Diary of William Howard Russell: May 16, 1861

The reveille of the Zouaves, note for note the same as that which, in the Crimea, so often woke up poor fellows who slept the long sleep ere nightfall, roused us this morning early, and then the clang of trumpets and the roll of drums beating French calls summoned the volunteers to early parade. As there was a heavy dew, and many winged things about last night, I turned in to my berth below, where four human beings were supposed to lie in layers, like mummies beneath a pyramid, and there, after contention with cockroaches, sank to rest. No wonder I was rather puzzled to know where I was now; for in addition to the music and the familiar sounds outside, I was somewhat perturbed in my mental calculations by bringing my head sharply in contact with a beam of the deck which had the best of it; but, at last, facts accomplished themselves and got into place, much aided by the appearance of the negro cook with a cup of coffee in his hand, who asked, “Mosieu! Capitaine vant to ax vedder you take some bitter, sar! Lisbon bitter, sar.” I saw the captain on deck busily engaged in the manufacture of a liquid which I was adjured by all the party on deck to take, if I wished to make a Redan or a Malakoff of my stomach, and accordingly I swallowed a petit verve of a very strong, and intensely bitter preparation of brandy and tonic roots, sweetened with sugar, for which Mobile is famous.

The noise of our arrival had gone abroad; haply the report of the good things with which the men of Mobile had laden the craft, for a few officers came aboard even at that early hour, and we asked two who were known to our friends to stay for breakfast. That meal, to which the negro cook applied his whole mind and all the galley, consisted of an ugly looking but well-flavored fish from the waters outside us, fried ham and onions, biscuit, coffee, iced water and Bordeaux, served with charming simplicity, and no way calculated to move the ire of Horace by a display of Persic apparatus.

A more greasy, oniony meal was never better enjoyed. One of our guests was a jolly Yorkshire farmer-looking man, up to about 16 stone weight, with any hounds, dressed in a tunic of green baize or frieze, with scarlet worsted braid down the front, gold lace on the cuffs and collar, and a felt wide-awake, with a bunch of feathers in it. He wiped the sweat off his brow, and swore that he would never give in, and that the whole of the company of riflemen whom he commanded, if not as heavy, were quite as patriotic. He was evidently a kindly affectionate man, without a trace of malice in his composition, but his sentiments were quite ferocious when he came to speak of the Yankees. He was a large slave-owner, and therefore a man of fortune, and he spoke with all the fervor of a capitalist menaced by a set of Red Republicans.

His companion, who wore a plain blue uniform, spoke sensibly about a matter with which sense has rarely any thing to do — namely uniform. Many of the United States volunteers adopt the same gray colors so much in vogue among the Confederates. The officers of both armies wear similar distinguishing marks of rank, and he was quite right in supposing that in night marches, or in serious actions on a large scale, much confusion and loss would be caused by men of the same army firing on each other, or mistaking enemies for friends.

Whilst we were talking, large shoals of mullet and other fish were flying before the porpoises, red fish, and other enemies, in the tide-way astern of the schooner. Once, as a large white fish came leaping up to the surface, a gleam of something still whiter shot through the waves, and a boiling whirl, tinged with crimson, which gradually melted off in the tide, marked where the fish had been.

“There's a ground sheark as has got his breakfast,” quoth the Skipper. “There's quite a many of them about here.” Now and then a turtle showed his head, exciting desiderium tam cari captis, above the envied flood which he honored with his presence.

Far away toward Pensacola, floated three British ensigns, from as many merchantmen, which as yet had fifteen days to clear out from the blockaded port. Fort Pickens had hoisted the stars and stripes to the wind, and Fort M'Rae, as if to irritate its neighbor, displayed a flag almost identical, but for the “lone star,” which the glass detected instead of the ordinary galaxy — the star of Florida.

Lieutenant Ellis, General Bragg's aide-de-camp, came on board at an early hour in order to take me round the works, and I was soon on the back of the General's charger, safely ensconced between the raised pummel and cantle of a great brass-bound saddle, with emblazoned saddle-cloth and mighty stirrups of brass, fit for the fattest marshal that ever led an army of France to victory; but General Bragg is longer in the leg than the Duke of Malakoff or Marshal Canrobert, and all my efforts to touch with my toe the wonderful supports which, in consonance with the American idea, dangled far beneath, were ineffectual.

As our road lay by head-quarters, the aide-de-camp took me into the court and called out “Orderly;” and at the summons a smart soldier-like young fellow came to the front, took me three holes up, and as I was riding away touched his cap and said, “I beg your pardon, sir, but I often saw you in the Crimea.” He had been in the 11th Hussars, and on the day of Balaklava he was following close to Lord Cardigan and Captain Nolan, when his horse was killed by a round shot. As he was endeavoring to escape on foot the Cossacks took him prisoner, and he remained for eleven months in captivity in Russia, till he was exchanged at Odessa, toward the close of the war; then, being one of two sergeants who were permitted to get their discharge, he left the service. “But here you are again,” said I, “soldiering once more, and merely acting as an orderly!” “Well, that's true enough, but I came over here, thinking to better myself as some of our fellows did, and then the war broke out, and I entered one of what they called their cavalry regiments — Lord bless you, sir, it would just break your heart to see them — and here I am now, and the general has made me an orderly. He is a kind man, sir, and the pay is good, but they are not like the old lot; I do not know what my lord would think of them.” The man's name was Montague, and he told me his father lived “at a place called Windsor,” twenty-one miles from London. Lieutenant Ellis said he was a very clean, smart, well-conducted soldier.

From head-quarters we started on our little tour of inspection of the batteries. Certainly, any thing more calculated to shake confidence in American journalism could not be seen; for I had been led to believe that the works were of the most formidable description, mounting hundreds of guns. Where hundreds was written, tens would have been nearer the truth.

I visited ten out of the thirteen batteries which General Bragg has erected against Fort Pickens. I saw but five heavy siege guns in the whole of the works among the fifty or fifty-five pieces with which they were armed. There may be about eighty altogether on the lines, which describe an arc of 135 degrees for about three miles round Pickens, at an average distance of a mile and one third. I was rather interested with Fort Barrancas, built by the Spaniards long ago — an old work on the old plan, weakly armed, but possessing a tolerable command from the face of fire.

In all the batteries there were covered galleries in the rear, connected with the magazines, and called “rat-holes,” intended by the constructors as a refuge for the men whenever a shell from Pickens dropped in. The rush to the rat-hole does not impress one as being very conducive to a sustained and heavy fire, or at all likely to improve the morale of the gunners. The working parties, as they were called — volunteers from Mississippi and Alabama, great long-bearded fellows in flannel shirts and slouched hats, uniformless in all save brightly burnished arms and resolute purpose — were lying about among the works, or contributing languidly to their completion.

Considerable improvements were in the course of execution; but the officers were not always agreed as to the work to be done. Captain A., at the wheelbarrows: “Now then, you men, wheel up these sand-bags, and range them just at this corner.” Major B.: “My good Captain A., what do you want the bags there for? Did I not tell you, these merlons were not to be finished till we had completed the parapet on the front?” Captain A.: “Well, Major, so you did, and your order made me think you knew darned little about your business; and so I am going to do a little engineering of my own.”

Altogether, I was quite satisfied General Bragg was perfectly correct in refusing to open big fire on Fort Pickens and on the fleet, which ought certainly to have knocked his works about his ears, in spite of his advantages of position, and of some well-placed mortar batteries among the brushwood, at distances from Pickens of 2500 and 2800 yards. The magazines of the batteries I visited did not contain ammunition for more than one day's ordinary firing. The shot were badly cast, with projecting flanges from the mould, which would be very injurious to soft metal guns in firing. As to men, as in guns, the Southern papers had lied consumedly. I could not say how many were in Pensacola itself, for I did not visit the camp: at the outside guess of the numbers there was 2000. I saw, however, all the camps here, and I doubt exceedingly if General Bragg — who at this time is represented to have any number from 30,000 to 50,000 men under his command — has 8000 troops to support his batteries, or 10,000, including Pensacola, all told.

If hospitality consists in the most liberal participation of all the owner has with his visitors, here, indeed, Philemon has his type in every tent. As we rode along through every battery, by every officer's quarters some great Mississippian or Alabamian came forward with “Captain Ellis, I am glad to see you.” “Colonel,” to me, “won't you get down and have a drink?” Mr. Ellis duly introduces me. The Colonel with effusion grasps my hand and says, as if he had just gained the particular object of his existence, “Sir, I am very glad indeed to know you. I hope you have been pretty well since you have been in our country, sir. Here, Pompey, take the colonel's horse. “Step in, sir, and have a drink.” Then comes out the great big whiskey bottle, and an immense amount of adhesion to the first law of nature is required to get you off with less than half-a-pint of “Bourbon;” but the most trying thing to a stranger is the fact that when he is going away, the officer, who has been so delighted to see him, does not seem to care a farthing for his guest or his health.

