Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, March 2, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, March 2, 1864.

We have all been in a state of excitement about our recent cavalry raids. On the 28th, I moved the Sixth Corps and part of the Third to Madison Court House, threatening the enemy's left flank. At the same time Custer, with fifteen hundred cavalry and two pieces of artillery, was sent to Charlottesville to try and cut the Gordonsville and Lynchburg Railroad near that place, where there is an important bridge over the Ravenna River. Custer got within two miles of the bridge, but found it too strongly guarded. He, however, skirmished with the enemy, destroyed and captured a great deal of property, took fifty prisoners, and on his return cut his way through a large cavalry force, commanded by Jeb. Stuart, that had been sent to cut him off, thus being quite successful. In the meantime, while the enemy's attention was fully occupied with Custer, and they were under the impression I was moving in that direction, Kilpatrick, with four thousand cavalry and six guns, at night crossed the Rapidan on our left and pushed straight for Richmond. He fortunately captured the picket on the Rapidan, thus preventing early intelligence of his movement being communicated. He left Sunday night, and the last we have heard of him was Monday afternoon, when he was within thirty miles of Richmond. Of course you can imagine our anxiety to know his fate. If he finds Richmond no better guarded than our information says it is, he will have a great chance of getting in and liberating all the prisoners, which is the great object of the movement. God grant he may, for their sakes and his.

I suppose you have seen by the papers that I have been confirmed as a brigadier general in the regular army.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 168-9

Brigadier-General Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, January 25, 1865

Washington, D. C, January 25, 1865.

You will doubtless be surprised at the heading of this note. On the 17th inst. I received from the Secretary of War a telegram ordering me to repair without delay to the Adjutant-General of the United States. The same day General Thomas ordered a steamboat to transport me to Paducah, from thence I came hither almost on the wings of the wind, staying neither for fog, flood, nor mountain pass, though I was befogged near Louisville, and snowed up one night in the Alleghenies. Still, considering the distance, I made marvellously good time, and arrived here last night. I discover that I have been summoned to appear before the Committee on the Conduct of the War (of Congress), probably to testify in reference to the Red River expedition.

I shall know to-morrow. My stay here will be only temporary, and I shall probably from here be ordered back to Eastport or wherever my command is. You may think it strange that I could not stop for at least a day, but I dared not. I had been pretty well up to the time I was ordered here, but that very day my old complaint came back upon me with great violence and lasted every day of my journey, and I feared to make a halt lest I should be detained as I was before. To-day I am a good deal better. I have not heard one word from home since the letters that reached me at Nashville.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 379

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to Hon. Asahel W. Hubbard, June 12, 1861

From information received from yourself and others, there is reasonable ground to apprehend difficulties in your Judicial District

The great distance from the exposed points to my residence, and the consequent delay in communicating with me, together with the probable necessity for prompt action, renders it, in my judgment, desirable that I give a large discretionary power to some person, resident in the exposed region, to act for me in case of emergency, and your well-known character for prudence, firmness, intelligence and integrity have indicated you as the proper person. I earnestly hope you may feel at liberty to accept the position for which this letter will be your authority.

If, upon careful examination of the facts, you deem it advisable so to do, you can place in quarters for discipline and drill such numbers of men in your city as, in your judgment, may be best and for such time as you may think proper.

I would suggest on this point that the regular drill of the soldiers may not be essential to the effective service of men engaged in scouting and Indian fighting further than is necessary to ensure a prompt obedience to orders.

You will, when in your judgment necessary for the protection of your people, order the men, or such part of them as you deem necessary, to pursue and capture any hostile bands of Indians, or to do such other service as your judgment may satisfy you is necessary for the safety of your people.

In short, I clothe you with all my power in this particular, agreeing to adopt as my own such action as you may take in the premises. Permit me to suggest the exercise of both caution and firmness. Under excitement you may be urged to adopt measures that cool reflection will show to be unnecessary; but be careful not to fail in doing whatever may be necessary, in your best judgment, for your defense. In a word, I rely upon your calm, cool, deliberate judgment, and will abide by the exercise of it.

