George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday Morning, April 22, 1835

• Continued from:: George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, April 20, 1835.

Wednesday morning, 22d. I have just returned with brother Phelps from Troy, where I lectured last evening. The place of meeting was the lower room of the Court House, which was respectably filled, but it was a very bad place for public speaking, the roof being low, and broken by divisions and subdivisions. An undisturbed indifference has hitherto reigned in the city on the subject of slavery. The ignorance of the people, in reference to the views and plans of the abolitionists, has been profound the prejudice against color strong, and the apathy deep and deplorable. The darkness is, however, broken. It can be night no longer. There are a few who seem determined to “take hold,” as the Americans say, and I doubt not but the modern Trojans will be soon in the field, engaged in a strife infinitely more dignified than that of their illustrious namesakes.

_______________

For this letter’s conclusion see:

• George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Thursday Morning, April 23, 1835

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 63-4

George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Thursday Morning, April 23, 1835

• Continued from: George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday Morning, April 22, 1835.

Thursday morning, 23d. Last evening, I delivered a second lecture in the 4th Presbyterian church. The audience rather more numerous than at the first meeting. Two days were occupied in seeking to obtain a church more eligibly situated, but in vain, Mr. Delevan and other gentlemen have used their influence to obtain a church in the upper part of the city, but so far, to no purpose. Yesterday afternoon, Mr. Phelps and myself met a committee of gentlemen, when it was resolved to hold a public meeting as early as possible, and submit the constitution of an Anti-Slavery Society. Last evening's lecture appears to have done good, and I have no doubt that, could I remain and deliver a course of lectures, we should be able to form a good society, if not carry the entire city. This afternoon, Mr Phelps and myself go to Troy. I give my second lecture this evening.

I am much pleased to find that Mr. May has got fairly to work. His labors will greatly advance the cause in Massachusetts.

I write, as you perceive, upon a Circular put forth by Mr. Israel Lewis. The colored people of this city held a meeting on Monday evening to express their opinions in reference to the contents of this document, and decided almost unanimously, that it would not be proper for the colored people to send their children to Canada for education, or encourage the emigration to that settlement of any free persons. They considered it the duty of the whole population to remain here, and combat the wicked and cruel prejudices at present operating against them; they considered the Circular based upon Colonization principles, and therefore an appeal to the prejudiced, rather than to the unprejudiced Anti-Slavery portion of the community. These conclusions are fully in accordance with my own views of the matter. I cannot but regard the Circular as an appeal to the prejudices of the whites, — and the selfishness of the colored people. I rejoice that Wilberforce offers an asylum for the absconding slave, and hope it will be sustained as a city of refuge for him; but I want the free colored man to remain here, and for a while to suffer, toil, and mourn, if it must be so, the victim of the prejudices of a pale-skinned aristocracy, that he may share the common lot of his class, and by making a bold . stand against conduct so inhuman, hasten the time, when the monster prejudice shall spread his dark wings, and wheel his flight to the nethermost hell, where he was begotten. Ever, most affectionately yours,

GEORGE THOMPSON.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 64-5

Gerrit Smith to Elizabeth Cady Stanton, June 6, 1864

PETERBORO, June 6, 1864.

MRs. E. CADY STANTON, New-York:

MY DEAR Cousin: I have your letter. It would be too great labor to answer all, who seek to know my choice amongst the presidential candidates. But I must answer you.

I have no choice. The first of September will be time enough for me and for every other person to have one. Intermediate events and changes will be indispensable lessons in our learning who should be the preferred candidate. To commit ourselves in time of war to a candidate one month before it is necessary, is worse than would be a whole year of such prematureness in time of peace. Then there is the absorbing, not to say frenzying, interest, which attends our important elections. That it is frenzying is manifest from the scornful reproach and wild invective, which the press is already heaping up on Lincoln and Fremont — both of them honest and able men, and both of them intent on saving the country. How unwise, nay how insane, to let this absorbing and frenzying interest come needlessly early into rivalry with our interest in the one great work of crushing the rebellion! For more than half a year have I frequently and faithfully, both with lips and pen, deprecated the premature agitation of the question who should be the chosen candidate. If, therefore, the Cleveland and Baltimore Conventions shall have the effect to divide the loyal voters so far as to let a pro-slavery and sham Democrat slip into the Presidency through their divisions, I, at least, shall not be responsible for the ruin that may come of it.

My concern whether it shall be Lincoln or Fremont or Chase or Butler or Grant who shall reach the presidential chair is comparatively very slight. But my concern to keep out of it a man, who would make any other terms with the rebels than their absolute submission is overwhelming. For any other terms would not only destroy our nation, but lessen the sacredness of nationality everywhere, and sadly damage the most precious interests of all mankind.