The truth is, these introductions are ceremonial observances, and compliances with the universal curiosity of Americans to know people they meet. The Englishman bows frigidly to his acquaintance on the first introduction, and if he likes him shakes hands with him on leaving — a much more sensible and justifiable proceeding. The American's warmth at the first interview must be artificial, and the indifference at parting is ill-bred and in bad taste. I had already observed this on many occasions, especially at Montgomery, where I noticed it to Colonel Wigfall, but the custom is not incompatible with the most profuse hospitality, nor with the desire to render service.

On my return to head-quarters I found General Bragg in his room, engaged in writing an official letter in reply to my request to be permitted to visit Fort Pickens, in which he gave me full permission to do as I pleased. Not only this, but he had prepared a number of letters of introduction to the military authorities, and to his personal friends at New Orleans, requesting them to give me every facility and friendly assistance in their power. He asked me my opinion about the batteries and their armament, which I freely gave him quantum valeat. “Well,” he said, “I think your conclusions are pretty just; but, nevertheless, some fine day I shall be forced to try the mettle of our friends on the opposite side.” All I could say was, “May God defend the right.” “A good saying, to which I say, Amen. And drink with you to it.”

There was a room outside, full of generals and colonels, to whom I was duly introduced, but the time for departure had come, and I bade good-by to the general and rode down in the wrharf. I had always heard, during my brief sojourn in the North, that the Southern people were exceedingly illiterate and ignorant. It may be so, but I am bound to say that I observed a large proportion of the soldiers, on their way to the navy yard, engaged in reading newspapers, though they did not neglect the various drinking bars and exchanges, which were only too numerous in the vicinity of the camps.

The schooner was all ready for sea, but the Mobile gentleman had gone off to Pensacola, and as I did not desire to invite them to visit Fort Pickens — where, indeed, they would have most likely met with a refusal — I resolved to sail without them and to return to the navy yard in the evening, in order to take them back on our homeward voyage. “Now then, captain, cast loose; we are going to Fort Pickens.” The worthy seaman had by this time become utterly at sea, and did not appear to know whether he belonged to the Confederate States, Abraham Lincoln, or the British navy. But this order roused him a little, and looking at me with all his eyes, he exclaimed, “Why, you don't mean to say you are going to make me bring the Diana alongside that darned Yankee Fort!” Our table-cloth, somewhat maculated with gravy, was hoisted once more to the peak, and, after some formalities between the guardians of the jetty and ourselves, the schooner canted round in the tideway, and with a fine light breeze ran down toward the stars and stripes.

What magical power there is in the colors of a piece of bunting! My companions, I dare say, felt as proud of their flag as if their ancestors had fought under it at Acre or Jerusalem. And yet how fictitious its influence! Death, and dishonor worse than death, to desert it one day! Patriotism and glory to leave it in the dust, and fight under its rival, the next! How indignant would George Washington have been, if the Frenchman at Fort du Quesne had asked him to abandon the old rag which Braddock held aloft in the wilderness, and to serve under the very fieur-de-lys which the same great George hailed with so much joy but a few years afterwards, when it was advanced to the front at Yorktown, to win one of its few victories over the Lions and the Harp. And in this Confederate flag there is a meaning which cannot die — it marks the birthplace of a new nationality, and its place must know it forever. Even the flag of a rebellion leaves indelible colors in the political atmosphere. The hopes that sustained it may vanish in the gloom of night, but the national faith still believes that its sun will rise on some glorious morrow. Hard must it be for this race, so arrogant, so great, to see stripe and star torn from the fair standard with which they would fain have shadowed all the kingdoms of the world; but their great continent is large enough for many nations.

“And now,” said the skipper, “I think we'd best lie to — them cussed Yankees on the beach is shouting to us.” And so they were. A sentry on the end of a wooden jetty sung out, “Hallo you there! Stand off or I'll fire,” and “drew a bead-line on us.” At the same time the skipper hailed, “Please to send a boat off to go ashore.” “No, sir! Come in your own boat!” cried the officer of the guard. Our own boat! A very skiff of Charon! Leaky, rotten, lop-sided. We were a hundred yards from the beach, and it was to be hoped that with all its burden, it could not go down in such a short row. As I stepped in, however, followed by my two companions, the water flew in as if forced by a pump, and when the sailors came after us the skipper said, through a mouthful of juice, “Deevid! pull your hardest, for there an't a more terrible place for shearks along the whole coast.” Deevid and his friend pulled like men, and our hopes rose with the water in the boat and the decreasing distance to shore. They worked like Doggett's badgers, and in five minutes we were out of “sheark” depth and alongside the jetty, where Major Vogdes, Mr. Brown, of the Oriental, and an officer, introduced as Captain Barry of the United States artillery, were waiting to receive us. Major Vogdes said that Colonel Brown would most gladly permit me to go over the fort, but that he could not receive any of the other gentlemen of the party; they were permitted to wander about at their discretion.. Some friends whom they picked up amongst the officers took them on a ride along the island, which is merely a sand-bank covered with coarse vegetation, a few trees, and pools of brackish water.

If I were selecting a summer habitation I should certainly not choose Fort Pickens. It is, like all other American works I have seen, strong on the sea faces and weak toward the land. The outer gate was closed, but at a talismanic knock from Captain Barry, the wicket was thrown open by the guard, and we passed through a vaulted gallery into the parade-ground, which was full of men engaged in strengthening the place, and digging deep pits in the centre as shell traps. The men were United States regulars, not comparable in physique to the Southern volunteers, but infinitely superior in cleanliness and soldierly smartness. The officer on duty led me to one of the angles of the fort and turned in to a covered way, which had been ingeniously contrived by tilting up gun platforms and beams of wood at an angle against the wall, and piling earth and sand banks against them for several feet in thickness. The casemates, which otherwise would have been exposed to a plunging fire in the rear, were thus effectually protected.

Emerging from this dark passage I entered one of the bomb-proofs, fitted up as a bed-room, and thence proceeded to the casemate, in which Colonel Harvey Browne has his head-quarters. After some conversation, he took me out upon the parapet and went all over the defences.

Fort Pickens is an oblique, and somewhat narrow parallelogram, with one obtuse angle facing the sea and the other toward the land. The bastion at the acute angle toward Barrancas is the weakest part of the work, and men were engaged in throwing up an extempore glacis to cover the wall and the casemates from fire. The guns were of what is considered small calibre in these days, 32 and 42 pounders, with four or five heavy columbiads. An immense amount of work has been done within the last three weeks, but as yet the preparations are by no means complete. From the walls, which are made of a hard baked brick, nine feet in thickness, there is a good view of the enemy's position. There is a broad ditch round the work, now dry, and probably not intended for water. The cuvette has lately been cleared out, and in proof of the agreeable nature of the locality, the officers told me that sixty very fine rattle-snakes were killed by the workmen during the operation.

As I was looking at the works from the wall, Captain Yogdes made a sly remark now and then, blinking his eyes and looking closely at my face to see if he could extract any information. “There are the quarters of your friend General Bragg; he pretends, we hear, that it is an hospital, but we will soon have him out when we open fire.” “Oh, indeed.” “That's their best battery beside the light-house; we can't well make out whether there are ten, eleven, or twelve guns in it.” Then Captain Vogdes became quite meditative, and thought aloud, “Well, I'm sure, Colonel, they've got a strong entrenched camp in that wood behind their morter batteries. I'm quite sure of it — we must look to that with our long range guns.” What the engineer saw, must have been certain absurd little furrows in the sand, which the Confederates have thrown up about three feet in front of their tents, but whether to carry off or to hold rain water, or as cover for rattle-snakes, the best judge cannot determine.

The Confederates have been greatly delighted with the idea that Pickens will be almost untenable during the summer for the United States troops, on account of the heat and mosquitos, not to speak of yellow fever; but in fact they are far better off than the troops on shore — the casemates are exceedingly well ventilated, light and airy. Mosquitos, yellow fever, and dysentery, will make no distinction between Trojan and Tyrian. On the whole, I should prefer being inside, to being outside Pickens, in case of a bombardment; and there can be no doubt the entire destruction of the navy yard and station by the Federals can be accomplished whenever they please. Colonel Browne pointed out the tall chimney at Warrenton smoking away, and said, “There, sir, is the whole reason of Bragg's forbearance, as it is called. Do you see ? — they are casting shot and shell there as fast as they can. They know well if they opened a gun on us I could lay that yard and all their works there in ruin;” and Colonel Harvey Browne seems quite the man for the work — a resolute, energetic veteran, animated by the utmost dislike to secession and its leaders, and full of what are called “Union Principles,” which are rapidly becoming the mere expression of a desire to destroy life, liberty, property, any thing in fact which opposes itself to the consolidation of the Federal government.

