Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes: August 5, 1863

Camp White, August 5, i863.

Dearest: — Yours from Elmwood, dated 2nd, reached me this morning. You were not in as good heart as it found me. I am feeling uncommonly hopeful. The deaths of officers and men to whom I am attached give me pain, but they occur in the course of duty and honorably, and in the prosecution of a war which now seems almost certain to secure its object. If at any time since we were in this great struggle there was cause for thanksgiving in the current course of things, surely that time is now.

Our prisoners left at Wytheville were well treated, and a chaplain has been allowed to go there to see if the bodies of Colonel Toland and Captain Delany can be removed.

I am grieved to hear that Uncle Scott is in trouble about Ed. If he recovers from his present sickness it is likely he will be able to stand it better hereafter. The process of acclimating must have been run through with him by this time. If he gets good health he will soon recover from the trouble about the promotion. Let him make himself a neat, prompt, good soldier and there need be no worry about promotions. It was not lucky to put so many cousins in one company. I could have managed that better, but as it's done they ought to be very patient with each other. Ike Nelson was placed in a delicate position, and while he perhaps made a mistake, it was an error, if error at all, on the right side. Too much kinship in such matters does not do, as Governor Dennison found out a year or two ago.

I am glad you are going to Columbus. I had a chance to send one hundred and eighty dollars by Colonel Comly to Platt where you can get it as you want.

By the by, who has the money left at Cincinnati? I sent an order to Stephenson and he had none.

Poor boys, they will get to have too many homes. I fear they will find their own the least agreeable. Very glad Birch is getting to ride. Webb will push his way in such accomplishments, but Birch must be encouraged and helped. Rud will probably take care of himself.

Yes, darling, I love you as much as you can me. We shall be together again. Time is passing swiftly. . .

Joe was never so jolly as this summer. He is more of a treasure than ever before. — Love to all.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 425-6

Charles J. McDonald* to Howell Cobb, July 7, 1846

Macon [ga.], 7th July, 1846.

Dear Cobb, I am here, and a moment's leisure gives me the opportunity to inquire of you what the Democratic party intend to do? Can it be possible that the unanimity of the committee which reported on the proceedings of the Memphis Convention is an indication of the mind of Congress on the subject? It is reported that a majority of the democratic members of Congress from Virginia will follow that committee in trampling down the cherished doctrines of her Jeffersons and Madisons on the construction of the Constitution of the United States. It is by the strict construction alone, which they practiced and enjoined, that Congress can be kept within the bounds prescribed for it by the people who formed the instrument which gave it being. The people never intended to give their representatives the right to assume power by implication. The power to regulate commerce gives no authority to create roads or canals. It is the authority to prescribe the rules or laws which shall govern the commercial intercourse between the States. It is to be hoped that the perilous doctrine will be at once rebuked. Mr. Madison about twenty years ago vetoed a bill with such objects. Can you get the Maysville veto for me? I suppose all the high protectionists will, to a man, support a doctrine which will draw from the Treasury annually twenty millions of dollars. That sum can be lost in the unfathomable bed of the Mississippi every year without any improvement in its ever varying channel. Will the whole Democracy of the West be drawn from their positions by the apparent interest of their constituents in the stupendous expenditures to which this policy will give rise? These men are too apt to be swerved from duty by an interested ambition. No political death is so sweet as that in which a man falls a sacrifice to noble principles. I have not heard from you on this subject, but I take it for granted that you are not a convert to this new faith. Let me hear from you.

I am sorry to hear of the dissensions in the Democratic ranks at Washington. Can they not be healed? The party have treated Mr. Polk unkindly in not sustaining his patriotic measures in regard to our foreign relations. They have given the Whigs a decided advantage, and the whole course of Congress in regard to the Oregon question has shown the ignoble spirit that would concede to power what it would maintain against a nation less able to defend its usurpations.

Why has Mr. Polk passed by the army, which distinguished itself in the late battles, in making his appointments?

_______________

* Governor of Georgia, 1839-1843; candidate for the governorship in 1851 on the Southern Rights ticket, defeated by Howell Cobb. Judge of the supreme court of Georgia, 1856-1861.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 84-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 1, 1863

We have a rumor to-day that Meade is sending heavy masses of troops to the West to extricate Rosecrans, and that Gen. Hooker is to menace Richmond from the Peninsula, with 25,000 men, to keep Lee from crossing the Potomac.

We have absolutely nothing from Bragg; but a dispatch from Gen. S. Jones, East Tennessee, of this date, says he has sent Gen. Ranseur [sic] after the rear guard of the enemy, near Knoxville.

A letter from W. G. M. Davis, describes St. Andrew's Bay, Florida, as practicable for exporting and importing purposes. It may be required, if Charleston and Wilmington fall — which is not improbable.

Nevertheless, Bragg's victory has given us a respite in the East, and soon the bad roads will put an end to the marching of armies until next year. I doubt whether the Yankees will desire another winter campaign in Virginia.

The papers contain the following account of sufferings at Gettysburg, and in the Federal prisons:

“A lady from the vicinity of Gettysburg writes: ‘July 18th— We have been visiting the battle-field, and have done all we can for the wounded there. Since then we have sent another party, who came upon a camp of wounded Confederates in a wood between the hills. Through this wood quite a large creek runs. This camp contained between 200 and 300 wounded men, in every stage of suffering; two well men among them as nurses. Most of them had frightful wounds. A few evenings ago the rain, sudden and violent, swelled the creek, and 35 of the unfortunates were swept away; 35 died of starvation. No one had been to visit them since they were carried off the battle-field; they had no food of any kind; they were crying all the time “bread, bread! water, water!” One boy without beard was stretched out dead, quite naked, a piece of blanket thrown over his emaciated form, a rag over his face, and his small, thin hands laid over his breast. Of the dead none knew their names, and it breaks my heart to think of the mothers waiting and watching for the sons laid in the lonely grave on that fearful battle-field. All of those men in the woods were nearly naked, and when ladies approached they tried to cover themselves with the filthy rags they had cast aside. The wounds themselves, unwashed and untouched, were full of worms. God only knows what they suffered.