I write this because the money and means at my command are quite limited, and I desire to avoid the slightest unnecessary expense, while doing promptly and fully all the public interest may demand. You may feel some delicacy in assuming this responsibility, fearing that in some particulars your action may not meet my approval. On that head, I have this to say: Although it is quite possible that were I on the ground, your judgment and mine might differ as to the proper action on some particular question, as the minds of men seeking the same result will frequently differ as to the means of obtaining it, yet I am prepared to adopt and stand by whatever you may do.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 168-9

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S Nealley Grimes, November 6, 1861

Washington, November 6, 1861.

I reached Washington last night, weary with the journey, and disgusted with what I heard from quite authentic sources of the course of the Administration. If the other Northwestern members feel as I do, there will be something more during the coming session than growling and showing our teeth. And, from what I hear, they do feel excited and incensed.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 153

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Thursday, November 5, 1863

It rained all day and on account of it the fatigue party did not work on the fortifications. Our camp number 3 is located on the town commons, and because of no timber near by the northwest wind has a full sweep over the camp. No news of importance.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 151

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: December 22, 1863

Detailed with twenty under the command of Lieutenant John Lilley, Company I, for a night's scout and picket duty with four cavalry scouts from the 1st New York (Lincoln) Cavalry. Left late this P. M., marching across lots through woods. Ordered to keep very quiet as we went marching on, so that our presence might not be known. After a march of between seven or eight miles we came to a small town called Cabletown, at a ford in the Shenandoah River. The cavalry boys were good scouts, on the alert, keeping our Lieutenant well posted as we advanced. We reached the town just after dark, as it began to snow. Pickets were soon posted at the ford. Our quarters were a wagon shop, where we kept very comfortable when off picket. A few citizens spent a part of the night with us. A good fire was kept burning in the stove all night.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 32

Burdsell's Independent Cavalry Company

Organized at Cincinnati, Ohio, June 5, 1861. Ordered to West Virginia. Attached to Rosecrans' Brigade, Army of West Virginia, to July, 1861. 1st Brigade, Army of Occupation, West Virginia, to August. West Virginia Campaign July 6-17, 1861. Actions at Rich Mountain July 11 and August 5. Scarytown July 17. Mustered out August 23, 1861.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1480

Lieutenant-Colonel John Edwards to Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood, July 28, 1861

PLEASANT PLAINS, IOWA, July 28, 1861.

Governor S. J. KIRKWOOD:

DEAR SIR: Since my dispatch to you, dated Leon, July 23, communicating a general account of the recent troubles on the border of Ringgold County, I have the honor to report to you further troubles, with my action in the premises, with the hope that it will meet your sanction.

On my return home from Leon, I was met by a messenger from Capt. W. C. Drake, of Corydon, who was at that time stationed at Allenville, on the border of Ringgold County, informing me that Colonel Cranor, of Gentry County, Missouri, had sent to him for assistance and re-enforcements, as the rebels were fortified on Grand River, reported to be from 800 to 1,200 strong, with three pieces of artillery. Colonel Cranor had under his command about 300 Union Missouri men, badly armed, and over 100 Iowans, who had volunteered under him. I dispatched a messenger from Garden Grove to the various armed companies within reach, ordering them to march and concentrate at Allenville immediately, also at Chariton. Communications were sent to Keokuk and Burlington for two pieces of artillery, to be forwarded to me, if they could be obtained. I also sent a messenger to Captain Drake, to ascertain more minutely the facts as to the condition of affairs in his vicinity. I started for Captain Drake's camp, but was met 25 miles this side by the returning messengers, whom I had sent the day before. These confirmed all the intelligence brought me the day previous.

On reaching Captain Drake's camp I ascertained that messengers had just arrived from Colonel Cranor's command, conveying the information that the belligerents, then within 4 miles of each other, had made a treaty of peace. I have seen a copy of it, and it is in substance as follows: Each party was to lay down its arms, return home, and assist each other in enforcing the laws of Missouri against all offenders. This was a decided victory gained by the rebels, as the terms were general, and embraced the obnoxious “military bill” of that State, and such laws as the rebel legislature, then in session in the southern part of the State of Missouri, might thereafter pass, under the auspices of Governor Jackson.

