eight miles beyond Bloomfield by 80 Rebels and one of them captured, one badly wounded and another's horse shot and he at last accounts running in the swamps. How the major got together his men and went out and captured some 20 of the bushwhackers and killed five and how he returned to the Cape, etc. You have read about this riding and marching all night until I expect you hardly think of its being fatiguing and somewhat wearing on the human system, etc., but allow me to assure you that it is. Novice as I am in riding, the cold and fatigue were so severe on me that I slept like a top horseback, although I rode with the advance guard all the time and through country the like of which I hope you'll never see. There is a swamp surrounding every hill and there are hills the whole way. Damn such a country. We passed, a small scouting party of us, the bones of seven Union men. They were all shot at one time. I didn't go with the party to see them. One of our guards went out with a party of nine of the 17th Infantry boys and captured some 20 secesh and brought in, in a gunny sack, the bones of five other Union men. I noticed there were no skulls and asked the guide where they were. He said that “as true as truth the secesh who murdered them had taken the skulls to use for soup bowls.” I was talking with a man to-night who had his two sons shot dead in the house by his side last week. A gang of fellows came to the house while he was eating supper and fired through between the logs. He burst open the door and escaped with but one shot in him after he saw that his sons were killed. I can hardly believe that these things are realities, although my eyes and cars bear witness. In my reading I can remember no parallel either in truth or fiction for the state of things we have in this southeastern portion of Missouri. Anyone can have his taste for the marvelous, however strong, glutted by listening to our scouts and the refugees here. I thank God from my heart that dear old Illinois knows nothing of the horrors of this war. The 17th left here yesterday for Fort Henry. The boys were very glad to start. The old 8th was there with the first. I almost wish I had stayed with her. Without bragging or prejudice I am satisfied that the 8th is the best in every respect of the whole 100 regiments I have seen and has the best colonel. Colonel Kellogg is now commanding the post and Sid. is “A. A. A. General,” and I am “A Regimental Adjutant.” My duties are light, though, and I am in tip-top health. That ride didn't hurt me at all. I can stand riding with the best of them. I suppose that Sam will be with us soon. I hope our regiment will be ordered to Kentucky. I believe I'd rather be shot there than to bushwhack around in Missouri much longer. The major and I will get along capitally. He stands fatigue equal to any of us. He and I took a ride of 30 miles alone through the swamps the other day. Send my watch the first chance you have.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 60-1

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: May 10, 1863

Issued beef in the morning. After cleaning up and inspection, Mr. Brown preached. Small audience but good sermon. Psalms 2-11. He seems to study his sermons. Took dinner with Capt. Nettleton and Lt. Case at a widow's in town. Very genteel and pretty lady. Read. Went to the woods and let Rowena graze.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 69

Sheridan W. Ford to William Still, July 2, 1855

BOSTON, Mass., Feb. 15th, 1855.

No. 2, Change Avenue.

MY DEAR FRIEND: — Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend. but subject is so very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of the Lord and humanity to do something for my Poor Wife and children who lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three month i Would open myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince you of my cencerity of Purpoest don’t shut your ears to the cry's of the Widow and the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows the heart of all men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lettle ones i cant do any thing Place as i am for i have to lay low Please lay this before the churches of Philadelphaise beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change with her but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffer for the jail in the South are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the Slave hunters Says & may God interpose in behalf of the demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim desendent i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as such Please do all you can and Please ask the Anti Slavery friends to do all they can and God will Reward them for it i am share for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration

SHERIDAN W. FORD.

Yesterday is the fast time i have heard from home Sence i left and i have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for God knows it is tha truth i sue for your Pity and all and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor Woman and two children. The Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day for me and see if the cant do something for humanity.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 42-3

John Brown to his Family, April 28, 1858

Chicago, Ill., April 28, 1858.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — The letters of Henry, Ruth, and Oliver are all received, and most glad were we to get them. I am entirely satisfied with the arrangement about who shall go out surveying. Would it be entirely satisfactory all round to have Henry manage the farms for both families, and let Watson go with Oliver and friend Hinkley? Say frankly, wife and all concerned. Ten of the company got here this morning; three more will probably be on to-morrow. We that are now here leave for Canada West this evening. Owen is here, and is well. Write as directed before. I now enclose two drafts (amount, twenty-five dollars) to help pay travelling expenses, and shall send more. Acknowledge these. Will write again soon. God bless you all!