Probably no person has ever been permitted to visit two hostile camps within sight of each other save myself. I was neither spy, herald, nor ambassador; and both sides trusted to me fully on the understanding that I would not make use of any information here, but that it might be communicated to the world at the other side of the Atlantic.

Apropos of this, Colonel Browne told me an amusing story, which shows that cuteness is not altogether confined to the Yankees. Some days ago a gentleman was found wandering about the island, who stated he was a correspondent of a New York paper. Colonel Browne was not satisfied with the account he gave of himself, and sent him on board one of the ships of the fleet, to be confined as a prisoner. Soon afterwards a flag of truce came over from the Confederates, carrying a letter from General Bragg, requesting Colonel Browne to give up the prisoner, as he had escaped to the island after committing a felony, and enclosing a warrant signed by a justice of the peace for his arrest. Colonel Browne laughed at the ruse, and keeps his prisoner.

As it was approaching evening and I had seen every thing in the fort, the hospital, casemates, magazines, bakehouses, tasted the rations, and drank the whiskey, I set out for the schooner, accompanied by Colonel Browne and Captain Barry and other officers, and picking up my friends at the bakehouse outside.

Having bidden our acquaintances good-by, we got on board the Diana, which steered toward the Warrington navy yard, to take the rest of the party on board. The sentries along the beach and on the batteries grounded arms, and stared with surprise as the Diana, with her tablecloth flying, crossed over from Fort Pickens, and ran slowly along the Confederate works. Whilst we were spying for the Mobile gentlemen, the mate took it into his head to take up the Confederate bunting, and wave it over the quarter. “Hollo, what's that you're doing?” “It's only a signal to the gentlemen on shore.” “Wave some other flag, if you please, when we are in these waters, with a flag of truce flying.”

After standing off and on for some time, the Mobilians at last boarded us in a boat. They were full of excitement, quite eager to stay and see the bombardment which must come off in twenty-four hours. Before we left Mobile harbor I had made a bet for a small sum that neither side would attack within the next few days; but now I could not even shake my head one way or the other, and it required the utmost self-possession and artifice of which I was master to evade the acute inquiries and suggestions of my good friends. I was determined to go — they were equally bent upon remaining; and so we parted after a short but very pleasant cruise together.

We had arranged with Mr. Brown that we would look out for him on leaving the harbor, and a bottle of wine was put in the remnants of our ice to drink farewell; but it was almost dark as the Diana shot out seawards between Pickens and M'Rae; and for some anxious minutes we were doubtful which would be the first to take a shot at us. Our tablecloth still fluttered; but the color might be invisible. A lantern was hoisted astern by my order as soon as the schooner was clear of the forts; and with a cool sea-breeze we glided out into the night, the black form of the Powhattan being just visible, the rest of the squadron lost in the darkness. We strained our eyes for the Oriental, but in vain; and it occurred to us that it would scarcely be a very safe proceeding to stand from the Confederate forts down toward the guard-ship, unless under the convoy of the Oriental. It seemed quite certain she must be cruising some way to the westward, waiting for us.

The wind was from the north, on the best point for our return; and the Diana, heeling over in the smooth water, proceeded on her way toward Mobile, running so close to the shore that I could shy a biscuit on the sand. She seemed to breathe the wind through her sails, and flew with a crest of flame at her bow, and a bubbling wake of meteor-like streams flowing astern, as though liquid metal were flowing from a furnace.

The night was exceedingly lovely, but after the heat of the day the horizon was somewhat hazy. “No sign of the Oriental on our lee-bow?” “Nothing at all in sight, sir, ahead or astern.” Sharks and large fish ran off from the shallows as we passed, and rushed out seawards in runs of brilliant light. The Perdida was left far astern.

On sped the Diana, but no Oriental came in view. I felt exceedingly tired, heated, and fagged; had been up early, ridden in a broiling sun, gone through batteries, examined forts, sailed backwards and forwards, so I was glad to turn in out of the night dew, and, leaving injunctions to the captain to keep a bright look out for the Federal boarding schooner, I went to sleep without the smallest notion that I had seen my last of Mr. Brown.

I had been two or three hours asleep when I was awoke by the negro cook, who was leaning over the berth, and, with teeth chattering, said, “Monsieur! nous sommes perdus! un bâtiment de guerre nous poursuit  — il va tirer bientôt. Nous serons coulé! Oh, Mon Dieu! Oh, Mon Dieu!” I started up and popped my head through the hatchway. The skipper himself was at the helm, glancing from the compass to the quivering reef points of the mainsail. “What's the matter, captain?” “Waal, sir,” said the captain, speaking very slowly, “There has been a something a running after us for nigh the last two hours, but he ain't a gaining on us. I don't think he'll kitch us up nohow this time; if the wind holds this pint a leetle, Diana will beat him.”

The confidence of coasting captains in their own craft is an hallucination which no risk or danger will ever prevent them from cherishing most tenderly. There's not a skipper from Hartlepool to Whitstable who does not believe his Maryanne Smith or the Two Grandmothers is able, “on certain pints,” to bump her fat bows, and drag her coal-scuttle shaped stern faster through the sea than any clipper afloat. I was once told by the captain of a Margate Billy Boy he believed he could run to windward of any frigate in Her Majesty's service.

“But, good heavens, man, it may be the Oriental — no doubt it is Mr. Brown who is looking after us.” “Ah! Waal, may be. Whoever it is, he creeped quite close up on me in the dark. It give me quite a sterk when I seen him. ‘May be,’ says I, ‘he is a privateering — pirating — chap.’ So I runs in shore as close as I could; gets my centre board in, and, says I, ‘I’ll see what you're made of, my boy.’ And so we goes on. He ain't a-gaining on us, I can tell you.”

I looked through the glass, and could just make out, half or three quarters of a mile astern, and to leeward, a vessel looking quite black, which seemed to be standing on in pursuit of us. The shore was so close, we could almost have leaped into the surf, for when the centre board was up the Diana did not draw much more than four feet of water. The skipper held grimly on. “You had better shake your wind, and see who it is; it may be Mr. Brown.” “No, sir, Mr. Brown or no, I can't help carrying on now; there's a bank runs all along outside of us, and if I don't hold my course I'll be on it in one minute.” I confess I was rather annoyed, but the captain was master of the situation. He said, that if it had been the Oriental she would have fired a blank gun to bring us to as soon as she saw us. To my inquiries why he did not awaken me when she was first made out, he innocently replied, “You was in such a beautiful sleep, I thought it would be regular cruelty to disturb you.”

By creeping close in shore the Diana was enabled to keep to windward of the stranger, who was seen once or twice to bump or strike, for her sails shivered. “There, she's struck again.” “She's off once more,” and the chase is renewed. Every moment I expected to have my eyes blinded by the flash of her bow gun, but for some reason or another, possibly because she did not wish to check her way, the Oriental — privateer, or whatever it was — saved her powder.

A stern chase is a long chase. It is two o'clock in the morning — the skipper grinned with delight. “I’ll lead him into a pretty mess if he follows me through the ‘Swash,’ whoever he is.” We were but ten miles from Fort Morgan. Nearer and nearer to the shore creeps the Diana.

“Take a cast of the lead, John;” “Nine feet.” “Good. Again.” “Seven feet.” “Again.” “Five feet.” “Charlie, bring the lantern.” We were now in the “Swash,” with a boiling tideway.

Just at the moment that the negro uncovered the lantern out it went, a fact which elicited the most remarkable amount of imprecations ear ever heard. The captain went dancing mad in intervals of deadly calmness, and gave his commands to the crew, and strange oaths to the cook alternately, as the mate sung out, “Five feet and a half.” “About she goes! Confound you, you black scoundrel, I'll teach you,” &c, &c. “Six feet! Eight feet and a half!” “About she comes again.” “Five feet! Four feet and a half.” (Oh, Lord! Six inches under our keel!) And so we went, with a measurement between us and death of inches, not by any means agreeable, in which the captain showed remarkable coolness and skill in the management of his craft, combined with a most unseemly animosity toward his unfortunate cook.

It was very little short of a miracle that we got past the “Elbow,” as the most narrow part of the channel is called, for it was just at the critical moment the binnacle light was extinguished, and went out with a splutter, and there we hail, nor was gun fired — still we stood on. “Captain, had you not better lie to? They'll be sending a round shot after us presently.” “No, sir. They are all asleep in that fort,” replied the indomitable skipper.

Down went his helm and away ran the Diana into Mobile Bay, and was soon safe in the haze beyond shot or shell, running toward the opposite shore. This was glory enough, for the Diana of Mobile. The wind blew straight from the North into our teeth, and at bright sunrise she was only a few miles inside the bay.

All the livelong day was spent in tacking from one low shore to another low shore, through water which looked like pea soup. We had to be sure the pleasure of seeing Mobile from every point of view, east and west, with all the varieties between northing and southing, and numerous changes in the position of steeples, sandhills, and villas, the sun roasting us all the time and boiling the pitch out of the seams.

