We had some talk at
Cabinet-meeting to-day on the Rebel invasion. The President wants to believe
there was a large force, and yet evidently his private convictions are
otherwise. But the military leaders, the War Office, have insisted there was a
large force. We have done nothing, and it is more gratifying to our self-pride
to believe there were many of them, especially as we are likely to let them off
with considerable plunder scot-free.
The National
Intelligencer comments with a good deal of truth and ability on our
national humiliation, as exemplified in this late affair. There is no getting
away from the statements and facts presented.
Seward and Stanton
seem disturbed. There is something which does not suit them. Seward followed
Stanton out, and had a talk in the anteroom. I met Solicitor Whiting as I left
the White House, who was very anxious to talk. Deplored the miserable military
management. Imputes the whole folly and scare to General Halleck. Says Stanton
has disapproved his policy, but [that] the President clings to Halleck, who is
damaging him and the Administration greatly; that Halleck and Blair are both
injuring the President. “Why,” said I, “you do not mean to identify Blair with
this pitiful business.” “Oh no,” said he, “but Blair is so perverse on the
slavery question that he is getting all the radical element of the country
against the Administration.” As I did not care to enter into controversy on
that topic, and it was late, I left him. But the conversation indicates that
Stanton intends to throw off responsibility on to Halleck.
Grant and the Army
of the Potomac are reposing in immense force near Richmond. Our troops have
been sent from here and drawn from all quarters to reinforce the great army,
which has suffered immense losses in its march, without accomplishing anything
except to reach the ground from which McClellan was withdrawn. While daily
reinforced, Grant could push on to a given point, but he seems destitute of
strategy or skill, while Lee exhibits tact. This raid, which might have taken
Washington and which has for several days cut off our communications with the
North, was devised by Lee while beleaguered at Richmond, and, though failing to
do as much as might have been accomplished, has effected a good deal.
The deportment of
Stanton has been wholly different during this raid from any former one. He has
been quiet, subdued, and apparently oppressed with some matter that gave him
disquiet. On former occasions he has been active, earnest, violent, alarmed,
apprehensive of danger from every quarter. It may be that he and Halleck have
disagreed. Neither of them has done himself credit at this time.
The arrest of
Henderson, Navy Agent, and his removal from office have seriously disturbed the
editors of the Evening Post, who seem to make his cause their own. This
subject coming up to-day, I told the President of the conduct of his District
Attorney, Delafield Smith, who, when the case was laid before him by Mr.
Wilson, attorney for the Department, remarked that it was not worth while to
prosecute, that the same thing was done by others, at Washington as well as New
York, and no notice was taken of it. Wilson asked him if he, the prosecuting
law officer of the Government, meant to be understood as saying it was not
worth while to notice embezzlement, etc. I related this to the President, who
thereupon brought out a correspondence that had taken place between himself and
W. C. Bryant. The latter averred that H. was innocent, and denounced Savage,
the principal witness against him, because arrested and under bonds. To this
the President replied that the character of Savage before his arrest was as
good as Henderson’s before he was arrested. He stated that he knew nothing of
H.’s alleged malfeasance until brought to his notice by me, in a letter,
already written, for his removal; that he inquired of me if I was satisfied he
was guilty; that I said I was; and that he then directed, or said to me, “Go
ahead, let him be removed.” These are substantially the facts. I said to him
that the attorneys who had investigated the subject expressed a full conviction
of his guilt; that I had come to the same conclusion, and did not see how a
prosecution and summary proceedings could be avoided. The Evening Post manifests
a belligerent spirit, and evidently intends to make war upon the Navy
Department because I will not connive at the malfeasance of its publisher. In a
cautious and timid manner they have supported the policy of the Navy Department
hitherto, though fearful of being taunted for so doing. Because their publisher
was Navy Agent they have done this gently. But they now, since Henderson's
arrest and trial, assail the monitors and the monitor system, which they have
hitherto supported, and insidiously and unfairly misrepresent them and the Department.
I am surprised at the want of judgment manifested in hastening to make this
assault. It would have been more politic, certainly, to have delayed, for the
motive which leads them to make this abrupt turn cannot be misunderstood. They
know it is painful for me to prosecute one of their firm, that it pains me to
believe him guilty, but that when the facts are presented, they should know me
well enough to be aware that I would not cover or conceal the rascality even to
oblige them. I claim no merit, but I deserve no censure for this plain and
straightforward discharge of my duty. I hear it said to-day that there has been
disagreement between Stanton and Grant; that the latter had ordered General
Hinks to Point Lookout and Stanton countermanded the order for General Barnes.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon
Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864
— December 31, 1866, p. 77-80