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 455

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 30, 1863

The President did not join us to-day in Cabinet. He was with the Secretary of War and General Halleck, and sent word there would be no meeting. This is wrong, but I know no remedy. At such a time as this, it would seem there should be free and constant intercourse and interchange of views, and a combined effort. The Government should not be carried on in the War or State Departments exclusively, nor ought there to be an attempt of that kind.

I understand from Chase that the President and Stanton are anxious that Dix should make a demonstration on Richmond, but Halleck does not respond favorably, — whether because he has not confidence in Dix, or himself, or from any cause, I do not know. This move on Richmond is cherished by Chase, and with a bold, dashing, energetic, and able general might be effective, but I agree with the President that Dix is not the man for such a movement. Probably the best thing that can now be done, is to bring all who can be spared from garrison duty to the assistance of General Meade.

Lee and his army are well advanced into Pennsylvania, and they should not be permitted to fall back and recross the Potomac. Halleck is bent on driving them back, not on intercepting their retreat; is full of zeal to drive them out of Pennsylvania. I don't want them to leave the State, except as prisoners. Meade will, I trust, keep closer to them than some others have done. I understand his first order was for the troops at Harper's Ferry to join him, which was granted. Hooker asked this, but it was denied him by the War Department and General Halleck.

Blair is much dissatisfied. He came from the Executive Mansion with me to the Navy Department and wrote a letter to the President, urging that Dix's command should be immediately brought up. Says Halleck is good for nothing and knows nothing. I proposed that we should both walk over to the War Department, but he declined; said he would not go where Stanton could insult him, that he disliked at all times to go to the War Department, had not been there for a long period, although the Government of which he is a member is in these days carried on, almost, in the War Department.

We have no positive information that the Rebels have crossed the Susquehanna, though we have rumors to that effect. There is no doubt the bridge at Columbia, one and a half miles long, has been burnt, and, it seems, by our own people. The officer who ordered it must have been imbued with Halleck's tactics. I wish the Rebel army had got across before the bridge was burnt. But Halleck's prayers and efforts, especially his prayers, are to keep the Rebels back, — drive them back across the “frontiers” instead of intercepting, capturing, and annihilating them. This movement of Lee and the Rebel forces into Pennsylvania is to me incomprehensible, nor do I get any light from military men or others in regard to it. Should they cross the Susquehanna, as our General-in-Chief and Governor Curtin fear, they will never recross it without being first captured. This they know, unless deceived by their sympathizing friends in the North, as in 1861; therefore I do not believe they will attempt it.

I have talked over this campaign with Stanton this evening, but I get nothing from him definite or satisfactory of fact or speculation, and I come to the conclusion that he is bewildered, that he gets no light from his military subordinates and advisers, and that he really has no information or opinion as to the Rebel destination or purpose.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 351-3

Diary of John Hay: Friday Afternoon, June 10, 1864

Friday afternoon, June 10, I left Washington and passed through Harrisburg at midnight.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 201; This diary entry was clearly written after June 9. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 202-3 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General William S. Rosecrans, June 10, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, June 10, 1864.

Major General Rosecrans

Major John Hay, the bearer, is one of my Private Secretaries, to whom please communicate, in writing, or verbally, anything you would think proper to say to me.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln.

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday, September 14, 1862

Enemy on a spur of Blue Ridge, three and one-half miles west. At 7 A. M. we go out to attack. I am sent with [the] Twenty-third up a mountain path to get around the Rebel right with instructions to attack and take a battery of two guns supposed to be posted there. I asked, “If I find six guns and a strong support?” Colonel Scammon replies, “Take them anyhow.” It is the only safe instruction. General Cox told me General Pleasanton had arranged with Colonel Crook of [the] Second Brigade as to the support of his (General Pleasanton's) artillery and cavalry, and was vexed that Colonel Scammon was to have the advance; that he, General Cox, wished me to put my energies and wits all to work so that General Pleasanton should have no cause to complain of an inefficient support. The First Brigade had the advance and the Twenty-third was the front of the First Brigade.