Colonel Cranor resides in the neighborhood of a large body of secessionists, and was no doubt influenced to enter into such a treaty in consequence of intimidation and threats against his life and property. The secessionists in that region are more bold than before, and have recommenced mustering under the military laws of the State, which are obnoxious to the Union men, and to which they will not submit. The Union men of that region of the State are indignant and mortified at the terms of the treaty. Many have become disheartened, have abandoned their property and their crops, and are leaving the State. The same feelings have taken hold? really families on the border, in Iowa. I have seen several families who, abandoning everything to the fates, have returned to friends in other States. The loyal men of both States, separated merely by an imaginary line, have the same sympathies in a common cause. Whatever excitement is raised or demonstration made in Missouri tending to injure the property and destroy the lives of Union men of that State appeals for aid to friends and neighbors in Iowa; nor do they appeal in vain. The arming and military parades made by our companies along the border at most points have produced most salutary effects; it strengthens and inspires the Union men of Missouri, and carries over to them the neutrals and a great many terror-stricken secessionists. They voluntarily come forward every day and take the oath of allegiance.

In connection with the subject of my last dispatch to you, I would say that at least 1,500 citizens of Iowa left their harvest fields and families and rushed into Missouri to the relief of the Union men. These citizens were armed in every conceivable manner, without officers, system, or drill. They generally traversed a country broken with timber and undergrowth. Had the rebels displayed sufficient nerve and skill they might have killed and captured them all; or had a general engagement taken place, our citizens, without officers, system, or drill, might have slaughtered each other.

The loyal men of Missouri express their gratitude to the people of Iowa for their timely aid and support on every trying occasion. Everything they possessed was cheerfully offered free of charge to render our citizens as comfortable as possible. I know several gentlemen who not only fed hundreds of Missouri citizens and their horses daily, for over a week at a time, but spent hundreds of dollars, sometimes their last dollar, in this benevolent manner. On account of the excitement and constant alarm along the border our citizens lost much valuable time by frequent hurrying to arms; therefore a vast amount of grain was lost on the fields.

In view of apprehended outbreaks, sooner or later, on the border of Ringgold and Taylor Counties, I have ordered into camp at this place those companies which have received marching orders and are already on the way to the scene of difficulty. For the reasons before stated, coupled with the news of our late reverses at Manassas Junction, the rebels here and elsewhere will be inspired with new vigor. I came into camp last night with three companies; the rest will follow to-day and to-morrow. I have commenced systematizing every department of the service, placing the most competent men in the various positions; the strictest discipline will be adopted, and drill performed as in the United States service. Every arrangement necessary for the comfort and health of the soldiers will be carried out. The most rigid economy will be practiced, and an exact account rendered of every cent of expense incurred. The times are such that the people demand that something be done at once and effectively. We are so situated on the border that when we are called upon to act we must act at once. Heretofore we had no system; if called into action our men were liable to be cut off by the and by one enemy another. All the companies called into camp are armed except the cavalry, decidedly the most effective on the border. For want of better, I shall arm them with muskets as far as I can.

I have ordered into camp on the line between Taylor and Ringgold Counties two companies for thirty days, unless sooner ordered to disband, as you may direct. I will keep out scouts for the next ten days in the vicinity where danger will be most likely to occur. I will be ready to strike at a moment's notice. If I am convinced that matters are settled, I will in less than two weeks strike camp.

By that time I am of the opinion we shall be able to determine, with some degree of certainty, the shape things will assume at the strong secession holds. There has been a settled understanding among the secessionists throughout Missouri to strike a blow simultaneously with Governor Jackson, who is operating in the southern portion of the State. I will report to you as often as I can my proceedings.

The principal design of the secessionists in the northern portion of the State is to keep up the excitement as much as possible, to divert attention from Jackson's operations, while they will do all in their power to harass the Union men in both States. They will not come to a regular engagement. In Gentry County alone they will number at least 1,000, who are continually on the tramp, day and night, skulking in the bush.