Since the Rebellion broke out, I have been nothing but an anti-rebellion man. So unconditionally have I gone for putting it down unconditionally, as to make no stipulations in behalf of m most cherished objects and dearest interests. And so shall I continue to go. I love the anti-slavery cause. Nevertheless, I would have the rebellion put down at whatever necessary expense to that cause. I love the Constitution; and deprecate the making of any even the slightest change in it. Nevertheless, I make infinitely less account of saving it than of destroying the rebellion. I love my country. But sooner than see her compromise with the rebels, I would see her exhaust herself and perish in her endeavors to defeat their crime — that greatest crime of all the ages and all the world. I do not forget that many of my old fellow abolitionists accuse me of having been unfaithful to the anti-slavery cause during the rebellion. My first answer to them is — that to help suppress the rebellion is the duty which stands nearest to me: and my second answer — that in no way so well as in suppressing it can the anti-slavery cause or any other good cause be promoted. There is not a good cause on the earth that has not an enemy in the unmixed and mighty wickedness of this rebellion.

You will rightly infer from what I have said, that my vote will be cast just where I shall judge it will be like to go farthest in keeping a disloyal man out of the Presidency. My definition of a disloyal man includes every one who would consent to obtain peace by concessions to the rebels – concessions however slight. Should the rebellion be disposed of before the election, I might possibly refuse to vote for any of the present candidates. When voting in time of war, and especially such a fearful war as the present, for a Governor or President, I vote for a leader in the war rather than for a civil ruler. Where circumstances leave me free to vote for a man with reference mainly to his qualifications as a civil ruler, I am, as my voting for thirty years proves, very particular how I vote. In 1856, Fremont was in nomination for the Chief Magistracy. I honored him — but I did not vote for him. In 1860, Lincoln was nominated for it. I had read his Debate with Senator Douglas, and I thought well of him. But neither for him did I vote. To-day, however, I could cheerfully vote for either to be the constitutional head of the army and navy. I go further, and say, that to save the Presidential office from going into the hands of one who would compromise with the rebels I, would vote for a candidate far more unsound on slavery than the severest abolition critic might judge either Lincoln or Fremont to be. But were there no such danger, I would sternly refuse to vote for any man who recognizes, either in or out of the Constitution, a law for slavery, or who would graduate any human rights, natural or political, by the color of the skin.