“‘Not one word of complaint passed their lips, not a murmur; their only words were “Bread, bread! water, water!” Except when they saw some of our ladies much affected, they said, “Oh, ladies, don't cry; we are used to this.” We are doing all we can; we served all day yesterday, though it was Sunday.’ This lady adds: ‘There were two brothers — one a colonel, the other a captain — lying side by side, and both wounded. They had a Bible between them.’ Another letter from Philadelphia says: ‘There are over 8000 on the island (Fort Delaware), the hospitals crowded, and between 300 and 400 men on the bare floor of the barracks; not even a straw mattress under them. The surgeon says the hundred pillows and other things sent from here were a God-send. Everything except gray clothing will be thankfully received, and can be fully disposed of. It is very difficult to get money here. I write to you in the hope that you may be able to send some comforts for these suffering men. Some two or three thousand have been sent to an island in the East River, most of them South Carolinians, and all in great destitution. Your hearts would ache as mine does if you knew all I hear and know is true of the sufferings of our poor people.’

“Another writes: Philadelphia, July 20th, 1863. ‘I mentioned in my last the large number of Southern prisoners now in the hands of the Federal Government in Fort Delaware, near this city. There are 8000, a large portion of whom are sick and wounded; all are suffering most seriously for the want of a thousand things. Those in the city who are by birth or association connected with Southern people, and who feel a sympathy for the sufferings of these prisoners, are but few in number, and upon these have been increasing calls for aid. Their powers of contribution are now exhausted. I thought it my duty to acquaint you and others in Europe of this state of things, that you might raise something to relieve the sufferings of these prisoners. I believe the government has decided that any contributions for them may be delivered to them. There is scarcely a man among them, officers or privates, who has any money or any clothes beyond those in which they stood when they were captured on the battlefield. You can, therefore, imagine their situation. In the hospitals the government gives them nothing beyond medicines and soldier's rations. Sick men require much more, or they perish; and these people are dying by scores. I think it a matter in which their friends on the other side should take prompt and ample action.’”

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 57-9

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: November 23, 1864

In The Woods Near Doctortown Station, No. 5, Ga. — A change has come over the spirit of my dreams During the night the cars ran very slow, and sometimes stopped for hours on side tracks. A very long, tedious night, and all suffered a great deal with just about standing room only. Impossible to get any sleep. Two guards at each side door, which were open about a foot. Guards were passably decent, although strict Managed to get near the door, and during the night talked considerable with the two guards on the south side of the car. At about three o'clock this A.m., and after going over a long bridge which spanned the Altamaha River and in sight of Doctortown, I went through the open door like a flash and rolled down a high embankment. Almost broke my neck, but not quite guard fired a shot at me, but as the cars were going, though not very fast, did not hit me. Expected the cars to stop but they did not, and I had the inexpressible joy of seeing them move off out of sight. Then crossed the railroad track going north, went through a large open field and gained the woods, and am now sitting on the ground leaning up against a big pine tree and out from under rebel guard! The sun is beginning to show itself in the east and it promises to be a fine day. Hardly know what to do with myself. If those on the train notified Doctortown people of my escape they will be after me. Think it was at so early an hour that they might have gone right through without telling any one of the jump off Am happy and hungry and considerably bruised and scratched up from the escape. The happiness of being here, however, overbalances everything else. If I had George Hendryx with me now would have a jolly time, and mean to have as it is. Sun is now up and it is warmer; birds chippering around, and chipmunks looking at me with curiosity. Can hear hallooing off a mile or so, which sounds like farmers calling cattle or hogs or something. All nature smiles — why should not I? — and I do. Keep my eyes peeled, however, and look all ways for Sunday. Must work farther back toward what I take to be a swamp a mile or so away. Am in a rather low country although apparently a pretty thickly settled one; most too thickly populated for me, judging from the signs of the times It's now about dinner time, and I have traveled two or three miles from the railroad track, should judge and am in the edge of a swampy forest, although the piece of ground on which I have made my bed is dry and nice. Something to eat wouldn't be a bad thing. Not over sixty rods from where I lay is a path evidently travelled more or less by negroes going from one plantation to another. My hope of food lays by that road. Am watching for passers by. Later.— A negro boy too young to trust has gone by singing and whistling, and carrying a bundle and a tin pail evidently filled with somebody's dinner. In as much as I want to enjoy this out-door Gypsy life, I will not catch and take the dinner away from him. That would be the heighth of foolishness. Will lay for the next one traveling this way. The next one is a dog and he comes up and looks at me, gives a bark and scuds off. Can't eat a dog. Don't know how it will be to-morrow though. Might be well enough for him to come around later. Well, it is most dark and will get ready to try and sleep. Have broken off spruce boughs and made a soft bed. Have heard my father tell of sleeping on a bed of spruce, and it is healthy. Will try it. Not a crust to eat since yesterday forenoon. Am educated to this way of living though, and have been hungryer. Hope the pesky alligators will let me alone If they only knew it, I would make a poor meal for them. Thus closes my first day of freedom and it is grand. Only hope they may be many, although I can hardly hope to escape to our lines, not being in a condition to travel.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 120-2

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 98. — Abstract from journal of Brig. Gen. Jacob D. Cox, U. S. Army, commanding Twenty-third Army Corps (temporarily) and Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps.

No. 98.

Abstract from journal of Brig. Gen. Jacob D. Cox, U. S. Army, commanding Twenty-third Army Corps (temporarily) and Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps.

Monday, November 14. — Leave Strickland's brigade at Columbia, and march to Lynnville, eighteen miles. It was formerly a village of about thirty houses, most of which were buried a week ago by the Tenth Tennessee Cavalry in revenge for being fired upon by some rebel guerrillas in the neighborhood. The open, cultivated country ends about ten miles below Columbia, and a rough, hilly country covered with forest begins; the narrow valleys of small streams are tilled and appear to be rich and productive.