We have derived a great deal of authentic information through our scouts, who have penetrated their camps and councils, coming in upon them from the southeast and passing for secessionists.

The 300 muskets have just arrived.

I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

 JOHN EDWARDS,

 Lieutenant-Colonel and Aide-de-Camp.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 3 (Serial No. 3), p. 412-4

Senator James W. Grimes to Senator William P. Fessenden, September 19, 1861

Burlington, September 19, 1861.

Of course, you are so terribly oppressed with the great affairs of the finance department of this Government as to be wholly unable to write a letter to one of the outside barbarians in Iowa. I would not disturb your labors or your repose, if I did not deem it important to glorify myself a little over the result of the “circulation Treasury-notes” measures, about the success of which those learned-financial pundits, Fessenden and Chase, expressed so many doubts. You learn, of course, as I do, that at least one hundred thousand dollars of them can be floated to the manifest advantage of the Government, and to the immense advantage of this poor and benighted region. If that pure patriot and model of a public officer, whom you feel called on to defend when aspersed, would call some Pennsylvanians into the field, instead of keeping them all at home to fill army contracts, and let some of the army contracts and supplies be furnished here, business would once more assume a hopeful condition in the West. But we ought not to complain. We ought to console ourselves with the reflection that Pennsylvania furnishes one-third of all the officers to the army, and of course this draw upon her resources must impair her ability to furnish privates.

When it was reported that Fremont was suspended, cold chills began to run up and down people's backs, they bit their lips, said nothing, but refused to enlist. I know nothing of the merits of the controversy, but it is as evident as the noonday sun that the people are all with Fremont, and will uphold him “through thick and thin.” My wife says, and I regard her as a sort of moral thermometer for my guidance, that the only real noble and true thing done during this war has been his proclamation. Everybody of every sect, party, sex, and color, approves it in the Northwest, and it will not do for the Administration to causelessly tamper with the man who had the sublime moral courage to issue it.

I wish you to understand that I do not intend by this letter to impose upon you the labor of answering it. I had nothing to write about, but I had not heard from you, and the spirit said, “write,” and I have written as the spirit moved. If my wife knew that I was writing, she would send her love; as it is, you must content yourself with mine.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 152-3

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, November 4, 1863

It is still quite warm. I was on fatigue at the fortifications. The men are pulling down some fine residences and using the material in building the forts. It is pretty harsh and severe business to order a family, brave enough to stay all through the siege, out of their home and tear down their house before their eyes, to build into fortifications, but this is war. We are fortifying the place so that ten thousand men can hold it against any force that has a mind to come.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 151

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: December 20, 1863

Bitter cold. Out on picket last night on the Duffield road. Duffield is on the line of the B. & O. R. R. about eight miles from this town. Detailed to go out for wood. Teams going outside of camp must be kept well guarded, owing to bushwhackers and guerillas. While some of the boys cut wood, the guard must be on the alert. Keep up the large campfire in front of the church. Try to keep comfortable. My tent mate at this time is Lem Manning. The guerillas know every path over the mountains and all fords in the Shenandoah River.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 32

McLaughlin's Independent Cavalry Squadron

Organized at Mansfield, Ohio, October and November, 1861. Left State for Kentucky November 29, 1861. Attached to 18th Brigade, Army Ohio, to March, 1862. District of Eastern Kentucky, Dept. Ohio, to July, 1862. 3rd Brigade, Kanawha Division, West Virginia, to November, 1862. District of Eastern Kentucky, Dept. Ohio, to June. 1863. 1st Brigade, 4th Division, 23rd Army Corps, Dept. Ohio, to September, 1863. Headquarters 23rd Army Corps, Dept. Ohio, to April, 1864. 3rd Brigade, 2nd Division, District of Kentucky, 5th Division, 23rd Army Corps, to June, 1864. 3rd Brigade, Cavalry Division, 23rd Army Corps, to August, 1864. Mounted Brigade, Cavalry Division, 23rd Army Corps, to September, 1864. 2nd Brigade, Cavalry Division, 23rd Army Corps, to October, 1864. 2nd Brigade, Kilpatrick's 3rd Division, Cavalry Corps, Military Division Mississippi, to July, 1865.