This disposition to meddle with things before their time is one that has manifested itself, and worked badly, all the way through the war. The wretched attempts at “Reconstruction” are an instance of it. “Reconstruction” should not so much as have been spoken of before the rebellion was subdued. I hope that by that time all loyal men, the various doctrines and crotchets to the contrary notwithstanding, will be able to see that the seceded States did, practically as well as theoretically, get themselves out of the Union and Nation — as effectually out as if they had never been in. Our war with Mexico ended in a treaty of peace with her. Doubtless our war with the South will end in like manner. If we are the conqueror, the treaty will, I assume, be based on the unconditional surrender of the South. And then the South, having again become a portion of our nation, Congress will be left as free to ordain the political divisions of her territory, as it was to ordain those of the territory we conquered from Mexico. Next in order, Congress will very soon, as I have little doubt, see it to be safe and wise to revive our old State lines. Nevertheless, I trust, that such revival would never be allowed until Congress should see it to be clearly safe and wise. We hear much of the remaining constitutional rights of the loyal men in the seceded States. But they, no more than their rebellious neighbors, have such rights. It is true that the rebellion is their misfortune instead of their crime. Nevertheless, it severed every political cord as well between the nation and themselves as between the nation and those rebellious neighbors. The seceded States embarked in a revolution, which swept away all the political relations of all their people, loyal as well as disloyal. Such is the hazard, which no man, however good, can escape from. If the major part or supreme power of his State carries it to destruction, he is carried along with it. A vigilant, informed, active, influential member of his body politic does it therefore behoove every good man to be. In his haste for “Reconstruction,” the President went forward in it — whereas he is entitled to not the least part in it, until Congress has first acted in it. In the setting up of military or provisional governments, as we proceed in our conquests, his is the controlling voice — for he is the military head of the nation. But in regard to the setting up of civil governments in the wake of those conquests, he is entitled to no voice at all until after Congress has spoken. Another instance of meddling with things before their time is this slapping of the face of France with the “Monroe Doctrine.” I was about to say that doing so serves but to provoke the enmity of France. There is, however, one thing more which it provokes and that is the ridicule of the world. For us, whilst the rebels are still at the throat of our nation, and may even be at her funeral, to be resolving that we will protect the whole Western Continent from the designs of the whole Eastern Continent, is as ludicrous a piece of impotent bravado as ever the world laughed at. And still another instance of our foolish prematureness is the big words in which we threaten to punish the leaders of the rebellion. It would be time enough for these big words when we had subdued the rebellion and captured the leaders. In the mean time there should be only big blows. Moreover, if we shall succeed in getting these leaders into our hands, it will be a question for the gravest consideration whether we should not beg their pardon instead of punishing them. What was it that stirred up the rebellion? The spirit of slavery. That alone is the spirit by means of which Southern treason can build up a fire in the Southern heart whose flames shall burst out in rebellion. Slavery gone from the South, and there will never more be rebellions there to disturb the peace and prosperity in which North and South will ever after dwell together. Who was the guiltier party in feeding and inflaming that spirit? The pro-slavery and preponderant North. The guiltier North it was, that had the more responsible part in moulding the leaders of the rebellion. Does it then become this guiltier North to be vengeful toward these her own creations—her own children ?—and, what is more, vengeful toward them for the bad spirit which she herself had so large a share in breathing into them? — for the Satanic character which she herself did so much to produce in them? But I shall be told that the North has repented of her in upholding slavery, and thereby furnishing the cause of the rebellion; and that the South should have followed her example. But if her repentance did not come until after the rebellion broke out, then surely it came too late to save her from responsibility for the rebellion. Has it, however, come even yet? I see no proof of it. I can see none so long as the American people continue to trample upon the black man. God can see none. Nor will he stay his desolating judgments so long as the American Congress, instead of wiping out penitently and indignantly all fugitive slave statutes, is infatuated enough to be still talking of “the rights of slaveholders,” and of this being “a nation for white men.” Assured let us be, that God will never cease from his controversy with this guilty nation until it shall have ceased from its base and blasphemous policy of proscribing, degrading, and outraging portions of his one family. The insult to him in the persons of his red and black children, of which Congress was guilty in its ordinance for the Territory of Montana, will yet be punished in blood, if it be not previously washed out in the tears of penitence. And this insult, too, whilst the nation is under God’s blows for like insults! What a silly as well as wicked Congress! And then that such a Congress should continue the policy of providing chaplains for the army! Perhaps, however, it might be regarded as particularly fit for such a Congress to do this. Chaplains to pray for our country's success whilst our country continues to perpetrate the most flagrant and diabolical forms of injustice! As if the doing of justice were not the indispensable way of praying to the God of justice! It is idle to imagine that God is on the side of this nation. He can not be with us. For whilst he is everywhere with justice, he is nowhere with injustice. I admit that he is not on the side of the rebellion. From nothing in all his universe can his soul be further removed than from this most abominable of all abominations. If we succeed in putting it down, our success, so far as God is concerned, will be only because he hates the rebellion even more than he hates our wickedness. To expect help from him in any other point of view than this, is absurd. Aside from this, our sole reliance must be, as was the elder Napoleon's, on having “the strongest battalions.” I believe we shall succeed — but that it will be only for the reasons I have mentioned — only because we are the stronger party and that God is even more against the rebels than he is against us. How needful, however, that we guard ourselves from confounding success against the rebellion with the salvation of the nation! Whether the nation shall be saved is another question than whether the rebellion shall be suppressed. In the providence of God, even a very wicked nation may be allowed to become a conqueror — may be used to punish another wicked nation before the coming of its own turn to be conquered and punished. But a nation, like an individual, can be saved only by penitence and justice.

SOURCES: Gerrit Smith, Speeches and Letters of Gerrit Smith (from January 1863, to January 1864), on the Rebellion, Volume 2, p. 14-8

The Last Will and Testament of William Byrd III, July 6, 1744

In the name of God, Amen. I, William Byrd, of Westover, in the County of Charles City, being of sound mind & health of body, make this my last will & testament, bearing date this sixth day of July, one thousand seven hundred & seventy-four.

In the first place, unworthy as I am, I resign my soul into the hands of its unerring Creator in all humble hopes of its eternal happiness thro' the Infinite Goodness of my most Merciful God & thro' the Merit & Interposition of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ our Lord.

Next I desire my Body may be privately buried by the tomb of my sister Evelyn in the old Church Yard. As to the remaining part of the Estate it has pleased God to bless me with, which thro' my own folly & inattention to accounts, thro' carelessness of some interested with the management thereof & the villany of others, is still greatly incumbered with debts, which imbitters every moment of my life. My will & Desire is that a Hundred negroes & such part of the plate & household furniture as my dearest wife can conveniently spare, together with my Library and part of my Stocks of Horses, Cattle & Sheep, be immediately sold to pay my Just Debts, & likewise that all the Debts due me from my Trustees, managers & adventurers in the Lottery, many of whom are still greatly in arrears, & Debts due to me in the Forge account, of which there are many to a great amount, be immediately sued for & collected & applied to the above purpose. I likewise desire that the money due me from Colonel Chiswell may be disputed in my account with the late Mr. John Robinson, which I think in justice he ought to pay, the Attorney General has the papers. I desire Mr. Jerman Baker be employed to settle all the accounts & that he apply to all those who stand on the Forge Books & to all those who had Tickets in the Lottery either for themselves or dispose of to other people, to render him their accounts & produce receipts, as many have done great Injustice therein. My will is also that my house in town be sold & a thousand pounds of the money be applied to pay Mr. William Allen for it, & the overplus to the payment of my Debts.