The greatest excitement of the day was an encounter with a young alligator, making an involuntary voyage out to sea in the tide-way. The crew said he was drowning, having lost his way or being exhausted by struggling with the current. He was about ten feet long, and appeared to be so utterly done up that he would willingly have come aboard as he passed within two yards of us; but desponding as he was, it would have been positive cruelty to have added him to the number of our party.

The next event of the day was dinner, in which Charlie out-rivalled himself by a tremendous fry of onions and sliced Bologna sausage, and a piece of pig, which had not decided whether it was to be pork or bacon.

Having been fourteen hours beating some twenty-seven miles, I was landed at last at a wharf in the suburbs of the town about five o'clock in the evening. On my way to the Battle House I met seven distinct companies marching through the streets to drill, and the air was filled with sounds of bugling and drumming. In the evening a number of gentlemen called upon me to inquire what I thought of Fort Pickens and Pensacola, and I had some difficulty in carrying their very home questions, but at last adopted a formula which appeared to please them — I assured my friends I thought it would be an exceedingly tough business whenever the bombardment took place.

One of the most important steps which I have yet heard of has excited little attention, namely, the refusal of the officer commanding Fort MacHenry, at Baltimore, to obey a writ of habeas corpus issued by a judge of that city for the person of a soldier of his garrison. This military officer takes upon himself to aver there is a state of civil war in Baltimore, which he considers sufficient legal cause for the suspension of the writ.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 210-24

Diary of William Howard Russell: May 14, 1861

Down to our yacht, the Diana, which is to be ready this afternoon, and saw her cleared out a little — a broad-beamed, flat-floored schooner, some fifty tons burden, with a centre-board, badly calked, and dirty enough — unfamiliar with paint. The skipper was a long-legged, ungainly young fellow, with long hair and an inexpressive face, just relieved by the twinkle of a very “Yankee” eye; but that was all of the hated creature about him, for a more earnest seceder I never heard.

His crew consisted of three rough, mechanical sort of men and a negro cook. Having freighted the vessel with a small stock of stores, a British flag, kindly lent by the acting Consul, Mr. Magee, and a tablecloth to serve as a flag of truce, our party, consisting of the gentlemen previously named, Mr. Ward, and the young artist, weighed from the quay of Mobile at five o'clock in the evening, with the manifest approbation of the small crowd who had assembled to see us off, the rumor having spread through the town that we were bound to see the great fight. The breeze was favorable and steady; at nine o'clock, P. M., the lights of Fort Morgan were on our port beam, and for some time we were expecting to see the flash of a gun, as the skipper confidently declared they would never allow us to pass unchallenged.

The darkness of the night might possibly have favored us, or the sentries were remiss; at all events, we were soon creeping through the “Swash,” which is a narrow channel over the bar, through which our skipper worked us by means of a sounding pole. The air was delightful, and blew directly off the low shore, in a line parallel to which we were moving. When the evening vapors passed away, the stars shone out brilliantly, and though the wind was strong, and sent us at a good eight knots through the water, there was scarcely a ripple on the sea. Our course lay within a quarter of a mile of the shore, which looked like a white ribbon fringed with fire, from the ceaseless play of the phosphorescent surf. Above this belt of sand rose the black, jagged outlines of a pine forest, through which steal immense lagoons and marshy creeks.

Driftwood and trees strew the beach, and from Fort Morgan, for forty miles, to the entrance of Pensacola, not a human habitation disturbs the domain sacred to alligators, serpents, pelicans, and wild-fowl. Some of the lagoons, like the Perdida, swell into inland seas, deep buried in pine woods, and known only to the wild creatures swarming along its brink and in its waters; once, if report says true, frequented, however, by the filibusters and by the pirates of the Spanish Main.

If the mosquitoes were as numerous and as persecuting in those days as they are at present, the most adventurous youth would have soon repented the infatuation which led him to join the brethren of the Main. The mosquito is a great enemy to romance, and our skipper tells us that there is no such place known in the world for them as this coast.

As the Diana flew along the grim shore, we lay listlessly on the deck admiring the excessive brightness of the stars, or watching the trailing fire of her wake. Now and then great fish flew off from the shallows, cleaving their path in flame; and one shining gleam came up from leeward like a watery comet, till its horrible outline was revealed close to us — a monster shark — which accompanied us with an easy play of the fin, distinctly visible in the wonderful phosphorescence, now shooting on ahead, now dropping astern, till suddenly it dashed off seaward with tremendous rapidity and strength on some errand of destruction, and vanished in the waste of waters. Despite the multitudes of fish on the coast, the Spaniards who colonize this ill-named Florida must have had a trying life of it between the Indians, now hunted to death or exiled by rigorous Uncle Sam, the mosquitoes, and the numberless plagues which abound along these shores.

Hour after hour passed watching the play of large fish and the surf on the beach; one by one the cigar-lights died out; and muffling ourselves up on deck, or creeping into the little cabin, the party slumbered. I was awoke by the Captain talking to one of his hands close to me, and on looking up saw that he was staring through a wonderful black tube, which he denominated his “tallowscope,” at the shore.

Looking in the direction, I observed the glare of a fire in the wood, which on examination through an opera-glass resolved itself into a steady central light, with some smaller specks around it. “Will,” said the Captain, “I guess it is just some of them d----d Yankees as is landed from their tarnation boats, and is ‘conoitering’ for a road to Mobile.” There was an old iron carronade on board, and it struck me as a curious exemplification of the recklessness of our American cousins, when the skipper said, “Let us put a bag of bullets in the ould gun, and touch it off at them;” which he no doubt would have done, seconded by one of our party, who drew his revolver to contribute to the broadside, but that I represented to them it was just as likely to be a party out from the camp at Pensacola, and that, anyhow, I strongly objected to any belligerent act whilst I was on board. It was very probably, indeed, the watchfire of a Confederate patrol, for the gentry of the country have formed themselves into a body of regular cavalry for such service; but the skipper declared that our chaps knew better than to be showing their lights in that way, when we were within ten miles of the entrance to Pensacola.

The skipper lay-to, as he, very wisely, did not like to run into the centre of the United States squadron at night; but just at the first glimpse of dawn the Diana resumed her course, and bowled along merrily till, with the first rays of the sun, Fort M'Rae, Fort Pickens, and the masts of the squadron were visible ahead, rising above the blended horizon of land and sea. We drew upon them rapidly, and soon could make out the rival flags — the Stars and Bars and Stars and Stripes — flouting defiance at each other.

On the land side on our left is Fort M'Rae, and on the end of the sand-bank, called Santa Rosa Island, directly opposite, rises the outline of the much-talked-of Fort Pickens, which is not unlike Fort Paul on a small scale. Through the glass the blockading squadron is seen to consist of a sailing frigate, a sloop, and three steamers; and as we are scrutinizing them, a small schooner glides from under the shelter of the guardship, and makes towards us like a hawk on a sparrow. Hand over hand she comes, a great swaggering ensign at her peak, and a gun all ready at her bow; and rounding up along-side us a boat manned by four men is lowered, an officer jumps in, and is soon under our counter. The officer, a bluff, sailor-like looking fellow, in a uniform a little the worse for wear, and wearing his beard as officers of the United States navy generally do, fixed his eye upon the skipper — who did not seem quite at his ease, and had, indeed, confessed to us that he had been warned off by the Oriental, as the tender was named, only a short time before — and said, “Hallo, sir, I think I have seen you before: what schooner is this?” “The Diana of Mobile.” “I thought so.” Stepping on deck, he said, “Gentlemen, I am Mr. Brown, Master in the United States navy, in charge of the boarding schooner Oriental.” We each gave our names; whereupon Mr. Brown says, “I have no doubt it will be all right, be good enough to let me have your papers. And now, sir, make sail, and lie-to under the quarter of that steamer there, the Powhattan.” The Captain did not look at all happy when the officer called his attention to the indorsement on his papers; nor did the Mobile party seem very comfortable when he remarked, “I suppose, gentlemen, you are quite well aware there is a strict blockade of this port?”

In half an hour the schooner lay under the guns of the Powhattan, which is a stumpy, thick-set, powerful steamer of the old paddle-wheel kind, something like the Leopard. We proceeded along-side in the cutter's boat, and were ushered into the. cabin, where the officer commanding, Lieutenant David Porter, received us, begged us to be seated, and then inquired into the object of our visit, which he communicated to the flag-ship by signal, in order to get instructions as to our disposal. Nothing could exceed his courtesy; and I was most favorably impressed by himself, his officers, and crew. He took me over the ship, which is armed with ten-inch Dahlgrens and eleven-inch pivot guns, with rifled field-pieces and howitzers on the sponsons. Her boarding nettings were triced up, bows and weak portions padded with dead wood and old sails, and everything ready for action.