SERVICE. – Garfield's Campaign in Eastern Kentucky against Humphrey Marshall December 23, 1861, to January 30, 1862. Garfield's Expedition to the Big Sandy September 23-30, 1861. Advance on Paintsville December 31, 1861, to January 8, 1862. Action at Jennies January 7, 1862. Occupation of Paintsville January 8. Abbott's Hill January 9. Middle Creek January 10. Prestonburg January 11. Expedition to the Little Sandy January 24-30. Expedition to Pound Gap, Cumberland Mountains, March 14-17. Action at Pound Gap March 16. Duty at Piketown till June. Moved to Prestonburg, thence to Louisa, Ky., July 15. Duty at Louisa till December. Operations in District of Eastern Kentucky, Dept. of the Ohio, to August, 1863. Skirmishes near Louisa March 25-26, 1863. Expedition from Beaver Creek into Southwest Virginia July 3-11. Capture of Abingdon, Va., July 5. Action at Gladesville, Va., July 7. Burnside's Campaign in East Tennessee August 16-October 17. Escort and picket duty at Knoxville till January 10, 1864. Near Loudoun November 14. Siege of Knoxville, Tenn., November 17-December 5. Moved to Nicholasville, Ky. Duty there and in Kentucky till June. Moved to Join Stoneman June 13-19. Join Sherman's Army near Big Shanty, Ga., June 26. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign June 26-September 8. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. On line of the Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Stoneman's Raid to Macon July 27-August 6. Macon and Clinton July 30. Hillsborough July 30-31. Sunshine Church August 3. Jug Tavern and Mulberry Creek August 3. Siege of Atlanta August 11-September 3. March to the sea November 15-December 10. Bear Creek Station November 16. Walnut Creek and East Macon November 20. Waynesboro November 27-28. Buckhead Creek, or Reynolds' Plantation, November 28. Rocky Creek Church December 2. Waynesboro December 4. Ebenezer Creek December 8. Siege of Savannah December 10-21. Campaign of the Carolinas January to April, 1865. Aiken and Blackville, S.C., February 11. North Edisto River February 12-13. Phillips Cross Roads, N. C., March 4. Taylor's Hole Creek, Averysboro. March 16. Bentonville March 19-21. Raleigh April 12-13. Morrisville April 13. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. Duty at Concord, N. C., till July. Moved to Raleigh and consolidated with 5th Ohio Cavalry July 28, 1865.

Squadron lost during service 1 Enlisted man killed and 49 Enlisted men by disease. Total 50.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1480

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to W. C. Sipple, Esq., January 18, 1862

Executive Office, Iowa,

January 18, 1862.

W. C. Sipple, Esq., President Board of Supervisors,

Sidney, Fremont County, Iowa:

Sir: — I have just received a communication from the Board over which you preside, touching the present unfortunate state of affairs in your county. I have already sent to your county my aid, Lieut.-Col H. C. Nutt, to investigate the situation of affairs and to take such steps as may be necessary to preserve the public peace. The condition of affairs on the southern border of your county is very unfortunate, and I intend to use all the means in my power to afford protection to our citizens. It has been suggested to me that the public peace has been jeopardized by these facts:

1st — That rebels and sympathizers from Missouri, who have made themselves peculiarly obnoxious to Union men there, by their outrageous conduct, have fled to this State and are now in your county with their property to avoid vengeance from those whom they formerly outraged.

2nd — That the same class of persons in Missouri, who cannot leave are sending their property into your county for protection from confiscation.

3rd — That these men have sympathizers in your county who harbor, these men and conceal their property.

4th — That the Union men in Missouri who have suffered from the outrages of these persons are thus tempted to invade our State for the purpose of punishing them. I have instructed Col. Nutt to investigate these alleged facts and report to me fully thereon. Should I find the allegations to be correct, I shall take measures to relieve your people from this difficulty. Whilst I intend to protect our people from outrage and invasion, I also intend that our State shall not be exposed to danger of both by becoming an asylum for rebels and their property. I trust I shall have your assistance in effecting this object, and that you will impress upon your citizens the impolicy of exposing themselves to the dangers they bring upon themselves and their neighbors, by harboring either rebels or their property.