I give to my dearest & best of wives for her life, besides the deed she already has, the plantation of Westover & Buckland with all the remaining negroes & stocks of all sorts, & I likewise give to her so much of my Plate & the household furniture as she may choose to keep, together with my carriage & coach horses. I pray to almighty God to bless her & continue her in health for many years & I am convinced from the Goodness of Heart I have experienced in her she will take the tenderest care of all my children. It is my will & desire that at the death of my dearest wife all my Estates, whatsoever, consisting of Land, Negroes, Stocks of all sorts, plate, Books & furniture be sold as soon as convenient & the money arising from the sales thereof be equally divided among all my children that are alive at the time of my dear wife's death, deducting from the share of those I had by my first wife such sums as they may claim under the wills of my Deluded & superannuated Mother & my ungrateful son William, except the Ferry at the Falls left to my son John by his Brother William, which gift I have confirmed. My will is that four hundred pounds sterling be deducted from the share of my son Tom as I have already paid that sum for his commission, & whatsoever sums I may hereafter pay to promote him in the army are to be deducted out of his Dividends.

My will also is that five hundred pounds sterling be deducted from the share of my daughter Elizabeth, having paid her husband, Mr. Farley, that sum under the unjust will of my insane Mother.

My will likewise is that if my son Otway should quit the Navy before the death of my Dearest wife that he shall not be entitled to any part of the above said money arising from the above said sales & in that case I give him one shilling sterling.

My will also is that if my son Thomas Taylor should marry Susannah Randolph, the daughter of the present Attorney General, before the death of my dear wife that he shall not be entitled to any part of the aforesaid money arising from the aforesaid sales & in that case I give him one shilling sterling. My will is that the child Mrs. Byrd now goes with shall share equally with the rest of my children. Should any of my children be dead before my wife & leave lawful Issue, the share of my deceased child shall go to them & be equally divided among them. If my dearest wife should die before any of the children I have by her are married or come of age my will is that their share of the money aforesaid be put into the hands of Mr. Thomas Willing, of Philadelphia, if he be living, otherwise in the hands of Mr. Richard Willing, to be put to Interest for their use & maintenance, & I most earnestly recommend them to their care & protection. I pray God to bless & preserve them all & am unhappy I can do no more, which has shortened my days by many years. I give to my son John over & above that he may share of the money aforesaid all my right to the mines in Fincastle known by the name of Chiswell mines & two thousand acres I claim under his Majesties Proclamation of 1763. I likewise give him his choice of ten Negroes after my wife has chosen such as she pleases, I give to my son Tom a thousand acres of land I claim under the same Proclamation & his share of the money aforesaid, but upon the conditions aforesaid. I give to my son Otway over & above the money aforesaid, a thousand acres of the land I claim under this same Proclamation, but upon the conditions aforesaid. I give to my son Charles, who never offended me, a thousand acres of land in the County of Fincastle, known by the name of the Salt Springs, & which was surveyed for me by Mr. Arthur Campbell, being part of the land I claim under his Majesties Proclamation of 1763. I likewise give him his man Tom & little Jack White & his choice of two negro girls, over & above his share of the money aforesaid. I give to my daughter Elizabeth, Rachel & her family, over & above her share of the money aforesaid, making the deduction aforesaid. I give to my daughter Molly, Eleanor & Cate's Sarah, over & above her share of the money aforesaid. I give to my daughter Anne, Thomas' Hannah & Nancy's Nanny, over & above her share of the money aforesaid. I give to my daughter Evelyn, Jack's Sally & Garrett's Patty, over & above her share of the money aforesaid. I give to my daughter Abby, Statia's Aggy & Tom's sister Judith, over & above her share of the money. I give to my daughter Jenny & the child my wife now goes with two negro girls apiece over & above their share of the money aforesaid. I give to Mary Willing Robertson, the daughter of Anne Campbell, of Winchester, two hundred pounds, if so much remains, from the sales, Debts, &c. after paying my just Debts. Tis my earnest desire that my faithful servant Jack White, be set free on the Death of my beloved wife, for he has not only been the best of servants to me but has on different occasions saved me from the grave. I entrust this matter may be recommended to the Governor & Council. My desire is that the meadows may be carefully kept up, because they are invaluable & will make Westover sell for as much again. I do hereby appoint my dearest wife, her Brothers, my worthy friends Thomas Willing, Esq., & Charles Willing, Esq., Richard Willing, Esq., & James Willing, Esq., guardians to all my children under age at the time of my death. If my beloved wife should choose to take the trouble of the Executrix of this my last will, I then appoint her my Sole Executrix, but fear it will be too troublesome an office for her. If she declines it I do hereby appoint my son John Carter Byrd & my good friend Mr. Patrick Coutes, Executors of this my last Will & Testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand & seal, this sixth day of July, 1774, as dated above & on the other sheet to which this is tacked.