Went with a guide by the right flank up the hill, Company A deployed in front as skirmishers. Seeing signs of Rebels [I] sent [Company] F to the left and [Company] I to the right as flankers. Started a Rebel picket about 9 A. M. Soon saw from the opposite hill a strong force coming down towards us; formed hastily in the woods; faced by the rear rank (some companies inverted and some out of place) towards the enemy; pushed through bushes and rocks over broken ground towards the enemy; soon received a heavy volley, wounding and killing some. I feared confusion; exhorted, swore, and threatened. Men did pretty well. Found we could not stand it long, and ordered an advance. Rushed forward with a yell; enemy gave way. Halted to reform line; heavy firing resumed.

I soon began to fear we could not stand it, and again ordered a charge; the enemy broke, and we drove them clear out of the woods. Our men halted at a fence near the edge of the woods and kept up a brisk fire upon the enemy, who were sheltering themselves behind stone walls and fences near the top of the hill, beyond a cornfield in front of our position. Just as I gave the command to charge I felt a stunning blow and found a musket ball had struck my left arm just above the elbow. Fearing that an artery might be cut, I asked a soldier near me to tie my handkerchief above the wound. I soon felt weak, faint, and sick at the stomach. I laid [lay] down and was pretty comfortable. I was perhaps twenty feet behind the line of my men, and could form a pretty accurate notion of the way the fight was going. The enemy's fire was occasionally very heavy; balls passed near my face and hit the ground all around me. I could see wounded men staggering or carried to the rear; but I felt sure our men were holding their own. I listened anxiously to hear the approach of reinforcements; wondered they did not come.

I was told there was danger of the enemy flanking us on our left, near where I was lying. I called out to Captain Drake, who was on the left, to let his company wheel backward so as to face the threatened attack. His company fell back perhaps twenty yards, and the whole line gradually followed the example, thus leaving me between our line and the enemy. Major Comly came along and asked me if it was my intention the whole line should fall back. I told him no, that I merely wanted one or two of the left companies to wheel backward so as to face an enemy said to be coming on our left. I said if the line was now in good position to let it remain and to face the left companies as I intended. This, I suppose, was done.

The firing continued pretty warm for perhaps fifteen or twenty minutes, when it gradually died away on both sides. After a few minutes' silence I began to doubt whether the enemy had disappeared or whether our men had gone farther back. I called out, “Hallo Twenty-third men, are you going to leave your colonel here for the enemy?” In an instant a half dozen or more men sprang forward to me, saying, “Oh no, we will carry you wherever you want us to.” The enemy immediately opened fire on them. Our men replied to them, and soon the battle was raging as hotly as ever. I ordered the men back to cover, telling them they would get me shot and themselves too. They went back and about this time Lieutenant Jackson came and insisted upon taking me out of the range of the enemy's fire. He took me back to our line and, feeling faint, he laid me down behind a big log and gave me a canteen of water, which tasted so good. Soon after, the fire having again died away, he took me back up the hill, where my wound was dressed by Dr. Joe. I then walked about half a mile to the house of Widow Kugler. I remained there two or three hours when I was taken with Captain Skiles in an ambulance to Middletown — three and a half miles — where I stopped at Mr. Jacob Rudy's.

I omitted to say that a few moments after I first laid [lay] down, seeing something going wrong and feeling a little easier, I got up and began to give directions about things; but after a few moments, getting very weak, I again laid [lay] down. While I was lying down I had considerable talk with a wounded [Confederate] soldier lying near me. I gave him messages for my wife and friends in case I should not get up. We were right jolly and friendly; it was by no means an unpleasant experience.

Telegraphed Lucy, Uncle, Platt, and John Herron, two or threa times each. Very doubtful whether they get the dispatches. My orderly, Harvey Carrington, nurses me with the greatest care. Dr. Joe dresses the wound, and the women feed me sumptuously.