The communication stated that Fred Rector, Esq., late acting County Judge of your county, had been authorized to organize the militia of your county, and “that when he had succeeded in organizing a sufficient force to protect the county he was, without any reason, deprived of his authority.”

This is a grave error. The reason that Judge Rector's authority was annulled was, that I was credibly informed that his loyalty to our government was doubted; that he was alleged to be of a class somewhat numerous in your county, whose sympathies are much stronger for rebels than Union men. No man whose position is not above suspicion on this point can receive any authority from me, if I know his position, or can retain it a moment longer than the knowledge reaches me, if I have the power to annull it. Col. Hedges of your county has been authorized to organize your militia, and I do not see any good reason why his authority should be revoked and given to Judge Hodges

Col. Hedges is represented to me as an efficient man, and his loyalty is undoubted. The State arms now in your county are in the hands of good and loyal men, and I do not see the necessity of placing them elsewhere. If there should be any further disturbance of the peace of your county, the men who now have the arms can use them as well as others.

Col. Nutt will, on request, exhibit his instructions. Any aid you can render him will no doubt be thankfully received.

Very respectfully,

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 163-5

Senator James Grimes to A. C. Barnes*, September 16, 1861

Burlington, September 16, 1861.

Your letter of the 13th instant, in which you say, “Ever since Breckinridge made his treasonable speeches in the United States Senate, it is being constantly reiterated that President Lincoln has violated the Constitution, and, as evidence of the fact, it is asserted that the Senate refused to ratify his acts;” and in which you ask me “to state whether the charge that Congress did refuse to sustain the acts of the President is true or not,” has come duly to hand.

By referring to the “Acts and Resolutions passed at the First Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress,” page 89, section 3 of Act LV1II., a copy of which I send you, you will observe that it is enacted “that all the acts, proclamations, and orders of the President of the United States, after the fourth of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, respecting the Army and Navy of the United States, and calling out or relating to the militia or volunteers from the States, are hereby approved, and in all respects legalized and made valid, to the same intent and with the same effect as if they had been issued and done under the previous express authority and direction of the Congress of the United States.”

This section ratifies and confirms, to the fullest possible extent, all the acts of the President that needed or that were susceptible of ratification, and was adopted by the vote of every Republican and loyal Democratic member of the Senate present. So far as I am informed, I believe it was all the confirmation of the acts of the President that he either expected or desired.

I know it is urged by some, but mostly, if not entirely, by those who are opposed to the vigorous prosecution of the present war, that it was also necessary to confirm the acts of the President suspending, in some cases, the writ of habeas corpus. It must be apparent, I think, to every one who will reflect upon the subject, that to have attempted such confirmation would be to inferentially admit that, as commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, the President had no power to suspend the operation of that writ without congressional authority. Very few, if any, loyal members of Congress were willing to admit that. They did not doubt but that he had complete power in the premises, and they chose to leave him to exercise his authority under the Constitution according to his own judgment and as the exigencies of the country might require. They did not believe that his acts in this regard needed confirmation, and therefore confined their ratification and approval to such acts as required legal enactments for their basis, and in the initiation of which they had been anticipated by him.

There may be some who honestly believe that the Senate refused to support the President because of their failure to pass certain resolutions presented by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts. The facts in regard to those resolutions were these: They were introduced at an early day in the session, and were put aside from day to day to make room for what was considered more important business, until just at the close of the session, when they had reached that stage in parliamentary proceedings when it was impossible to amend them without unanimous consent, and that could not be obtained. The objection urged by some gentlemen against them as they stood without amendment was, that they were improperly drawn, inasmuch as the phraseology was in the past tense, and declared that the acts of the President were legal and valid when performed, whereas, as they insisted, they ought to have declared that those acts should be legal and valid as though done under the sanction of law. It was a question of grammatical construction. This, if my memory serves me correctly, was the position of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, whose action has been much criticised in this State, as well as elsewhere. He declared his willingness, nay his anxiety, to justify and approve the acts of the President, but he was unwilling to say that those acts were legal at the time they were performed. Although not agreeing with him in his construction of the phraseology of the resolutions, it is due to him to say that no man in America was more anxious than he to give to the Administration an honest, hearty, and patriotic support. And, when the legalization of its proceedings was put in what he believed to be proper language, he cordially sustained it.