The above was signed, sealed & published, delivered & declared, & pronounced by the said William Byrd as his last will & Testament in presence of us—

William Glen,

James Littlepage,

John Johnson.

At a court held for Charles City at the Court House, Wednesday, the 5th day of February, 1777.

The last will & Testament of William Byrd, Esq., deceased, was proved by the oaths of William Glen, James * * *

SOURCE: The Virginia Historical Society, The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Volume 9, No. 1, July 1901, p. 85-8

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: January 10, 1859

Cold. 14° below zero at my house. Much colder elsewhere, especially in New Hampshire and Vermont. 38 in Montpelier and in some other places. Rode over to Cambridge. Asked a boy about a poor woman who is dying of consumption. He knew her and told me she had been burnt out (of the old Porter Tavern) and was living near. He jumped on my horse and rode him up and down the road while I went in and found the poor woman. She was overjoyed at seeing me, and laughed and cried by turns.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 152

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: January 11, 1859

Went over to see my poor woman again.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 152

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: Sunday, May 22, 1859

Across the fields with the children (how beautiful they are!) to Sunday-school. With such company how can any father wish for any situation in life better than mine: how can any one have more advantages than I have? Rev. Dr. Stone preached two excellent sermons; and at sunset we enjoyed the sermon of nature in the golden colors of the sky.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 152-3

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: May 23, 1859

Rode up Corey's Hill. What a view! The country is clothed with verdure and with flowers; the trees covered with blossoms. The blessing of God seems to be present in such a fair scene.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 153

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: May 27, 1859

Cricket in the afternoon in my grove with the children.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 153

Colonel Thomas H. Perkins and Others to Daniel Webster

[Mr. Webster's first nomination to Congress from Massachusetts.]

Boston, October 18, 1822.

Dear Sir, — We, the undersigned, having been chosen at a meeting of delegates from all the wards, held at Concert Hall on Thursday evening last, a committee to acquaint you, that at that meeting you were unanimously selected to be recommended to the support of their fellow-citizens, to represent the District of Suffolk, in the next Congress of the United States; and having been, by your absence from town, unable to wait upon you personally, have the pleasure to address you, to communicate the above fact; and we beg you to be assured, that in the performance of this duty we experience a peculiar satisfaction, which will be greatly enhanced by the knowledge of your consent to conform, upon this occasion, to the wishes of your friends, in the number of which we hope to be considered, and with the highest respect and esteem remain,

Your obedient servants,

T. H. Perkins,	}
Wm. Sullivan,	}
Benj. Russell,	}	Committee
Wm. Sturgis,	}
J. W. T. Apthorp,	}

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Volume 1, p. 321

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to a Member of the Dabney Family, October 9, 1856

Steamboat Cataract

aground on a bank in the Missouri River

October 9, 1856

I know you would enjoy going to Kansas, for it is as genuine a sensation as we expect it to be; things and people are very real there. It is precisely like waking up some morning and stepping out on the Battle of Bunker Hill; one learns in a single day more about Greeks and Romans and English Puritans and Scotch Jacobites, and Hungarians and all heroic peoples, than any course of history can teach. The same process is producing the same results before your eyes, and what is most striking the same persons whom you saw a year ago in Boston, indolent and timid, are here transformed to heroes. Perhaps this brings down the dignity of our courage a little, showing it to be the child of circumstances, but still one sees great differences of temperament in Kansas as elsewhere. What struck me most was the unconscious buoyancy of the people. Living in the midst of danger, they recognize it as the normal condition of existence, and talk of it in the sort of way that sailors do. In the intervals of dinner (if dinner there be), they talk over the last fight as if it were a picnic. In fact it was plain that the excitement had become a necessary stimulus to them, and during the partial peace which existed while I was there, they confessed that they missed something. Women complained that there wasn't much to talk about. At Lawrence, when the evening drum beat to call out the guard (of United States troops, placed there by Governor Geary, for protection) somebody would always exclaim, “That sounds good!” And the patience is about as remarkable as the courage. People would describe their way of living, sick wife and children perhaps . . . and always end, “But we shall live or die in Kansas.” Of course there are exceptions; but the more men sacrifice there, the more they seem to love the country. The difficulty is, that there is not much left to sacrifice; everybody has grown poor. I hope nothing from Governor Geary; he means well and has energy of will, but no energy of character; he can take efficient single steps, but not carry out any systematic plan of action. . . . I have less hope that Kansas will be a free State than before I came here. Before this last interference of Governor Geary, the Kansas men under General Lane (who is a very remarkable man) had driven out the Missourians in all directions; but it is their policy not to resist the United States Government, and the Missourians are always ready to take the slightest advantage which that affords them. After the Presidential election the invaders will make a desperate effort; their success is certain if Buchanan is elected, and probably if Fremont is.