Don't sleep much these nights; days pretty comfortable.

                     

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 355

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: April 30, 1864

Very small rations given to us now. Not more than one quarter what we want to eat and that of the poorest quality. Splendid weather, but too warm; occasional rains. The Flying Dutchman (Wirtz) offers to give any two at a time twelve hours the start, and if caught to take the punishment he has for runaways. The offer is made to intimidate those thinking to escape. Half the men would take the consequences with two hours start.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 53

General Robert E. Lee to Jefferson Davis, May 5, 1863

HEADQUARTERS, GUINEY'S [STATION], VA., May 5, 1863.

At the close of the battle of Chancellorsville on Sunday the enemy was reported advancing from Fredericksburg in our rear. General McLaws was sent back to arrest his progress, and repulsed him handsomely that afternoon at Tabernacle Church. Learning that this force consisted of two corps under General Sedgwick, I determined to attack it. Leaving a sufficient force to hold General Hooker in check, who had not recrossed the Rappahannock, as was reported, but occupied a strong position in front of the United States Ford, I marched back yesterday with General Anderson, and, uniting with McLaws and Early in the afternoon, succeeded by the blessing of Heaven in driving General Sedgwick over the river. We have reoccupied Fredericksburg, and no enemy remains south of the Rappahannock in its vicinity.

R. E. LEE,

General.

His Excellency President DAVIS.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 25, Part 1 (Serial No. 39), p. 794-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 6, 1863

The excitement has subsided, as troops come pouring in, and many improvised cavalry companies go out in quest of the fox — who has vanished we know not exactly whither.

It is believed we have taken 15,000 or 20,000 prisoners, and that the enemy's killed, wounded, and prisoners must reach the appalling number of 40,000.

On Sunday, the enemy opposite Fredericksburg sent over a flag, asking permission to bury their dead. This was granted. But when they came — two corps under Gen. Sedgwick came over and fell upon our few regiments in the vicinity. So goes the story. Then, it is said, when Gen. Lee ordered two of our divisions to drive Sedgwick back, the men, learning the enemy with the flag of truce had given no quarter to their comrades, refused to fight unless permitted to retaliate in kind. This was promised them; and then their charge was irresistible, never pausing until the Yankees were hurled back across the river. No prisoners were taken. However this may be, Gen. Lee sends the following to the President:

“[Received by telegraph from Guiney's Depot.]

“Headquarters, 10 o'clock A M.,

“May 5, 1863.

“To his Excellency, President Davis.

“At the close of the battle of Chancellorville, on Sunday, the enemy was reported advancing from Fredericksburg in our rear.

“Gen. McLaws was sent back to arrest his progress, and repulsed him handsomely that afternoon. Learning that this force consisted of two corps, under Gen. Sedgwick, I determined to attack it, and marched back yesterday with Gen. Anderson, and uniting with Gens. McLaws and Early in the afternoon, succeeded by the blessing of Heaven in driving Gen. Sedgwick over the river. We have reoccupied Fredericksburg, and no enemy remains south of the Rappahannock in its vicinity.

“R. E. Lee, General.”

Another dispatch from Gen. Lee says Hooker is still on this side of the river, at United States Ford, fortifying.

Gen. Longstreet is now closeted with the Secretary of War. No doubt his entire corps will immediately rejoin Lee.

Jackson was wounded (his arm has been amputated) before the great battle was fought, by our own men, in the gloom of the evening, supposing him a Federal officer. He was recounoitering in front of the line.

S. S. H—— writes to the department, proposing to send an emissary to the North, to organize secret societies to destroy the enemy's stores, ships, railroad bridges, etc. by an unexplained process.

Tillman, Griffin & Co. write to Judge Campbell to obtain them permission to trade with Mexico. Does this mean trading cotton with the enemy? 1 know not whether the request was granted.

Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, writes to the Secretary to day for permission for some of his Louisiana friends to leave the country in a government steamer.

It is said that the government at Washington is ordering their troops from North Carolina and other places on the Southern seaboard towards Washington, and to reinforce Hooker — or Hooker's army. I think Hooker himself will go the way of all general flesh that fails.