It was simply on account of this objection in the minds of a few Senators that the resolutions which it was impossible to amend were dropped, and the substance of them incorporated into a law.

Be assured that all these charges of a refusal to support the Administration by Republican and loyal Democratic Senators are devices of the enemy, and should only serve to make the path of duty more plain before us. That duty, it seems to me, is obvious. We should enthusiastically rally to the support of the noble and true men who were nominated by the convention held at Des Moines on the 31st day of July last. They are the representatives of the Government in this crisis. A vote for them will be a vote in support of the Administration, in favor of the integrity of the Government, and for peace through victory. Let us give to Governor Kirkwood, who, in the last six months, has done more hard work, incurred greater responsibilities, and been more causelessly abused than all the Governors that Iowa ever had, that cheering, sweeping majority that his patriotism, his integrity of purpose, and his devotion to the true interests of the State, so justly merit.

_______________

* Of Albia, Monroe County, Iowa.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 150-2

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Tuesday, November 3, 1863

Though the weather has been warm for two days, we are fixing up our tent for any cold snap that may come later on, for the report now is that we will remain here at Vicksburg all winter. I finished building the fireplace in my tent. The quartermaster has a detail of men with teams cutting and hauling wood from the timber for the winter.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 151

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: December 17, 1863

A severe, cold storm, rain freezing on the ground and trees. The people in town say the Yankees brought the cold weather with them. Claim the weather is colder than it has been for years. Most of the houses here not built very warm. The people suffer from the cold, have only wood fires.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 31-2

5th Ohio Independent Cavalry Battalion

Organized at Columbus, Ohio, for six months July 9-September 2, 1863. Duty on southern border of Ohio till August. Moved to Camp Chase, Ohio, and Battalion organization there completed. Ordered to Cincinnati, Ohio, September 8, thence moved into District of Eastern Kentucky, Headquarters at Flemingsburg. Engaged in scouting and raiding guerrillas in that District till February, 1864. Skirmish in Morgan County, Ky., October 6, 1863, and at Liberty, Ky., October 12, 1863. Mustered out February 15, 1864.

Battalion lost during service 1 Enlisted man killed and 2 Enlisted men by disease. Total 3.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1480

Francis W. Pickens* to SenatorRobert M. T. Hunter, December 10, 1859

(Private.)

St. Petersburg, [russia], December 10,1859.

My Dear Sir; I wrote Mason a week or so ago and enclosed him his letter which I had published in the leading paper of this city, and you will now pardon me for enclosing you a letter in the same paper, the leading court paper, written from N[ew] York, and I would most respectfully call your attention to it, as it embraces exactly the current ideas that now prevail throughout Europe as to the weakness, of the South and the general belief that the North are about to “Conquer and subjugate the South.” We are looked upon and studiously represent as being in the condition of Mexico and the South American States. And I would cautiously suggest, that one leading object of McLain [?] in travelling in England and the Continent this last summer, was to spread these ideas, and most particularly to ascertain the feelings of the public men in England in reference to a rupture which he anticipated as certain. I will not say this certain, but it is my firm impression from various sources of information. We are certainly on the eve of very great events and I do not wish to be so presumptious as to advise any one in your distinguished position, but it does seem to me that it would be more impressive for Virginia to say less through newspapers and through them, to use more calm language and a firmer higher tone. She is a great state and has a great name. She made the Constitution and the Union, and she has a right to be heard. Under the circumstances in which she is placed, if the Legislature were, by a unanimous vote, to demand a Convention of the States, under the forms of the Constitution, and propose new Guarantees and a new League, giving security and peace to her, from the worst form of war, waged upon her, through the sanction of her border states, it would produce a profound impression. And if the South were to join in this demand, unless the Northern people immediately took decided steps themselves to put down forever the vile demagogues who have brought the country to the verge of ruin, a convention could not be resisted. And if after a full and truthful hearing, new securities and guarantees were refused, then the Southern States stand right before the world and posterity, in taking their own course to save their power and independence, be the consequences what they may.