Lieutenant Porter has been in and out of the harbor examining the enemy's works at all hours of the night, and he has marked off on the chart, as he showed me, the bearings of the various spots where he can sweep or enfilade their works. The crew, all things considered, were very clean, and their personnel exceedingly fine.

We were not the only prize that was made by the Oriental this morning. A ragged little schooner lay at the other side of the Powhattan, the master of which stood rubbing his knuckles into his eyes, and uttering dolorous expressions in broken English and Italian, for he was a noble Roman of Civita Vecchia. Lieutenant Porter let me into the secret. These small traders at Mobile, pretending great zeal for the Confederate cause, load their vessels with fruit, vegetables, and things of which they know the squadron is much in want, as well as the garrison of the Confederate forts. They set out with the most valiant intention of running the blockade, and are duly captured by the squadron, the officers of which are only too glad to pay fair prices for the cargoes. They return to Mobile, keep their money in their pockets, and declare they have been plundered by the Yankees. If they get in, they demand still higher prices from the Confederates, and lay claim to the most exalted patriotism.

By signal from the flag-ship, Sabine, we were ordered to repair on board to see the senior officer, Captain Adams; and for the first time since I trod the deck of the old Leander in Balaklava harbor, I stood on board a fifty-gun sailing frigate. Captain Adams, a gray-haired veteran of very gentle manners and great urbanity received us in his cabin, and listened to my explanation of the cause of my visit with interest. About myself there was no difficulty; but he very justly observed he did not think it would be right to let the gentlemen from Mobile examine Fort Pickens, and then go among the Confederate camps. I am bound to say these gentlemen scarcely seemed to desire or anticipate such a favor.

Major Vogdes, an engineer officer from the fort, who happened to be on board, volunteered to take a letter from me to Colonel Harvey Browne, requesting permission to visit it; and I finally arranged with Captain Adams that the Diana was to be permitted to pass the blockade into Pensacola harbor, and thence to return to Mobile, my visit to Pickens depending on the pleasure of the Commandant of the place. “I fear, Mr. Russell,” said Captain Adams, “in giving you this permission, I expose myself to misrepresentation and unfounded attacks. Gentlemen of the press in our country care little about private character, and are, I fear, rather unscrupulous in what they say; but I rely upon your character that no improper use shall be made of this permission. You must hoist a flag of truce, as General Bragg, who commands over there, has sent me word he considers our blockade a declaration of war, and will fire upon any vessel which approaches him from our fleet.

In the course of conversation, whilst treating me to such man-of-war luxuries as the friendly officer had at his disposal, he gave me an illustration of the miseries of this cruel conflict — of the unspeakable desolation of homes, of the bitterness of feeling engendered in families. A Pennsylvanian by birth, he married long ago a lady of Louisiana, where he resided on his plantation till his ship was commissioned. He was absent on foreign service when the feud first began, and received orders at sea, on the South American station, to repair direct to blockade Pensacola. He has just heard that one of his sons is enlisted in the Confederate army, and that two others have joined the forces in Virginia; and as he said sadly, “God knows, when I open my broadside, but that I may be killing my own children.” But that was not all. One of the Mobile gentlemen brought him a letter from his daughter, in which she informs him that she has been elected vivandière to a New Orleans regiment, with which she intends to push on to Washington, and get a lock of old Abe Lincoln's hair; and the letter concluded with the charitable wish that her father might starve to death if he persisted in his wicked blockade. But not the less determined was the gallant old sailor to do his duty.

Mr. Ward, one of my companions, had sailed in the Sabine in the Paraguay expedition, and I availed myself of his acquaintance with his old comrades to take a glance round the ship. Wherever they came from, four hundred more sailor-like, strong, handy young fellows could not be seen than the crew; and the officers were as hospitable as their limited resources in whiskey grog, cheese, and junk allowed them to be. With thanks for his kindness and courtesy, I parted from Captain Adams, feeling more than ever the terrible and earnest nature of the impending conflict. May the kindly good old man be shielded on the day of battle!

A ten-oared barge conveyed us to the Oriental, which, with flowing sheet, ran down to the Powhattan. There I saw Captain Porter, and told him that Captain Adams had given me permission to visit the Confederate camp, and that I had written for leave to go on shore at Fort Pickens. An officer was in his cabin, to whom I was introduced as Captain Poore, of the Brooklyn. “You don't mean to say, Mr. Russell,” said he, “that these editors of Southern newspapers who are with you have leave to go on shore?” This was rather a fishing question. “I assure you, Captain Poore, that there is no editor of a Southern newspaper in my company.”

The boat which took us from the Powhattan to the Diana was in charge of a young officer related to Captain Porter, who amused me by the spirit with which he bandied remarks about the war with the Mobile men, who had now recovered their equanimity, and were indulging in what is called chaff about the blockade. “Well,” he said, “you were the first to begin it; let us see whether you won't be the first to leave it off. I guess our Northern ice will pretty soon put out your Southern fire.”

When we came on board, the skipper heard our orders to up stick and away with an air of pity and incredulity; nor was it till I had repeated it, he kicked up his crew from their sleep on deck, and with a “Wa'll, really, I never did see sich a thing!” made sail towards the entrance to the harbor.

As we got abreast of Fort Pickens, I ordered tablecloth No. 1 to be hoisted to the peak; and through the “glass I saw that our appearance attracted no ordinary attention from the garrison of Pickens close at hand on our right, and the more distant Confederates on Fort M'Rae and the sand-hills on our left. The latter work is weak and badly built, quite under the command of Pickens, but it is supported by the old Spanish fort of Barrancas upon high ground further inland, and by numerous batteries at the water-line and partly concealed amidst the woods which fringe the shore as far as the navy yard of Warrington, near Pensaeola. The wind was light, but the tide bore us onwards towards the Confederate works. Arms glanced in the blazing sun where regiments were engaged at drill, clouds of dust rose from the sandy roads, horsemen riding along the beach, groups of men in uniform, gave a martial appearance to the place in unison with the black muzzles of the guns which peeped from the white sand batteries from the entrance of the harbor to the navy yard now close at hand. As at Sumter Major Anderson permitted the Carolinians to erect the batteries he might have so readily destroyed in the commencement, so the Federal officers here have allowed General Bragg to work away at his leisure, mounting cannon after cannon, throwing up earthworks, and strengthening his batteries, till he has assumed so formidable an attitude, that I doubt very much whether the fort and the fleet combined can silence his fire.

On the low shore close to us were numerous wooden houses and detached villas, surrounded by orange groves. At last the captain let go his anchor off the end of a wooden jetty, which was crowded with ammunition, shot, shell, casks of provisions, and commissariat stores. A small steamer was engaged in adding to the collection, and numerous light craft gave evidence that all trade had not ceased. Indeed, inside Santa Rosa Island, which runs for forty-five miles from Pickens eastward parallel to the shore, there is a considerable coasting traffic carried on for the benefit of the Confederates.

The skipper went ashore with my letters to General Bragg, and speedily returned with an orderly, who brought permission for the Diana to come along-side the wharf. The Mobile gentlemen were soon on shore, eager to seek their friends; and in a few seconds the officer of the quartermaster-general's department on duty came on board to conduct me to the officers' quarters, whilst waiting for my reply from General Bragg.

The navy yard is surrounded by a high wall, the gates closely guarded by sentries; the houses, gardens, workshops, factories, forges, slips, and building sheds are complete of their kind, and cover upwards of three hundred acres; and with the forts which protect the entrance, cost the United States Government not less than six millions sterling. Inside these was the greatest activity and life, — Zouave, Chasseurs, and all kind of military eccentricities — were drilling, parading, exercising, sitting in the shade, loading tumbrils, playing cards, or sleeping on the grass. Tents were pitched under the trees and on the little lawns and grass-covered quadrangles. The houses, each numbered and marked with the name of the functionary to whose use it was assigned, were models of neatness, with gardens in front, filled with glorious tropical flowers. They were painted green and white, provided with porticoes, Venetian blinds, verandas, and colonnades, to protect the inmates as much as possible from the blazing sun, which in the dog-days is worthy of Calcutta. The old Fulton is the only ship on the stocks. From the naval arsenal quantities of shot and shell are constantly pouring to the batteries. Piles of cannon-balls dot the grounds, but the only ordnance I saw were two old mortars placed as ornaments in the main avenue, one dated 1776.

The quartermaster conducted me through shady walks into one of the houses, then into a long room, and presented me en masse to a body of officers, mostly belonging to a Zouave regiment from New Orleans, who were seated at a very comfortable dinner, with abundance of champagne, claret, beer, and ice. They were all young, full of life and spirits, except three or four graver and older men, who were Europeans. One, a Dane, had fought against the Prussians and Schleswig-Holsteiners at Idstedt and Friederichstadt; another, an Italian, seemed to have been engaged indifferently in fighting all over the South American continent; a third, a Pole, had been at Comorn, and had participated in the revolutionary guerrilla of 1848. From these officers I learned that Mr. Jefferson Davis, his wife, Mr. Wigfall, and Mr. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy, had come down from Montgomery, and had been visiting the works all day.