Tuesday, November 15. — Heavy rain comes on in the night and continues through the day. March to Pigeon Creek, two miles from Pulaski; meet General Schofield and ride with him about three miles west from the turnpike to examine the position; put the division in camp at crossing of the creek by the pike; headquarters established in dooryard of Mrs. Allen.

Wednesday November 16. — Heavy rain continues; camp very muddy and uncomfortable. When we were ordered from Columbia Hood was supposed to be moving northward, and an attack was anticipated. Later news shows that he has not changed his position, the alarm being caused by some reconnaissances made by him. Not more than one corps of his army is believed to be north of the Tennessee at Florence, and his golden opportunity to take us at disadvantage is past.

Thursday, November 17. — Clear, but weather manifestly unsettled. Colonel Opdycke comes over and dines with me, and we chat about home, &c.; the only old friend from Warren I have met in a long time. Rain begins again in the evening. * * *

Friday, November 18. — Steady rain again preventing our moving camp as intended.

Saturday, November 19. — Still rains; not pouring, but drizzling and misting. Our tents, which we still live in, are far from comfortable, but we are not camped where house-room can be got, and in that respect have not the advantages of the division commanders of the Fourth Corps, who are all nicely quartered in town.

Sunday, November 20. — Still rain, unceasing. News that Forrest is moving northward with heavy force of cavalry; ordered to be ready for immediate movement; roads horrible, and our wagon transportation has not overtaken us yet since we left it at Dalton, Ga.; ride into town in the rain to consult General Schofield.

Monday, November 21. — No movement yet. Forrest has not yet fairly started, and this weather ought to prevent him. Flurry of driving snow all the morning, partly melting as it falls, and sharp wind all day with mixture of snow squalls; the camp in most uncomfortable position and condition. * * *

Tuesday, November 22. — A very sharp, cold morning. Moved my command to Lynnville; reports showing the enemy at Lawrenceburg; reached Lynnville by noon, walking most of the way on foot to keep warm; put Reilly across Lawrenceburg road and Henderson and Casement covering Columbia pike; Wagner's division, Fourth Corps, follows and covers roads south.

Wednesday, November 23. — General Schofield comes up at noon and orders my command up to crossing of Mount Pleasant and Shelbyville road, ten miles. Start at 3 and make the distance by and go into camp, covering the crossing. Rebs apparently pushing for Columbia by Mount Pleasant; our cavalry driven back nearly half way from Mount Pleasant to Columbia.

Thursday, November 24. — Ordered to move at 4 for Columbia; started at once; dark and cold; reached Columbia at 7.30 o'clock, cutting across to the Mount Pleasant pike, two miles from town, just in time to interpose between our retreating cavalry and the pursuing enemy; go into position — Reilly on right, Henderson center, and Casement left; lively skirmish, but we checked the rebs, without loss on our side; Fourth Corps comes up three hours later, and we take up line of works covering whole front of town; headquarters at Mrs. Martin's.

Friday, November 25. — Rebs under Forrest withdrew at night, but drive in again this morning. They make a vigorous reconnaissance of our line in my front, commencing about noon, but were repulsed easily. My loss only about fifteen. New interior line of works made. Fourth Corps, except Wood's division, go into [them], and my command, except Henderson's brigade, ordered north of river, those troops being left to support the picket-line, which remains where it was. Enemy's infantry rumored moving east.

Saturday, November 26. — My movement last night ordered to be made after that of Fourth Corps, and did not begin till nearly I this morning. Crossing the pontoon bridge was slow work in the night, and it was past 3 before troops were bivouacked and trains parked a mile from the bridge. Enemy make pretty vigorous reconnaissance at daylight, but our troops hold the old line as an advanced line. Rain set in just as we moved.

Sunday, November 27. — Rainy and unpleasant. Evacuation of Columbia begun last night, but the difficulty of passing trains, &c., over the pontoon bridge at the new place near the railroad bridge prevented its completion till to-night, when it begins at 7 o'clock. Rebels are evidently well aware of what is going on, and charge the lines as the pickets are withdrawn, but are easily repulsed, and do not attempt further interruption. One span of railroad bridge and the pontoons destroyed.

Monday, November 28. — Rebels push into the town at daybreak, and attempt to get command of the ford in my front, causing a lively combat across the river with artillery and musketry. My position within the long bend of the river is an unsafe one, as the commanding ground is on the south side and gives a cross-fire upon the tongue of land I occupy. As yet, however, I have made my fire the hottest, and command the ford. The Fourth Corps comes into position on good ground in rear, and Henderson's brigade reports to me again.

Tuesday, November 29. — Rebels reported crossing two corps at Huey's Ford, five miles above, having driven away our cavalry and laid a pontoon. Wagner's division, Fourth Corps, move to Spring Hill, where they have a lively engagement with advance of enemy. Kimball's and Wood's divisions, of Fourth Corps, and Ruger's division, of ours, arranged in echelon, connecting with Wagner's. I hold the ford till night, having a sharp affair, losing about 75 men, but holding the enemy from crossing the remaining corps, which, with all their artillery, is in town. March at 7, leaving out pickets till midnight.

Wednesday, November 30. — Battle of Franklin. Reached Franklin before day, having marched twenty miles during the night, passing the rest of the army on the way. No means for crossing Harpeth River, and I am ordered to take both divisions Twenty-third Corps and hold a line above the town till the trains and the rest of the army are over. Enemy follows close, and two divisions of Fourth Corps — Kimball's and Wagner's — are ordered to report to me. Enemy assault at 3.30 p.m. Gain some temporary advantage in the center at first, but are soon repulsed, with terrible slaughter. We held the lines till midnight. My aide, Lieutenant Coughlan, killed.