. . . On board I have thus far met no annoyance, though there is a company of young Virginians and Carolinians returning to their homes; they are of the race of “poor white folks,” commonly. My copy of “Dred” occasions some remarks. I trust your father will feel a becoming reverence when I say that I am a General in the Kansas Army, having been immediately presented with a commission to that effect by the redoubtable “Jim Lane” himself, the “Marion” of the age. I keep it as a valuable autograph, or to be used on my next visit to Kansas.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 142-4

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, July 12, 1863

As you like poetical avenges I will give you one of the amusing sort. Yesterday at the Union League Club a newmade friend said: “I am going to have you introduced at —— Club; it is the most exclusive here, and by courtesy you will have admission for a month. I have a particular reason for this. You know the T——ms, and I do too. They are men who think all mankind ought to bow down to them. They can't understand why you should have this appointment, and Bill sneers a little at it, but is evidently annoyed. He is a member of the Club and I want you to meet him there.” So I have promised to be introduced as soon as my accomplished Major Hunt arrives. Won't I have fun! Last evening I went to a most enthusiastic meeting of colored men, and made a short speech, reminding them of the divine compensation of John Brown's advent at Harper's Ferry, in return for Captain Pate's raid, and Colonel Montgomery in South Carolina in return for Buford.

We have a camp at Chelten Hills, nine miles from the Continental; a beautiful location I am told. I named it Camp Wm. Penn. The Quakers wince, but I tell them it is established on peace principles; that is, to conquer a lasting peace.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 302

Samuel Gridley Howe to Congressman Horace Mann, October 21, 1852

South Boston, October 21st, 1852.

My Dear Mann: — I am too impetuous a person ever to give a politic answer to political questions; but were such a question put to me as is put to you I should say, I would not favour the enactment of a law prohibiting corporations from employing persons more than ten hours per day; and this for various reasons.

The Legislature by taking the people under this sort of guardianship and protection does them no good, but harm. It emasculates people to be protected in this way. Let them be used to protecting themselves. It is bad policy to enact any but absolutely necessary laws. Commerce and trade should be free — entirely free.

Besides — such a law would seem to favour the notion that labourers ought to work ten hours daily — whereas in reality they ought not, in a good state of society, to work more than six to eight. The man who has worked hard bodily ten hours is incapacitated for working mentally with full appetency and vigour. Operatives ought not to be obliged to work more than six to eight hours; but in the present state of society legislation to that effect would be folly and madness; you cannot legislate rightly about it — therefore I would not at all.

Ever yours,

S. G. Howe.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 385

William T. Sherman to George Mason Graham, Friday Night, Jan. 13, 1860

Seminary, Friday Night, Jan. 13, 1860.

Dear General: . . . We are getting along well enough. On Monday next a week, I will order breakfast at seven, Mathematics, five classes a week from eight to eleven, French from eleven to one, Latin two to four, drill one hour daily — and that order will carry us to June. The tailor was to have been out to-day to measure for uniforms, but as usual he did not come. As soon as I have measures I will order fifty uniforms coats, vests, and pants, hat and forage caps, also a suit of fatigue flannel — fifteen dollars per coat, vest, pants.

I think there is no objection to the use of the extract of Bragg's letter. I also do not object to a reasonable use of John's letters to me. I think he would not like to appear to seek to counteract any prejudice against him in any quarter, save privately among gentlemen. Not for the public and press. Congressmen think their public record hard enough to reconcile to the changing opinions and prejudices of a wide-spread people.

I saw him last summer, had much talk with him on this subject, and used all my influence to prevail on him to assume a high national tone, and understood him as asserting that no bill could be offered for any purpose in Congress without southern politicians bringing in some phase of the negro question. But on the subject of slave property in the states where it exists, or any molestation of the clear distinct rights relating thereto, guaranteed by the compact of government, he expressed in a speech in my hearing as emphatic a declaration as any one could. But as to nationalizing slavery or getting Congress to pass a distinct law about it in the territories that he will not do. I sent you his letter to show you my reason for asserting that he is no abolitionist. I could not understand his signing the Helper's card and wondered why he did not explain it in his place, but he could not do so after Clark's resolution.