Every one here believes the attack so long threatened is to come off at last and at once.

After dinner an aide-de-camp from General Bragg entered with a request that I would accompany him to the commanding officer's quarters. As the sand outside the navy yard was deep, and rendered walking very disagreeable, the young officer stopped a cart, into which we got, and were proceeding on our way, when a tall, elderly man, in a blue frock-coat with a gold star on the shoulder, trousers with a gold stripe and gilt buttons rode past, followed by an orderly, who looked more like a dragoon than anything I have yet seen in the States. “There's General Bragg,” quoth the aide, and I was duly presented to the General, who reined up by the wagon. He sent his orderly off at once for a light cart drawn by a pair of mules, in which I completed my journey, and was safely departed at the door of a substantial house surrounded by trees of lime, oak, and sycamore.

Led horses and orderlies thronged the front of the portico, and gave it the usual head-quarters-like aspect. General Bragg received me at the steps, and took me to his private room, where we remained for a long time in conversation. He had retired from the United States army after the Mexican war — in which, by the way, he played a distinguished part, his name being generally coupled with the phrase “a little more grape, Captain Bragg,” used in one of the hottest encounters of that campaign — to his plantation in Louisiana; but suddenly the Northern States declared their intention of using force to free and sovereign States, which were exercising their constitutional rights to secede from the Federal Union.

Neither he nor his family were responsible for the system of slavery. His ancestors found it established by law and flourishing, and had left him property, consisting of slaves, which was granted to him by the laws and constitution of the United States. Slaves were necessary for the actual cultivation of the soil in the South; Europeans and Yankees who settled there speedily became convinced of-that; and if a Northern population were settled in Louisiana to-morrow, they would discover that they must till the land by the labor of the black race, and that the only mode of making the black race work, was to hold them in a condition of involuntary servitude. “Only the other day, Colonel Harvey Browne, at Pickens, over the way, carried off a number of negroes from Tortugas, and put them to work at Santa Rosa. Why? Because his white soldiers were not able for it. No. The North was bent on subjugating the South, and as long as he had a drop of blood in his body, he would resist such an infamous attempt.”

Before supper General Bragg opened his maps, and pointed out to me in detail the position of all his works, the line of fire of each gun, and the particular object to be expected from its effects. “I know every inch of Pickens,” he said, “for I happened to be stationed there as soon as I left West Point, and I don't think there is a stone in it that I am not as well acquainted with as Harvey Browne.”

His staff, consisting of four intelligent young men, two of them lately belonging to the United States army, supped with us, and after a very agreeable evening, horses were ordered round to the door, and I returned to the navy yard attended by the General's orderly, and provided with a pass and countersign. As a mark of complete confidence, General Bragg told me, for my private ear, that he had no present intention whatever of opening fire, and that his batteries were far from being in a state, either as regards armament or ammunition, which would justify him in meeting the fire of the forts and the ships.

And so we bade good-by. “To-morrow,” said the General, “I will send down one of my best horses and Mr. Ellis, my aide-de-camp, to take you over all the works and batteries.” As I rode home with my honest orderly beside instead of behind me, for he was of a conversational turn, I was much perplexed in my mind, endeavoring to determine which was right and which was wrong in this quarrel, and at last, as at Montgomery, I was forced to ask myself if right and wrong were geographical expressions depending for extension or limitation on certain conditions of climate and lines of latitude and longitude. Here was the General's orderly beside me, an intelligent middle-aged man, who had come to do battle with as much sincerity — ay, and religious confidence — as ever actuated old John, Brown or any New England puritan to make war against slavery. “I have left my old woman and the children to the care of the niggers; I have turned up all my cotton land and planted it with corn, and I don't intend to go back alive till I've seen the back of the last Yankee in our Southern States.” “And are wife and children alone with the negroes?” “Yes, sir. There's only one white man on the plantation, an overseer sort of chap.” “Are not you afraid of the slaves rising?” “They're ignorant poor creatures, to be sure, but as yet they're faithful. Any way, I put my trust in God, and I know he'll watch over the house while I'm away fighting for this good cause!” This man came from Mississippi, and had twenty-five slaves, which represented a money value of at least £5000. He was beyond the age of enthusiasm, and was actuated, no doubt, by strong principles, to him unquestionable and sacred.

My pass and countersign, which were only once demanded, took me through the sentries, and I got on board the schooner shortly before midnight, and found nearly all the party on deck, enchanted with their reception. More than once we were awoke by the vigilant sentries, who would not let what Americans call “the balance” of our friends on board till they had seen my authority to receive them.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 198-209

Diary of William Howard Russell: May 12, 1861

Mr. Forsyth had been good enough to invite me to an excursion down the Bay of Mobile, to the forts built by Uncle Sam and his French engineers to sink his Britishers — now turned by “C. S. A.” against the hated Stars and Stripes. The mayor and the principal merchants and many politicians — and are not all men politicians in America ? — formed the party. If any judgment of men's acts can be formed from their words, the Mobilites, who are the representatives of the third greatest part of the United States, will perish ere they submit to the Yankees and people of New York. I have now been in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and in none of these great States have I found the least indication of the Union sentiment, or of the attachment for the Union which Mr. Seward always assumes to exist in the South. If there were any considerable amount of it, I was in a position as a neutral to have been aware of its existence.

Those who might have at one time opposed secession, have now bowed their heads to the majesty of the majority; and with the cowardice, which is the result of the irresponsible and cruel tyranny of the multitude, hasten to swell the cry of revolution. But the multitude are the law in the United States. “There's a divinity doth hedge” the mob here, which is omnipotent and all good. The majority in each State determines its political status according to Southern views. The Northerners are endeavoring to maintain that the majority of the people in the mass of the States generally shall regulate the point for each State individually and collectively. If there be any party in the Southern States which thinks such an attempt justifiable, it sits silent and fearful and hopeless in darkness and sorrow hid from the light of day. General Scott, who was a short time ago written of in the usual inflated style, to which respectable military mediocrity and success are entitled in the States, is now reviled by the Southern papers as an infamous hoary traitor and the like. If an officer prefers his allegiance to the United States flag, and remains in the Federal service after his State has gone out, his property is liable to confiscation by the State authorities, and his family and kindred are exposed to the gravest suspicion, and must prove their loyalty by extra zeal in the cause of Secession.

Our merry company comprised naval and military officers in the service of the Confederate States, journalists, politicians, professional men, merchants, and not one of them had a word but of hate and execration for the North. The British and German settlers are quite as vehement as the natives in upholding States’ rights, and among the most ardent upholders of slavery are the Irish proprietors and mercantile classes.

The Bay of Mobile, which is about thirty miles long, with a breadth varying from three to seven miles, is formed by the outfall of the Alabama and of the Tombigbee Rivers, and is shallow and dangerous, full of banks and trees, embedded in the sands; but all large vessels lie at the entrance between Fort Morgan and Fort Gaines, to the satisfaction of the masters, who are thus spared the trouble with their crews which occurs in the low haunts of a maritime town. The cotton is sent down in lighters, which employ many hands at high wages. The shores are low wooded, and are dotted here and there with pretty villas; but present no attractive scenery.

The sea-breeze somewhat alleviated the fierceness of the sun, which was however too hot to be quite agreeable. Our steamer, crowded to the sponsons, made little way against the tide; but at length, after nearly four hours' sail, we hauled up along-side a jetty at Fort Gaines, which is on the right hand or western exit of the harbor, and would command, were it finished, the light-draft channel; it is now merely a shell of masonry, but Colonel Hardee, who has charge of the defences of Mobile, told me that they would finish it speedily.

The Colonel is an agreeable, delicate-looking man, scarcely of middle age, and is well known in the States as the author of “The Tactics,” which is, however, merely a translation of the French manual of arms. He does not appear to be possessed of any great energy or capacity, but is, no doubt, a respectable officer.

Upon landing we found a small body of men on guard in the fort. A few cannon of moderate calibre were mounted on the sand-hills and on the beach. We entered the unfinished work, and were received with a salute. The men felt difficulty in combining discipline with citizenship. They were “bored” with their sand-hill, and one of them asked me when I “thought them damned Yankees were coming. He wanted to touch off a few pills he knew would be good for their complaint.” I must say I could sympathize with the feelings of the young officer who said he would sooner have a day with the Lincolnites, than a week with the mosquitoes for which this locality is famous.