Thursday, December 1. — Moved at midnight without interruption from the enemy, and take the advance to Brentwood. A little cannonade in our rear, but the rebels do not follow in force. We remain at Brentwood two hours, till all but Wood's division, Fourth Corps, have passed; then march to Nashville, and go into camp between Forts Negley and Morton. My division captured 22 battle-flags yesterday. Our loss in my division, 303 killed, wounded, and missing. Whole loss of the army, about 2,000, of which most was in Wagner's division, which was driven in from the front in confusion.

Friday, December 2. — No change. Enemy's cavalry move up, but their infantry do not appear. The battle of the 30th universally regarded as one of the severest of the war. Enemy's loss not less than 6,000, and probably more. My personal loss in the death of Lieutenant Coughlan is very great. He was one of the noblest young soldiers I have ever known. The only comforting thought is that he wished to die so, having a constitutional disease which gave him little hope for long continued life or vigor of mind.

Saturday, December 3. — Rebels move up and take position across Franklin and Granny White pikes. We have been re-enforced by Sixteenth Corps, under A. J. Smith, and a body of troops under Steedman, making us so strong that we are confident the rebels will not venture to assault. Our troops are put at work making lines of trenches, covered by abatis, &c. Fort Negley, the Casino, and Fort Morton are within my lines. My headquarters established at Mrs. Bilbo's, just in rear of Fort Morton.

Sunday, December 4. — No change, except that the rebels have extended their lines and advanced their pickets somewhat.

Monday, December 5. — Rebels make demonstration and advance their lines on the Franklin pike much nearer to the Fourth Corps front than before. Some of their infantry extend across to the Nolensville pike, nearly two miles in my front, where they intrench. Some cannonading and skirmishing, but no serious fighting. * * *

Tuesday, December 6. — Ordered to be ready at noon for a demonstration in anticipation of our forces attacking on our right. After reconnaissance General Thomas postpones the movement. Rebels evidently shifting to their right, so that their heaviest masses appear to be in my front, across the Nolensville pike, extending to the Franklin pike. Skirmishers keep up a lively fire and occasional cannonade. * * *

Wednesday, December 7. — No apparent change. General Couch assigned to Second Division. As he is a major-general, I am no longer the second in rank in the corps. Weather changes; threatens rain in the morning, then blows off cold and clear.

Thursday, December 8. — Freezing sleet and snow, covering the ground with ice and making movements impracticable. No change in position.

Friday, December 9. — Weather severely cold. Position as before.

Saturday, December 10. — No change, either in weather or position. We hear that Sherman has passed Millen, Ga., without serious resistance, and look for him to make the coast soon.

Sunday, December 11. — Weather the same. A deserter reports two divisions of the rebels gone to try to take Murfreesborough, and that they are expecting to evacuate their present lines. Movement of our forces prepared for first opportunity. Ground too slippery to move trains or artillery.

Monday, December 12. — Weather the same — very sharp and severe. Deserter reports a new line prepared a mile or two in rear of their present one, which the enemy are about to occupy. Some movement visible toward our left, and their pickets are partially retired. Their main force apparently not much changed, though part of it has probably occupied the line spoken of by the deserter. No movement on our part.

Tuesday, December 13. — Weather begins to moderate. Some appearance of rain, but the ice has not yet thawed off the roads and the surface of the ground. No change in the military situation.

Wednesday, December 14. — Orders to be ready for movement to-morrow. Steady thawing to-day, changing everything to a sea of mud. Call on General Schofield in the evening and get instructions. Steedman will relieve us at daylight; Couch's division will support Smith on the Hardin pike mine will support Fourth Corps on the Hillsborough pike, Wilson's cavalry will push beyond Smith's right, and a strong effort will be made to turn the enemy's left flank.

Thursday, December 15. — Battle of Nashville. Movement began as ordered. The preliminary movements go slowly, and it is almost noon before Smith and Wilson are ready for any serious advance. Meanwhile Steedman makes demonstration on our left, which draws a brisk cannonade from the enemy's right. Afternoon, Smith and Wilson push in; we move by their rear to their extreme right near the Hardin pike, then swing in beyond the enemy's flank. The whole line advances with sharp fighting. Several earth-works and 17 cannon captured.

Friday, December 16. — Battle of Nashville. The success of yesterday followed up. The enemy are steadily pressed during the day till 4 p.m., when McArthur's division, of Smith's command, my division, and part of Wilson's dismounted cavalry charge the enemy's line, which is broken, and their left (Cheatham's corps) routed, with loss of 20 cannon and about 5,000 prisoners. My division captured 8 guns in the works charged and carried by them. The enemy retreat in disorder, but night covers them.

Saturday, December 17. — The chase followed up. Our movement last night brought us to the Granny White pike; we moved south on it, following Smith's corps; Fourth Corps moves on Franklin pike, cavalry in advance. About 1,000 more prisoners captured and a number of guns, making about 50 in all taken. We camp between the two turnpikes, near Brentwood. Enemy retreat beyond Franklin, which is occupied by our cavalry.

Sunday, December 18. — Marched from camp to Franklin, and camp on north side of river. Severe rain storm ever since the battle, and our movement having taken us away from our wagons, we have passed two nights in the storm without any shelter whatever, the most uncomfortable bivouacs I have yet experienced. The chase is very slow, as the army and all the trains are confined to one road, the Franklin pike being the only practicable one, others are impassable from the mud.

Monday, December 19. — Enemy reported crossing Duck River. We wait in a hard storm all day for our turn to cross the Harpeth. Visit the battle-field of the 30th ultimo and the family of Mr. Carter, with whom I made headquarters that day. Get many incidents of the day after the battle and evidence of the severe punishment inflicted on the rebels. Camp my division just in front of our old lines near the Lewisburg pike. Second Division has been in advance three days.

Tuesday, December 20. — March at 8 a.m., taking advance of our corps and reaching Spring Hill at 2 p.m., where we encamp. Enemy's rear guard still at Duck River, on Columbia side. Our troops waiting for pontoon train, which passes this evening. The cold rain storm still continues, changing to sleet this evening. Reilly and Henderson went home on leave on 15th; Colonel Doolittle took First Brigade, Colonel Stiles Third, on that day.