The President sent to the War Department fifty-five letters today, written to him on various subjects, but mostly asking appointments. He had read them, and several had indorsed on them, in his own hand, what he wished done in the premises. So he has not lost his sight. He still attends to business at his dwelling, and has not been in his office for more than a month.

Secretary Seddon is gaunt and emaciated, with long straggling hair, mingled gray and black. He looks like a dead man galvanized into muscular animation. His eyes are sunken, and his features have the hue of a man who had been in his grave a full month. But he is an orator, and a man of fine education — but in bad health, being much afflicted with neuralgia. His administrative capacity will be taxed by the results.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 310-2

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Sunday, October 16, 1864

It snowed nearly all the forenoon. In the afternoon it was quite comfortable; thawed considerable, but night still finds the ground covered with snow. My teeth and jaws have troubled me constantly, but I feel more comfortable this evening; shall go down to Aunt Howe's in the morning. Oh, dear! I shall be glad when I get so that I can feel like other folks. It is still thawing this evening.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 220

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: February 3, 1862

Headquarters, 3d Battalion, 7th Illinois Cavalry,

February 3, 1862.

I am pretty sure that we will start on a scout to-morrow that will give us a ride of 150 miles. From the knowledge I have of it believe that we are going to raise the devil before we get back or get raised ourselves. There are only about 300 of us going, but we are all cavalry and are going fast, will make our mark and then return probably at the same gait. We are going pretty close to New Madrid, into a hot place, where a long stay would not be pleasant. I believe there are 300 or 400 men about 70 miles from here guarding commissary stores. We are going to try and surprise them and destroy the goods, kill what we can of the secesh “and get out o’ that.” It will be my first scout horseback but I'm going if it busts me. This is one of Colonel Kellogg’s ideas and looks more like work than anything I have tried yet. It's awful rough weather to start out in but that makes it more favorable for us. Well, I have got over the hardest part of soldiering, though I doubt if I enjoy myself as well as I did in the ranks. I never in my life spent nine months more pleasantly than those I passed in the “8th.” We had some rough times, but good health and good company made them as pleasant as and often happier than life in quarters. I disliked very much to leave the boys I had been with so long and knew so well, but cupidity and ambition got the better of the just resolves I made never to leave them untill the war was over. John Wallace, Fred Norcott and my chum, Hy Johnson, I did hate to leave. They'll get along just as well though after they have forgotten us. My chances for a lieutenancy in that company were first rate but I have got a better thing, and without so much walking. You never saw a gladder boy than Sam was when he found himself safe out of the infantry. He couldn't begin to hold his body. I suppose he and Keefer are having very gay times all by themselves. Sidney and I concluded that our best policy was to stay here and I'm glad I did so, although I would have liked a visit home more than I can tell. If we can manage it so as to get off together some time this spring we will do so, but I have little hopes now of seeing you untill the war is over. The major (Rawalt), Seavy, Billy Resor and myself mess together. We have the wife of one of the men cooking for us and are living as well as I want to, in regular home style. White tablecloth, white ware and a fork and spoon for every man. Warm biscuits and excellent coffee every meal. My duties are light and not many of them. All writing. We live in a house, too. My health is booming again. That trip brought me out all right. This is a splendid place to camp in — high, healthy and beautiful. There are lots of pretty girls here too, that smile very sweetly on shoulder-strapped soldiers, but well, you understand me. I have Billy Stockdale, Trites, Chancey, Geo. Shinn, Jesse B. and the rest of the Canton boys in the 17th and they are all in excellent health. Chancey will be home in a few days I think. He is second lieutenant in the Fairview Company now. Billy Stockdale is sergeant major. Trites is romantic, enthusiastic and desponding as ever. Major Rawalt is one of the best officers there is in the service. He and I will get along splendidly. We are really off in the morning, and for a 200-mile march. There will be fun before we get back.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 58-60

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: May 9, 1863

Killed beef for Sunday. Read considerably in “Les Miserables.” Reviewed “Fantine.” Never read a book which contained so much truth and sense on every page. Rob and I took a good bath and changed our clothes. Wrote home.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 69

Reverend Hiram Wilson* to William Still, July 2, 1855

ST. CATHARINE. C. W., July 2d, 1855.