I did apprehend for a time that any feeling against him might be turned against me — not injuring me materially as I have still open to me the London offer, but that my being here might prejudice the Seminary, a mere apprehension of which would cause me to act promptly — but I do not apprehend such a result now.

Our grounds are being materially damaged by the hauling of heavy loads of wood by the front gate, over the only smooth ground we have for a parade; the ground being soft and the wagons turning upon the Bermuda grass, which is firmer than the road I feel much tempted to alter our fences — thus to run a fence from the rear of building straight to the road, and compel all loaded wagons for Jarreau or ourselves to enter to the side and rear. I think I could do all fencing by the men employed to saw and distribute wood, especially as the weather grows warm giving more time. I could get the board for the fence of Waters, on account of his son who is with us. I estimate the entire cost of all the fencing necessary at two hundred dollars and I could do all that is necessary at one hundred fifty dollars, and it would add greatly to the appearance of the place.

I made the measurements to-day and will make a diagram showing my meaning but of course I will do nothing without your sanction. We will have some of the construction fund left — as our furniture will all be taken by cadets at a small profit over cost. With present fences and gate constantly open our enclosure is full of hogs. We dare not kill them, and they root about and keep our premises nasty. I am full aware of the absolute necessity for economy and allude to the subject only, as I might now work in labor of men we must keep employed at the wood-pile; by using split posts I could further reduce cost; little by little anyway I will smooth the ground for drill. . .

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 120-2

William T. Sherman to George Mason Graham, Saturday Evening, January 14, 1860

Saturday Eve. I have been busy all day in taking measures for clothing, in drill, examining applications for leave to visit home for Sunday, etc., and now as the hour approaches to send off my mail, I have no time even to look over what I wrote last night. Smith and Boyd go to-day to visit some Doctor from Virginia — to be absent till Monday — thirty-nine Cadets present.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 122

Victor Hugo: March 30, 1860

Slavery in all its forms will disappear. What the South slew last December was not John Brown, but Slavery. Henceforth, no matter what President Buchanan may say in his shameful message, the American Union must be considered dissolved. Between the North and the South stands the gallows of Brown. Union is no longer possible: such a crime cannot be shared.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 631

Victor Hugo: June 18, I860

Grand are the liberators of mankind! Let them hear the grateful applanse of the nations, whatever their fortune! Yesterday we gave our tears; to-day our hosannas are heard. Providence deals in these compensations. John Brown failed in America, but Garibaldi has triumphed in Europe. Mankind, shuddering at the infamous gallows of Charlestown, takes courage once more at the flashing sword of Catalafimi.¹

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¹ Victor Hugo's “Actes et Paroles pendant l'Exil” (1859-60). In the édition Definitive of his complete works, which was still going through the press at his death, in 1885, the author added this note to the passages cited above: "Victor Hugo avait, à propos de John Brown, prédit la guerre civile à l’Amérique, et, a propos de Garibaldi, prédit 1'unité à l’ltalie. Ces dcux prédictions se réalisèrent.” He had a right to claim this.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 631

Thomas Garrett to James Miller McKim & William Still, May 11, 1856

WILMINGTON, 5 mo. 11th, 1856.

Esteemed Friends — McKim and Still: — I purpose sending to~morrow morning by the steamboat a woman and child, whose husband, I think, went some nine months previous to New Bedford. She was furnished with a free passage by the same line her husband came in. She has been away from the person claiming to be her master some five months; we, therefore, think there cannot be much risk at present. Those four I wrote thee about arrived safe up in the neighborhood of Longwood, and Harriet Tubman followed after in the stage yesterday. I shall expect five more from the same neighborhood next trip. Captain Lambdin is desirous of having sent him a book, or books, with the strongest arguments of the noted men of the South against the institution of slavery, as he wishes to prepare to defend himself, as he has little confidence in his attorney. Cannot you send to me something that will be of benefit to him, or send it direct to him? Would not W. Goodell's book be of use? His friends here think there is no chance for him but to go to the penitentiary. They now refuse to let any one but his attorney see him.

As over your friend,

Thos. GARRETT.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 387

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, January 16, 1863

(Private)

New Orleans, January 16th, 1863.

Dear Sir: I have just been informed by Gen. Banks that the expedition to the Teche under Weitzel, was completely successful and accomplished all he intended. The rebels had in the Bayou a large and powerful gunboat called the “Cotton,” which boat got aground below their fortifications. This boat we destroyed. They have no other boats in any of the bayous below Red River.