Wednesday, December 21. — Still at Spring Hill. Fourth Corps getting down pontoons and preparing to cross Duck River. Very cold and snowy. Have comfortable quarters at Mr. John Cheons', a rebel "sympathizer," who, however, is quite willing to get all the protection possible for his property. Send detachment of 1,000 men to build bridge over Rutherford's Creek and a regiment to repair the road between here and there.

Thursday, December 22. — Spring Hill. No change and no special news from the front. Bridges progressing, but the horrible weather makes everything move slowly. Fourth Corps crosses into Columbia to-day.

Friday, December 23. — March to the Duck River, opposite Columbia, and make headquarters at Mrs. Porter's, where we were on 28th and 29th of November. Troops very nearly in the positions they occupied on those days. Cavalry crossing all day. Sixteenth Corps encamped just in front of us.

Saturday, December 24. — Quite unwell all day with nausea and diarrhea; keep quiet, having nothing to do. Cavalry and their trains with those of Fourth Corps crossing. Weather clear but sharp. Skirmishing between our advance and the enemy's rear guard near Lynnville. Three pieces of artillery found in the river abandoned by the rebels. Over sixty pieces have now been taken since we left Nashville.

Sunday, December 25. — Christmas. Not very well, but feeling better. Sixteenth Corps over the river and their trains crossing. Casement's brigade sent over to garrison the town and keep order, some disturbance and pillage by our troops having been reported. * * *

Monday, December 26. — Quite sick all night, and to-day put myself under Surgeon Frink's care. * * * Move the command across the river and encamp on Pulaski pike about a mile beyond town. Move over myself in the afternoon and make headquarters at Mr. Vaught's.

Tuesday, December 27. — Keep my room, but convalescing rapidly. Prospect of our command remaining here some days, as our trains are needed to help supply the troops already at the front. Hood is making for Lamb's Ferry, near Mussel Shoals. All reports show his army hi terribly demoralized condition. News received that Sherman has Savannah--" The beginning of the end."

Wednesday, December 28. — No change in situation. Meet Generals Couch and Ruger at General Schofield's in regard to organizing new division of the corps. It is finally concluded not to disturb the old ones but make the new division of new troops. * * *

Thursday, December 29. — Still in camp. Make application for leave of absence. * * * Hood supposed to be over the Tennessee.

Friday, December 30. — Orders for Twenty-third Corps to march to Dalton, Ga., to go into winter quarters there. A beautiful march of 150 miles in prospect. My leave granted, and I am waiting only for report of Second Division of battle of Franklin, in order that I may make up that of the corps. Quite unwell.

Saturday, December 31. — Order to go to Dalton countermanded and all uncertain as to our course now. Weather rainy, changing to snow. Report not in yet, and I am still delayed.

Sunday, January 1, 1865. — Columbia, Tenn. Orders received for command to move to-morrow to Mount Pleasant, and thence to the Tennessee River to take part in the further operations against Hood. Under the circumstances, I conclude that it is my duty to go with the command and not take advantage of the leave of absence which I have in my pocket. I had intended to start in the morning, but shall now turn southward. It is very doubtful whether it will be possible for us to do much, but so long as the Government thinks it necessary to continue active operations, I will stay with the army and see what can be done.

Monday, January 2. — March from Columbia to Mount Pleasant. We pass farms and country residences of several of the Polk family, as well as General Pillow's. The country is one of the finest for farming purposes I have ever seen. * * *

Tuesday, January 3. — Continue march from Mount Pleasant. We go five miles on the turnpike, then turn to the right by what is called the Gordon road climb a high hill, after which we find the road following the ridge; we follow this for five miles to the Beaver Dam road, into which it runs; we keep this for five miles more, till we come to the Ashland road, turning to the left. We encamp at the forks of the roads, having made about fifteen miles to-day. The roads would be good in good weather, but as they are now covered with water, and as it rained all the morning, it proved to be hard traveling. Halted at 3 p.m., but the trains do not succeed in getting up. During the p.m. the weather cleared, and has since been bright. Couch's division takes the pike, which, however, is reported to be worse than the road we have come. Ruger's division has not yet left Mount Pleasant. At the Tennessee River we expect to get our supplies by water. * * *

Wednesday, January 4. — The trains were delayed so that they did not come up till near noon to-day. I then ordered rations to be issued, so as to lighten the wagons, and we start again, having a citizen for guide. Our headquarters last night were at the house of a man named Whiteside, now a captain in the rebel army. The place was deserted, not a living thing being about. We continue on the Perryville road, about seven miles, to the headwaters of Grinder's Creek, then take the Ashland mid Waynesborough road leading directly down the creek, which we cross a number of times. After traveling about three miles on the creek, we turn to the right, over the ridge, and come down into the waters of Rock-house Creek, then down this creek, crossing it over a dozen times, to Buffalo River, which- we ford, getting into camp about 9 o'clock in the evening. After reaching Rockhouse Creek it became evident that we could not stop to bridge the stream where we crossed it, and the men marched through the creek, which was about fifteen yards wide and knee-deep. Buffalo River was about seventy-five yards wide and deeper. This was very severe on the men, especially the new regiments, but all stood it admirably. The latter part of the time it was freezing, and the water very cold; but on getting into camp we had large fires of rails built, and made the men dry their clothes. They did not suffer from the exposure as much as we had reason to expect. We camped on the farm of an old man named Churchill, who took the loss of his rails terribly to heart. The old woman, his wife, seemed to think that the end of the World was at hand. Nearly the whole distance from Mount Pleasant we have been on top of a high ridge called the "Barrens," or, as the people here pronounce it, the "Barns." We saw but one inhabited house for fifteen miles.