From Fort Gaines the steamer ran across to Fort Morgan, about three miles distant, passing in its way seven vessels, mostly British, at anchor, where hundreds may be seen, I am told, during the cotton season. This work has a formidable sea face, and may give great trouble to Uncle Sam, when he wants to visit his loving subjects in Mobile in his gunboats. It is the work of Bernard, I presume, and like most of his designs has a weak long base towards the land; but it is provided with a wet ditch and drawbridge, with demi lunes covering the curtains, and has a regular bastioned trace. It has one row of casemates, armed with thirty-two and forty-two pounders. The barbette guns are eight-inch and ten-inch guns; the external works at the salients, are armed with howitzers and field-pieces, and as we crossed the drawbridge, a salute was fired from a field battery, on a flanking bastion, in our honor.

Inside the work was crammed with men, some of whom slept in the casemates — others in tents in the parade grounds and enceinte of the fort. They were Alabama Volunteers, and as sturdy a lot of fellows as ever shouldered musket; dressed in homespun coarse gray suits, with blue and yellow worsted facings and stripes — to European eyes not very respectful to their officers, but very obedient, I am told, and very peremptorily ordered about, as I heard.

There were 700 or 800 men in the work, and an undue proportion of officers, all of whom were introduced to the strangers in turn. The officers were a very gentlemanly, nice-looking set of young fellows, and several of them had just come over from Europe to take up arms for their State. I forget the name of the officer in command, though I cannot forget his courtesy, nor an excellent lunch he gave us in his casemate after a hot walk round the parapets, and some practice with solid shot from the barbette guns, which did not tend to make me think much of the greatly-be-praised Columbiads.

One of the officers named Maury, a relative of “deep-sea Maury,” struck me as an ingenious and clever officer; the utmost harmony, kindliness, and devotion to the cause prevailed among the garrison, from the chief down to the youngest ensign. In its present state the Fort would suffer exceedingly from a heavy bombardment — the magazines would be in danger, and the traverses are inadequate. All the barracks and wooden buildings should be destroyed if they wish to avoid the fate of Sumter.

On our cruise homewards, in the enjoyment of a cold dinner, we had the inevitable discussion of the Northern and Southern contest. Mr. Forsyth, the editor and proprietor of the “Mobile Register,” is impassioned for the cause, though he was not at one time considered a pure Southerner. There is difference of opinion relative to an attack on Washington. General St. George Cooke, commanding the army of Virginia on the Potomac, declares there is no intention of attacking it, or any place outside the limits of that free and sovereign State. But then the conduct of the Federal Government in Maryland is considered by the more fiery Southerners to justify the expulsion of “Lincoln and his Myrmidons,” “the Border Ruffians and Cassius M. Clay,” from the capital. Butler has seized on the Relay House, on the junction of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, with the rail from Washington, and has displayed a good deal of vigor since his arrival at Annapolis. He is a Democrat, and a celebrated criminal lawyer in Massachusetts. Troops are pouring into New York, and are preparing to attack Alexandria, on the Virginia side, below Washington and the Navy Yard, where a large Confederate flag is flying, which can be seen from the President's windows in the White House.

There is a secret soreness even here at the small effect produced in England compared with what they anticipated by the attack on Sumter; but hopes are excited that Mr. Gregory, who was travelling through the States some time ago, will have a strong party to support his forthcoming motion for a recognition of the South. The next conflict which takes place will be more bloody than that at Sumter. The gladiators are approaching — Washington, Annapolis, Pennsylvania are military departments, each with a chief and Staff, to which is now added that of Ohio, under Major G. B. McClellan, Major-General of Ohio Volunteers at Cincinnati. The authorities on each side are busy administering oaths of allegiance.

The harbor of Charleston is reported to be under blockade by the Niagara steam frigate; and a force of United States troops at St. Louis, Missouri, under Captain Lyon, has attacked and dispersed a body of State Militia under one Brigadier-General Frost, to the intense indignation of all Mobile. The argument is, that Missouri gave up the St. Louis Arsenal to the United States Government, and could take it back if she pleased, and was certainly competent to prevent the United States troops stirring beyond the Arsenal.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 192-6

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, September 3, 1864

A report¹ came in today that General Sherman has his headquarters in Atlanta, and that the rebel army is in retreat with our army after them.² News came also of the surrender of Fort Morgan at Mobile, Alabama; also that General Grant is shelling Petersburg with fifteen-inch shells. All things are quiet here at Rome, Georgia.

_______________

¹ The information was gathered from a poster or news sheet about four inches wide and twenty-two inches long, printed on one side and sold among the soldiers at the hospital. Mr. Downing purchased one, which he has preserved, and thinks he paid ten cents for it. — Ed.

² General Sherman finally took Atlanta by a bit of strategy. He withdrew his army from the rifle-pits in front of Atlanta, and placing the Twentieth Army Corps across the Chattahoochee river to protect his base of supplies at Marietta, moved with the remainder of the army in a wide circuit by his right flank and got into the rear of Hood's army. It is said that when Sherman made this move, Hood, taking it for granted that Sherman had given up the siege, proclaimed the fact, and he and his army, together with the citizens of Atlanta, began celebrating the event with a great jollification. But when Hood, in the midst of their rejoicings, learned by courier the truth about Sherman's move, and that the Union army was in his rear in full force, he sent orders throughout his camp and the city, calling every man to arms. He Immediately began the evacuation of Atlanta, destroying the ammunition and all army supplies. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 213

From Washington

WASHINGTON, May 20.

Gen. Saxton arrived at Fort Monroe this morning, and goes to New York, this evening.  Most of the passengers will be in New York on Friday.

Voluminous dispatches were received from the Gulf today.  They related principally to the details of the recent movements connected with the capture of New Orleans.  The vessels of the fleet have been judiciously distributed, under Com. Lee, going up as far as Vicksburg, for purposes which it would be improper to state.  It appears from the documents that Commodore Farragut carried out his instructions to the letter and was ably and cheerfully sustained by all under his command.

On our forces occupying Pensacola, the Mayor promised that the citizens would behave themselves peacefully.  The rebels had evacuated the place on hearing that our steamers, the day before, were going to run into Mobile Bay, and that the squadron and mortar boats would soon follow.

Commander Porter left Ship Island on the 7th, with the steamer belonging to the mortar fleet, and the Rachel, for Mobile bar, for the purpose of fixing a place for the mortar boats to lie and plant buoys for the ships to run in by when they should arrive.

Great excitement is said to exist within the forts at the progress of the fleet. – There was reason to believe that Fort Gaines was evacuated, and that the troops there were leaving to reinforce Fort Morgan.

Special to Herald.

All here are filled with expectations of a great battle at Corinth and Battour’s Bridge before the week ends.  It is expected that these two battles will practically conclude the campaign, and leave nothing else to be done but to put down the guerilla fighting.

The recent proclamation of the President begins to give great satisfaction to all classes.  The conservatives are satisfied, and the ultras do not find fault.  It is manifest to all, that Mr. Lincoln has taken the bit in his teeth and intends to have his own way, Cabinet or no Cabinet.  The general impression here is, since the utterance of the proclamation, there is no one can approach 

Abraham Lincoln in popularity.  It is regarded as an evidence of unalterable firmness and true grit.

Special to Tribune.

A call is soon to be made upon the States for additional volunteers to the number of at least 100,000; careful inquiry has elicited the fact that our army is smaller than has been represented, even in official accounts numbering not 500,000 effective men.  This fresh force is to be mainly used as a reserve, to be stationed at convenient points to meet emergencies.

Times’ Special.

The subject of lake defences and lake commerce was very forcibly and fully presented this morning, at a meeting of the New York delegation in Congress, by the  Hon. Samuel B. Ruggles, who appeared in behalf of the State.  The principal topics discussed were the present undefended condition of the lakes and the great the and rapid growth of the commerce on these waters; also the vital importance of the cereal products of the States surrounding the lakes, in furnishing the elements of foreign commerce, and consequently in swelling the amount of duties on imports to be received in exchange.

The two cardinal measures growing out of these discussions, and which must occupy the attention of Congress, will be the opening of adequate canals from the eastern and western extremities of the lakes; the first to be effected by enlarging the locks in the Erie and Oswego canals, and the other by the enlargement of the canal from Chicago to Illinois river.  It is hoped that these great measures may be united as integral portions of hone harmonious system, permitting the passage throughout the line of mail-clad vessels sufficient for the defense of these great waters.

The World’s correspondence, under date of Baltimore Cross Roads, Va., 16 miles from Richmond, May 18th says: “I make a prophecy that Richmond is abandoned by the enemy without a fight, and that we occupy it within 48 hours.  If not all signs fail.  This is the advance division towards Richmond.

Cavalry are beyond at Bloton Bridge.  The enemy blew it up yesterday.  Little will it impede our progress, for the stream is narrow, the water but three feet deep and we can ford.