Gen. Banks can now take the Teche country whenever he pleases. Weitzel's force has returned, but, I judge, Gen. Banks intends occupying the country by flank movement according to suggestions made by me at first.

I hear much complaint of Gen. Banks that he has not accomplished, or prepared to accomplish, anything — that his time is occupied in listening to complaints of secessionists — that four weeks of fine weather have been lost without military operations—that no step has been taken to open the river — and other similar complaints.

Gen. Banks told me this morning, he cannot yet undertake the opening of the river, because he has no cavalry — no transportation — no medicines, &c. He says everything has been done that ought to have been — and that he shall operate up the River at the earliest day possible. I will say one thing strongly in his favor — that he conceals his plans (whatever they may be) perfectly — and I hardly think even the members of his staff know his intentions.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 350

John M. Forbes, after July 12, 1863

We landed in New York on Sunday evening [July 12], the day before the great draft riots there broke out. When the pilot came on board, the news of our military success at Gettysburg was coming in, though we could not know at what cost of life among our friends. There was just time for Aspinwall to reach a train that would take him to his home on the North River, and so he left me with our servant John to take care of the rather numerous trunks.

It was after sundown that the little steamer landed John and myself on the wharf, far down the East River, among as bad-looking a lot of roughs as I ever saw assembled. We did not know that the great riot was about breaking out, nor luckily did the gentry around us know what a prize lay within their grasp; but it was easy to see that the dangerous classes were out: the police were hardly to be seen, outside of the custom-house officers, and these, knowing something of us, readily passed our baggage without examination; and I found myself on the wharf in the increasing darkness with my pile of trunks, which included three containing six millions of 5-20 bonds (worth to-day [1884] about eight millions in gold). With some difficulty I fought off, without an absolute quarrel, the horde of persistent hackmen who claimed me as their legitimate prey; and I was standing at bay, wondering what to do next, when I was saluted by the mellifluous Hibernian accent of a rough-looking customer. “Here, Mr. Forbes, take my carriage!” I looked at him without much to increase my confidence in his wretched trap, but asked how he knew me. “And was I not in the regiment at Port Royal when you was there?” “Take these three trunks, my good fellow,” said I, pointing to the treasure-bearers; “and, John, you must get a cart and bring the rest to the Brevoort.” We rattled safely over the rough, dark streets, and I was soon glad to deposit my charge among the heaps in the old Brevoort House entry, and then to find my wife and Alice awaiting me.

I found also that Governor Andrew was in town, and the intercourse with the North was already cut off by the mob. We heard that night the most exciting stories, from callers, of what was going on, and especially from Collector Barney of the New York Custom-house, whose house was threatened. The draft was made a pretext for the mobbing of negroes, as it was reported that the object of the draft was to free their race; and so the Irish were called upon to kill all Africans. It was said that about fifteen hundred persons were killed during the skirmishes of those two days.

For safety we dispatched Alice early Monday morning to Staten Island to our cousin, Frank Shaw,¹ where, as he was a well-known abolitionist, she found herself out of the frying-pan into the fire; but good George Ward took her and all the Shaws into his house, and no harm came to them.

Captain Anthony and his family were at the Fifth Avenue Hotel on their way to Europe, and he saw a great deal more of actual violence than we did. The house was threatened, and many of the guests and servants deserted it, but the captain stuck to his guns and helped to allay the panic.

We discussed with Governor Andrew the expediency of bringing Colonel N. P. Hallowell's 55th Regiment of Colored Troops, just leaving Boston on its way South, into New York, but decided that the experiment was too dangerous a one. The different method pursued in managing the riot at this time in Boston would be a good lesson for the future. Governor Andrew put into all the armories, and places like the Spencer Rifle Company's factory, where arms were made, a sufficient force to protect them, and only one was attacked by the mob. This was at the North End, and was garrisoned by a company of artillerymen under Colonel Stephen Cabot, brought up from the fort. He loaded his guns, and made arrangements by cutting slits in the windows to defend them, and then tried to persuade the mob to disperse. Brickbats drove him back into the armory, and they then began to batter down the doors. He waited till there was some danger of their giving way, and then fired through the doors with his cannon into the mob, as well as through the windows with musketry. It is said there were thirty men killed. However that may be, his prompt action put an end to all further disturbances, and this was the only real outbreak in Massachusetts. These riots were no doubt instigated by Southern conspirators for the purpose of rousing up the Irish element in opposition to the draft which was going on; and their attacks upon negroes were wholly in consequence of their well-known jealousy against negro labor. With the great foreign population of Boston once roused, the consequences might have been quite as bad as they were in New York.

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¹ Francis George Shaw, the father of Col. Robert G. Shaw. —Ed.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 48-51