Thursday, January 5. — Start at 8 o'clock on the march again, passing through Ashland, thence up Creek 48, crossing it three times with the artillery and wagons, but the infantry avoid two of the crossings by following the ridge alongside of the stream. After traveling seven miles we ascend a hill again, and follow a ridge road to the Mount Pleasant and Waynesborough turnpike, which we strike about two miles from the latter place, thence into town, making about fourteen miles to day. We came up to the Waynesborough pike at exactly the same time as General Couch's division reached the place, that division having followed the pike all the way. We took the lead into town and encamped just beyond it. The weather, which has been good till this evening, now turns to rain. General Ruger's division not heard from. It turned off from the road I took, upon one leading to the Laurel Hill Factory, said to be the best road between Mount Pleasant and Waynesborough.

Friday, January 6. — March at daybreak on the Clifton turnpike. Hard rain all day, turning to sleet and snow in the p.m. The wind rose about noon, and it became very cold, making this one of the most disagreeable marches we have ever had. My headquarters last night in Waynesborough were at the house of a Mrs. Anderson. The poor woman had just heard that her husband had been murdered on his way home from Nashville. The report seemed to me to lack evidence, and I tried to console her with the belief that it was probably a false rumor. We find two divisions of the Sixteenth Corps (A. J. Smith's) at Clifton waiting for steam-boats to take them up the river, so I put my troops in camp about one mile and a half from the Tennessee. Pitch tents in a snow-storm, there being no houses in the neighborhood which can accommodate us. The village of Clifton is said to have been a flourishing one formerly, but was burned last summer in the guerrilla warfare between the loyal citizens and the rebels. Two or three houses are all that now remain of the town. Couch's division stops at Waynesborough; Ruger's had not yet got up when I left. General Schofield is also at that place, but expects to come up to-morrow. There is a report that we shall go to Eastport, in Mississippi, on the Tennessee River, and there go into winter quarters; if so, I may get the advantage of my leave of absence yet.

Saturday, January 7. — In camp near Clifton. No news from either up or down the river. General Schofield comes up shortly after noon, and also goes into tents, instead of finding a house, as he has been accustomed to do. The plan of our campaign is not yet developed as to direction or objective aim. If we concentrate near Eastport, as we now have orders to do, it would appear probable that we shall advance along the Mobile railroad to Meridian and then to Selma. We hear nothing of Hood, who is sometimes reported at Corinth and sometimes farther south. The snow which fell last night has nearly all melted off to-day under a clear sky and bright sunshine.

Sunday, January 8. — Steam-boats come to-day to take the remaining Sixteenth Corps to Eastport. Three gun-boats come with them. Rear Admiral Lee called upon me with General Schofield. * * * We shall probably be detained here until these boats can go up the river and return. The weather has been cold and clear for the past two days. The Second Division of the corps (Major-General Couch) came up to-day and encamped in our rear; the First Division (Brigadier-General Ruger) not yet up.

Tuesday, January 10. — No change since Sunday. A severe storm set in last night, raining heavily, with thunder and lightning: this morning it turns to snow; a most disagreeable day. General Couch moves his division down to the river in expectation of transports, but they do not come yet. The troops would have been much better off in their old camps till the boats had actually come. No news whatever from Hood as to his whereabouts. * * * The First Division came up last night and encamped on the old ground left by Couch's division.

Friday, January 13. — The past two days have been fair and fine; Wednesday was very unpleasant. We are still waiting for transports to take us up the Tennessee. Not even Couch's division, which was to precede us, is off yet, and it is doubtful when the boats may be expected. * * * We have had no communication with the lower river yet, and no mails since leaving Columbia. As we now think it likely we shall stay some time at Eastport, we are not sorry to spend it here, where we have a tolerably good camp for the troops. It is reported that East-port is a far worse place than this.

Sunday, January 15. — Orders received to move our troops to Annapolis, Md., with expectation that we shall go to Sherman, in Georgia. I start this evening in advance, and shall get a few days at home before the troops catch up with me. We go by steamer down the Tennessee and Ohio to Cairo, and thence by rail home. Notice of promotion to major-general received.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 356-64

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 7, 1864, 12 p.m.

Near LaFayette, Ga., 12 m., May 7, 1864.

Have just got into camp and washed my face. Four divisions filing into the road ahead of us, delayed us five whole hours, and their trains have made us seven hours marching 8 miles. Somebody says we are 19 miles from Rome. The boys have started a new dodge on the citizens. One of my men told me of playing it last night. When we camped for the night he went to a house and inquiring about the neighbors found out one who had relatives North; and something of the family history. Then he called on this party and represented himself as belonging to the northern branch of the family, got to kiss the young lady cousins, had a pleasant time generally, and returned with his haversack full of knicknacks, and the pictures of his cousins, with whom he had promised to correspond. At one house on the road to-day 10 or 12 women had congregated to see the troops pass. An officer stopped at the house just as our regiment came up, and the boys commenced yelling at him, “Come out of that, Yank;” you could have heard them two miles. Never saw a man so mortified. Colonel Wright tells me we are about seven miles from the Rebels at some ridge. We will get into position to-morrow and fight next day — that is, they would, if I were not present. We camped in a “whale” of a sweet potato patch, and the boys have about dug up the seed and gobbled it.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 236

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Wednesday, October 12, 1864

In camp all day.

Report of Lee's Cav. Div. in Sept.:

Wickham’s Brigade:
1st Va.	171
2nd Va.	183
3rd Va.	160
4th Va.	245
Lomax’s Brigade:
5th Va.	183
6th Va.	318
15th. Va.	110
	1370

W. H. F. Lee's Brigade, 9th Va., 10th Va. and 13th Va.

Major F. H. Furguson.

Major George Frasier.

Major Thomas Bower.

Dr. A. C. Randolph.

Capt. Chas. Cavendish.

Lieut. Chas. Mummigerode.