MY DEAR FRIEND, WM. STILL: — Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having arrived here safely on Saturday last, and found their “companions in tribulation,” who had arrived before them, I am induced to write and let you know the fact. They are a cheerful, happy company, and very grateful for their freedom. I have done the best I could for their comfort, but they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you as their friend and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks. My means of support are so scanty, that I am obliged to write without paying postage, or not write at all. I hope you are not moneyless, as I am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am much of the time perplexed from lack of means ; but send on as many as you can and I will divide with them to the last crumb.

Yours truly,

HIRAM WILSON.

_______________

* Underground Railroad Agent

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 42

John Brown to his Family, April 27, 1858

Springdale, Iowa, April 27, 1858.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — We start from here to-day, and shall write you again when we stop, which will be in two or three days. I have just bought eight barrels of flour for you, which will be shipped to Watson, care of James A. Allen, Westport. You can divide it among the different branches of the family so as to make all as comfortable as may be. If I should not be able to send you money to pay the freight, you can perhaps sell some of it to some of your neighbors for cash, and pay the freight in that way. I shall try to send you some pork and leather soon. I am trying to arrange so as to have Henry come out to see me at Pennsylvania with Oliver (and any others), if it can be consistently done. I shall write Oliver and any others when and where to find us, and also provide about travelling expenses. They will not probably be called on before the middle of May, and possibly not so soon. May God bless you all! Write Jason Brown at Chatham, Canada West.

Yours ever,

John Brown.

P. S. The flour, taken either by John, Henry, Watson, or Salmon, may be credited to their mother. Do not fail to write, all of you, — Ellen as well as the others.

Yours,

J. B.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 454

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, June 29, 1863

Great apprehension prevails. The change of commanders is thus far well received. No regret is expressed that Hooker has been relieved. This is because of the rumor of his habits, the reputation that he is intemperate, for his military reputation is higher than that of his successor. Meade has not so much character as such a command requires. He is, however, kindly favored; will be well supported, have the best wishes of all, but does not inspire immediate confidence. A little time may improve this, and give him name and fame.

Naval Order No. 16 on the death of Foote and the congratulatory letter to Rodgers have each been well received. The allusion to the character of the monitors was a questionable matter, but I thought it an opportunity to counteract Du Pont's mischief which should not pass unimproved. Some of the Rebel sympathizers assail that part of it, as I supposed they probably would. Of Foote I could have said more, but brevity is best on such occasions.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 351

Diary of John Hay: Thursday Night, June 9, 1864

The President came into my room just before bed-time, and said that Rosecrans had been sending despatches requesting that an officer of his staff might be sent to Washington to lay before the President matters of great importance in regard to a conspiracy to overthrow the government. He asked for this permission on account of the outrage committed upon Major Bond of his staff, who was some time ago court-martialed for coming to Washington under General Rosecrans’ orders. Recently Gov. Yates has joined in Rosecrans’ request asking that Sanderson shall be sent for. “If it is a matter of such overwhelming importance,” said the President, “I don't think Sanderson is the proper person to whom to entrust it. I am inclined to think that the object of the General is to force me into a conflict with the Secretary of War, and to make me overrule him in this matter. This, at present, I am not inclined to do. I have concluded to send you out there to talk it over with Rosecrans and to ascertain just what he has. I would like you to start to-morrow.” He gave me in the morning, before I was out of bed, this note to deliver to Rosecrans:—

Executive Mansion.

Washington

June 10, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS

Major John Hay, the bearer, is one of my Private Secretaries, to whom please communicate in writing or verbally, anything you would think proper to say to me.

Yrs truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 199-200; This diary entry was clearly written after June 9. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 202-3 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: September 13, 1862

Marched to this town, entered in night — Middletown, Maryland.

                     

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 355

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: April 28, 1864

Dr. Lewis is still getting worse with scurvy and dropsy combined. Limbs swollen to double their usual size — just like puff-balls. Raiders do about as they please, and their crimes would fill more paper than I have at my disposal.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 53