Under the old articles of Confederation the Union had practically fallen to pieces and the wisest men thought it could not be saved, and yet in Convention of able and wise men, face to face and eye to eye, disclosing truthfully the dangers with which they were surrounded, the present Constitution was formed for a more perfect union and adopted by the States. So too now, when new dangers are developed, a full and manly discription in a Constitutional Convention of all the Statrs, may develop new remedies, and even a new league or covenant suited to the demands of the country. I merely suggest these things most respectfully, for I dread to see any hasty or ill-advised, ill conceived measures resorted to, which will end in bluster and confusion. Every thing ought to be done by the state as a state, with a full comprehension of the gravity of the matter and the momentous consequences involved. I think we ought to endeavor faithfully to save the Constitution and the Federal Union, if possible, and if not, then it is our duty to save ourselves. Even if the two sections were compelled to have separate internal organizations and separate Executives, still they might be united under a League or Covenant for all external and foreign intercourse, holding the free interchange of unrestricted internal and domestic trade as the basis of competing peace and union by interest. I merely throw out this idea, as I know your philosophical mind will readily comprehend it in all its details and bearings. It is a subject that I have thought of before, and it is forced up by the present unfortunate condition of affairs in our country. At this distance from home, I am filled with pain and apprehension for the future. I know and feel that we have arrived at a point where we will require stern and inflexible conduct united with thorough knowledge to carry us through safely. There is no time for ultraism of factious moves. There must be firmness and wisdom, and it must come from the States, and especially from Virginia moving as a state determined to protect her people and their rights, without the slightest reference to partizan contests of any kind whatever. Excuse me for writing thus freely, but our former relations justify it, and I sincerely desire to know the councils of wise and true men of the South. True I am here, but at the first tap of the drum I am ready for my own home and my own country.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from South Carolina, 1834-1843.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-1876,p. 275-7

Charles Russell Lowell to Anna Cabot Jackson Lowell, January 27, 1861

Mt. Savage, [maryland,] Jan. 27, '61.

Living in a border state, politics are personally too interesting for me to enjoy the papers. It is hard to see clearly, but I fear Phillips was more than half right in his denunciation of Seward's speech; it was certainly a stultification of his previous course, more worthy of a political dodger than a statesman. The best explanation I have seen of it, is that it was the change of foot from offensive to defensive. The speech may save the Union, but I will never give its author my vote for any high office. We want higher thinking than that in times like the present. I fear the London “Times” is right in saying that the salt and savour of the Union is gone out of it, no matter how the event turns. One thing is clear, that the South have struck a blow at their Cotton King which he will never get well over. The mischief is already done. Cotton must and will be raised elsewhere, too. Whether or no the agitators succeed in their political game of brag, it is certain they will repent hereafter the damage to their material interests in the Union or out of it. Have you seen South Carolina's tax-laws? they are as ruinous to trade or manufactures as Duke Alva's laws in Holland.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 192-3

Senator William P. Fessenden: December 29, 1860

Political matters are as dark as ever. The President is frightened out of his wits, and in the hands of traitors. It is rumored that Mr. Lincoln's inauguration is to be prevented by force, though I can hardly believe the secessionists so mad as to attempt it. In that event we shall have a civil war and perhaps a bloody fight at the Capitol. Be it so, here we are and here we shall remain, unyielding and inflexible. What I have left of life is at the service of my country. I hope, however, that the storm will blow over and that these Southern fools will not attempt to pull down the fabric which, if it falls, will surely bury them in its ruins.

The meanness of these Southern senators is beyond all power of expression. With their States out of the Union, as they say, in open rebellion, they remain in their seats with the avowed design to obstruct legislation and receiving pay for it from the government they are striving to overthrow.

SOURCE: Francis Fessenden, Life and Public Services of William Pitt Fessenden, Volume 1, p. 119