Lieut. Mason.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 132

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Thursday, October 13, 1864

Lay in camp all day. Forage.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 132

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Friday, October 14, 1864

Rebels made a reconnoissance along our whole line.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 132

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Saturday, October 15, 1864

Moved out to Brigade Hdqrs. in evening. Two boils. 2nd Ohio on picket.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 132

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Sunday, October 16, 1864

Returned to regt. Ordered to escort Sheridan to Piedmont. Remained in camp. Read some.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 132

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Monday, October 17, 1864

In the morning rebs attacked pickets. Captured Maj. Morey. 20 men.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 133

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Tuesday, October 18, 1864

All quiet. 2nd Ohio returned.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 133

Amos A. Lawrence to Charles L. Robinson, December 10, 1855

[December 10, 1855.]

To-day newspapers contain the first reliable information in regard to the recent difficulties. We are usually obliged to feed on lies for several days, and so it has been in this case. I do not believe you will have the United States government against you. But if you should, adhere to your determination not to allow any circumstances to lead to a resistance. If the Kansas men are true to the cause of freedom, they will never infringe in the least degree the constitution and laws of the United States. For the part which you have taken, I thank you, my dear sir, from the bottom of my heart, and you will receive the gratitude of all men who like freedom better than slavery.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 103-4

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, March 22, 1861

March 22, 1861

Dearest Mother:

Did you ever hear of George Smalley [the newspaper correspondent], a young lawyer who once lived here and was at one time engaged to our pretty Susan Gray? He is now in Boston; never heard Wendell Phillips speak till the time of Richard S. Fay's row, then fell desperately in love with him and in all the dangers since was his bodyguard, never leaving him and watching many nights in his house. This he enjoyed thoroughly, being a trained athlete and a natural soldier. When I saw him at Wendell's planning with us to mount guard, and then turning to pretty Phoebe to arrange little plans to keep everybody still and spare Mrs. P.'s nerves, I thought to myself that the adopted daughter might prove the next attraction, and now it turns out they are engaged. He is tall, erect, strong, blond, Saxon, and she a brunette with lovely eyes and a Welsh smile — you know her mother was Welsh; they will be a picturesque couple, and it is quite a chivalrous little affair.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 82-3

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, May 1, 1860

[May 1, 1860.]

I had no time to write last evening, and so you will not get this until Thursday. My first move yesterday was for Peter and Susie Leslie. He has gone to Broad Mountain and will not be home until Friday, but Susie was delighted with my offer to take him with me; thought he would go, if his engagements will permit. If Howe and Bird both fail me, I will try to get him or some one else here to go on. Have no doubt of success.

Later. Frank Bird has just arrived. Dr. Howe too sick to travel, and we leave here to-night or to-morrow noon, probably to-night. To-day I have spent the morning with J. Miller McKim. He approves of my plans, and thinks after the elections are over that national aid can be obtained here for them. Approves of aid to M—— and operations in that quarter at once.

Now I have only time to say that I hope you got safe and comfortably home. My enterprise looks well to-day, and that keeps up my spirit.

Your loving husband,

George L. Stearns.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 223

Samuel Gridley Howe to Charles Sumner, September 7, 1850

Marienberg, Boppart, Sept. 7, '50.

My Dear Sumner: — Here I am at last where I ought to have been two months ago. This is a most lovely place, and Julia and I have been enjoying walks upon the banks of the Rhine, and rambles upon the hillsides, and musings among the ruins, and jaunts upon the waters as we have enjoyed nothing since we left home. We could well spend a whole summer between Coblentz and Mayence and not exhaust all the resources of the country. It is well said that no one sees the Rhine who only sails up and down the stream in a steam-boat. Yesterday we drove from this to the St. Goar; explored the vast mines of the Rheinfels; crossed over and clambered up to the picturesque castle nicknamed the Cat, and wandered about in ravines and valleys which are now filled with the clustering vines.

Though I have visited the Rhine twice before and explored some of the ruins, I never had before a sense of the exquisite charm of the scenery, simply because I was always in a hurry. This is my besetting sin, you know. Now I have time enough; I take my early bath, and then with Julia wander off to some picturesque spot and enjoy the changing beauties of the scene to my heart's content. I return in time for my evening bath, and so the days go by. I have been here about a week.

As for the Water Cure, I do not think much of it; the water is not the best; not so good I think as that of Brattleboro, and as for the physician he is nothing. However, as I am doing pretty well here I shall bide the arrival of Crawford¹ and his party and go on with them to Basle, perhaps to Geneva. Thence they will go to Lyons, Marseilles and Rome. Julia will accompany them, and I shall turn my face westward. I hope to sail from Liverpool on the 5th October at the latest, possibly a week earlier, so as to be back at my post at the end of my four months' furlough.

We have been long without American news; I am anxiously expecting our budget. The 30th ult. was a sad day to me. I could not by any effort keep my thoughts from Boston — the jail — the wretched criminal, and the dreadful and disgraceful scene there enacting.² I say disgraceful, without pretending to decide whether the time has arrived when we may safely do away with capital punishment — if we cannot it is to our disgrace. You and all Boston must have suffered dreadfully: whither could you fly to avoid thoughts of the scene, if one so far away as I was could not keep it out of mind? There was a terrible fascination about it: I calculated the difference of time, and — supposing the execution would take place between twelve and one o'clock at Boston, which would be between five and six here — I hurried up and down the streets until long past the hour and then went to dinner with what appetite I could.

I have nothing special to say touching our personnel. Julia and the children have been in the enjoyment of perfect and uninterrupted health: mine has been very precarious; sometimes I have been pretty well — then down at zero again. I trust that my brain at least has got rested, and that when I return to regular hours, regular habits, pure water and plain roast beef I shall be able to put on my harness, and at least die with it on my back.

Remember me kindly to all friends; tell Longfellow we think often of him and speak of him in our walks: when we come to a spot of choice beauty we say, no doubt Longfellow has often clambered up and rested here. Would he were with us to point out the beauties which a poet's eye so quickly sees!

Adieu, dear Sumner. I long much to see you and be with you; I hope (selfishly) you will not be engaged this coming winter.

Ever thine,

s. G. H.

_______________

¹ Thomas Crawford, the American sculptor, who married Louisa Ward, my mother's sister.

² The execution of Dr. Webster, a professor in Harvard, for the murder of Dr. Parkman

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 323-5

William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, November 25, 1859

Seminary Of Learning, Alexandria, Nov. 25, 1859.

I am still out here at the Seminary, pushing on the work as fast as possible, but people don't work hard down here. The weather has been warm and springlike, but tonight the wind is piping and betokens rain. This is Friday. I have been writing all week, the regulations, and have been sending off circulars - indeed everything is backward, and it will keep us moving to be ready for cadets January 1. The Board of Supervisors are to meet on Monday, and I will submit to them the regulations and lists of articles indispensably necessary, and I suppose I will be sent to New Orleans to make the purchases.

The planters about Alexandria are rich but the town is a poor concern. Nothing like furniture can be had. Everybody orders from New Orleans. General Graham is at his plantation nine miles from Alexandria and twelve from here. I get a note from him every day urging me to assume all responsibility as he and all the supervisors are busy at their cotton or sugar.

I believe I have fully described the locality and the fact that although the building for the Seminary is in itself very fine, yet it is solitary and alone in the country and in no wise suited for families. Of course I will permit no family to live in the building. There happens to be one house about one-fourth mile to the rear, belonging to one McCoy in New Orleans, but that is rented by Mr. Vallas, the professor of mathematics, who now occupies it with his family, wife and seven children. They are Hungarians and he is an Episcopal Clergyman, but his religion don't hurt him much. He seems a pleasant enough man, fifty years old, fat, easy and comfortable. . . They have an Irishman and wife as servants and have plenty of complaints. The house is leaky and full of holes, so that they can hardly keep a candle burning when the wind is boisterous. Indeed the house was built for summer use and calculated to catch as much wind as possible. The design is to ask the legislature to appropriate for two professors' houses for Vallas and ourselves.

If they appropriate I will have the building and will of course see to their comfort, but I will make no calculations until the amount is settled on. I fear the cost of the building will deter the legislature from appropriating until the institution begins to make friends.

The new governor, Moore, lives near Alexandria and will be highly favorable to liberal appropriation. We have fine springs of pure water all round, and I doubt not the place is very healthy. Indeed there is nothing to make it otherwise unless the long hot summers create disease. I am now comparatively free of my cough and am in about usual condition - have to burn nitre paper occasionally. It is very lonely here indeed. Nobody to talk to but the carpenters and sitting here alone in this great big house away out in the pine wood is not cheerful. . .

SOURCES: The article is abstracted in Walter L. Fleming’s, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 60-1

John Brown to His Family, November 8, 1859

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 8, 1859.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — I will begin by saying that I have in some degree recovered from my wounds, but that I am quite weak in my back and sore about my left kidney. My appetite has been quite good for most of the time since I was hurt. I am supplied with almost everything I could desire to make me comfortable, and the little I do lack (some articles of clothing which I lost) I may perhaps soon get again. I am, besides, quite cheerful, having (as I trust) “the peace of God, which passeth all understanding,” to “rule in my heart,” and the testimony (in some degree) of a good conscience that I have not lived altogether in vain. I can trust God with both the time and the manner of my death, believing, as I now do, that for me at this time to seal my testimony for God and humanity with my blood will do vastly more toward advancing the cause I have earnestly endeavored to promote, than all I have done in my life before. I beg of you all meekly and quietly to submit to this, not feeling yourselves in the least degraded on that account. Remember, dear wife and children all, that Jesus of Nazareth suffered a most excruciating death on the cross as a felon, under the most aggravating circumstances. Think also of the prophets and apostles and Christians of former days, who went through greater tribulations than you or I, and try to be reconciled. May God Almighty comfort all your hearts, and soon wipe away all tears from your eyes! To him be endless praise! Think, too, of the crushed millions who “have no comforter.” I charge you all never in your trials to forget the griefs “of the poor that cry, and of those that have none to help them.” I wrote most earnestly to my dear and afflicted wife not to come on for the present, at any rate. I will now give her my reasons for doing so. First, it would use up all the scanty means she has, or is at all likely to have, to make herself and children comfortable hereafter. For let me tell you that the sympathy that is now aroused in your behalf may not always follow you. There is but little more of the romantic about helping poor widows and their children than there is about trying to relieve poor “niggers.” Again, the little comfort it might afford us to meet again would be dearly bought by the pains of a final separation. We must part; and I feel assured for us to meet under such dreadful circumstances would only add to our distress. If she comes on here, she must be only a gazing-stock throughout the whole journey, to be remarked upon in every look, word, and action, and by all sorts of creatures, and by all sorts of papers, throughout the whole country. Again, it is my most decided judgment that in quietly and submissively staying at home vastly more of generous sympathy will reach her, without such dreadful sacrifice of feeling as she must put up with if she comes on. The visits of one or two female friends that have come on here have produced great excitement, which is very annoying; and they cannot possibly do me any good. Oh, Mary! do not come, but patiently wait for the meeting of those who love God and their fellow-men, where no separation must follow. “They shall go no more out forever.” I greatly long to hear from some one of you, and to learn anything that in any way affects your welfare. I sent you ten dollars the other day; did you get it? I have also endeavored to stir up Christian friends to visit and write to you in your deep affliction. I have no doubt that some of them, at least, will heed the call. Write to me, care of Captain John Avis, Charlestown, Jefferson County, Virginia.

“Finally, my beloved, be of good comfort.” May all your names be “written in the Lamb's book of life !” — may you all have the purifying and sustaining influence of the Christian religion! — is the earnest prayer of

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 585-7

John Brown to His Family, November 9, 1859

Nov. 9.

P. S. I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do remember that this is not your rest, — that in this world you have no abiding place or continuing city. To God and his infinite mercy I always commend you.

J. B.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 587