An effort will be made in the House to-morrow to adjourn from the 28th inst. Until the 2d of June, in order to enable members to visit their homes and give time for putting the hall in summer trim.  Those who favor the proposition that such arrangements will not delay business, as the house is far in advance of the Senate in this respect.  The House only contemplates a holiday.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

From the Gulf

WASHINGTON, May 21. – Voluminous dispatches are received from the Gulf go-day.  They relate principally to the details of the recent movements connected with the capture of New Orleans.  The vessels of the fleet have been judiciously distributed under Com. Lee, going up as far as Vicksburgh for purposes which it would be improper to state.

It appears from documents that Com. Farragut carried out his instructions to the letter and was cheerfully sustained by all under his command.

On our forces occupying Pensacola, the Mayor promised that the citizens would behave themselves peacefully.  The rebels had evacuated the place on hearing that our steamers the day before were going to run into Mobile bay and that the squadron and mortar boats would soon follow.

Com. Porter left Ship Island on the 7th with a steamer belonging to the mortar fleet and the Sachem for Mobile bar, for the purpose of fixing a place for the mortar vessels to lie and plant buoys for the ships to run in by when they should arrive.  Great excitement seemed to exist within the forts at the progress of the fleet.

There was reason to believe that Fort Gains was evacuated and that the troops there were leaving to reinforce fort Morgan.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 3

Twentieth Regiment Iowa Volunteer Infantry

The ten companies which were assigned to the Twentieth Regiment were ordered into quarters by the Governor on dates ranging from July, 15 to August 15, 1862. The designated rendezvous was Camp Kirkwood, near Clinton, Iowa, and there the companies were mustered into the service of the United States on the 22d, 25th and 27th days of August, 1862, by Captain H. B. Hendershott, of the United States Army. The aggregate strength of the regiment at muster in was 904, rank and file [see note 1]. Like most of the regiments which had preceded it, the Twentieth had but a brief opportunity for instruction before leaving the State. It was armed with Enfield rifles, (at that time considered one of the most effective weapons,) was furnished with the usual equipment for active service, and, on the 5th of September, was conveyed down the river by steamboat to St. Louis, and upon its arrival there went into quarters at Benton Barracks, where it remained but a short time, and proceeded thence to Rolla, Mo., arriving there September 14th, and, two days later, started upon the march for Springfield, Mo., where it arrived September 24th, having covered a distance of 122 miles. In this, their first experience in marching, the men . suffered much hardship, because of the fact that they had not yet become inured to the exposure and fatigue of an active campaign. It was their first lesson in the hard school of the soldier in time of war. Fortunately for the regiment, Colonel Dye had been a Captain in the Regular Army and was a thoroughly trained soldier, and a few others among the officers and men had seen service as volunteers in other Iowa organizations. Having a leader with a military education and with the help of those who had had some actual experience in warfare, the officers and men made rapid progress in learning their duties as soldiers.

Upon its arrival at Springfield, the regiment was assigned to a brigade consisting of the Twentieth Iowa, First Iowa Cavalry, Thirty-seventh Illinois Infantry, and one section of the First Missouri Light Artillery. This was the Second Brigade of the Second Division of the Army of the Southwest, commanded by General J. M. Schofield. The division was commanded by General Totten, and the brigade by Colonel Dye, of the Twentieth Iowa, leaving Lieutenant Colonel Leake in command of the regiment. The Twentieth Iowa was now about to enter upon a campaign which was to put to the severest test the bravery, fortitude and discipline of its officers and men. The hardships to which they had thus far been subjected were slight in comparison with those they encountered while marching and counter-marching in pursuit of their elusive enemy. From the 30th of September to the 7th of December, on which latter date the battle of Prairie Grove was fought, the regiment passed through an experience, the details of which are described with great particularity in the history of the regiment written by Colonel Dye, and in the prefix to the official report of Lieutenant Colonel Leake, describing the conduct of his regiment in the battle of Prairie Grove [see note 2]. The following extracts taken from Lieutenant Colonel Leake's report will serve to show some of the great hardships endured by the regiment during this period of its service:

. . . On the 15th day of October, at Cassville, Mo., the army was reorganized and called the "Army of the Frontier," the First Division under command of General Blunt, the Second Division under command of General Totten, and the Third Division under the command of General Herron. . . . The First Iowa Cavalry was taken from Colonel Dye's Brigade and transferred to the Third Division, and in its place a battalion of the Sixth Missouri Cavalry, under command of Major Montgomery, was assigned to the Second Brigade, Second Division. General Schofield still commanded the whole. Thus organized as an army, on the 28th of October, we had penetrated as far south as Fayetteville, Washington County, Arkansas, having driven the enemy before us. Beyond and south of that place, on the 30th of the same month, General Schofield retired from Fayetteville, and placed the army in position on the line of the road leading from Huntsville to Bentonsville, the First Division on Prairie Creek, six or seven miles west of Bentonsville, the Second division at Osage Springs, and the Third at Cross Hollows, to await the future movements of the enemy. The army remained in this position until the 2d of November, when, in pursuance of orders from Major General Curtis commanding the Department, the Second and Third Divisions commenced their return march to Missouri. The First Division under General Blunt retained its position west of Bentonsville. ... A few days afterwards intelligence was received that the post at Clark Mills, on the road from Springfield to Forsyth, garrisoned by five companies, three of State Militia, and two of the Tenth Illinois Cavalry, had been surrendered, and that the enemy were marching in large force on Springfield, to protect which the Second Division was moved on the 10th to Ozark, making the march of thirty-five miles in twelve hours. . . . The Second Division moved on the 17th, the night of the 17th, and the 18th, through a drenching storm westerly thirty-six miles to Camp Lyon. . . . Up to this time the regiment had marched since leaving Rolla the distance of 520 miles. We rested at Camp Lyon from all our fatigues and exposure until the morning of December 4th. During the stay at Camp Lyon, the men were provided with everything needed for comfort except shoes and stockings. Only one hundred pairs of shoes, one hundred and eighty pairs of infantry boots, and one hundred and eight pairs of socks could be obtained. These were distributed through the regiment to those who were most in need of them. No shoes had been provided since the first pair obtained before leaving Iowa, and they were almost entirely worn out by the continuous marching over hundreds of weary miles of stony road, and through numerous creeks and rivers.


On the evening of December 3d, a courier arrived at Camp Lyon with a message from General Blunt, asking for reinforcements, his division being threatened with attack by a greatly superior force of the enemy. General Blunt was a skillful officer and, as his troops consisted mostly of cavalry and mounted infantry, he had been able to elude the enemy and avoid a general engagement, but the rebel forces had cut off his retreat and he was in a very critical position. The Second Division promptly responded to his call for assistance and made a most wonderful record of forced marches, which are thus described by Lieutenant Colonel Leake, in continuation of his report from which the previous extracts were made:

On the morning of the 4th of December, reveille was beaten at one o'clock, and at four o'clock the regiment commenced its march. Between four and five o'clock P. M. it encamped on Flat Creek, having marched 25 miles. The next day we moved at 5 o'clock A. M., passed through Cassville and Keitsville, and encamped one and a half miles beyond the latter place, having marched twenty-one and a half miles. On the morning of the 6th, we left camp at 5 o'clock, passed through Pea Ridge and Sugar Creek, and reached Cross Hollows, Ark., at about 5 o'clock P. M., twenty-six and a half miles. Here we halted for rest and supper. At eleven o'clock P. M. we moved on, marching all night, passed through Fayetteville after daylight, and halted one mile beyond, on the road to Cane Hill, for rest and breakfast. After the lapse of about an hour and a half, having learned of the capture of a portion of the train of the First Arkansas Cavalry, a few miles beyond, I was ordered to detail a company under the command of a reliable officer, to protect our train (in addition to the regular division, and brigade guards, already large,) to which duty I assigned company B, under command of Captain Coulter; so that company B was deprived of the privilege of being in the engagement. We then marched on rapidly, until we arrived at the battlefield between eleven and twelve o'clock on the morning of the 7th, a distance of nine miles. The regiment thus marched the distance of one hundred miles in eighty consecutive hours, the last fifty-three and one-half of which we accomplished in thirty-one hours. Very many of the command marched with shoes so much worn that their feet were upon the ground, and were badly bruised and cut up by the stony road. Many of the boots furnished at Camp Lyon fitted the feet of the men so illy that they became inflamed and blistered by the continuous marching, and a few carried their boots in their hands and marched to the field in their bare feet, whilst many fell out by the way, unable to march farther. Under these circumstances, we went into the engagement with only two hundred and seventy enlisted men, and twenty-three commissioned officers.


From the foregoing description of the energetic manner in which the Twentieth Iowa, with its brigade and division, pressed forward by day and night marches to the relief of General Blunt's command, it will be seen that they were the first troops to engage the enemy. Continuing his report, Lieutenant Colonel Leake describes minutely the positions of the opposing forces at the commencement of the battle. The enemy was posted upon a heavily wooded hill, the approach to which was across a prairie about 1000 yards wide. General Blunt states in his official report that he had been skirmishing with the advance of the enemy, holding them in check until his reinforcements should arrive, but the enemy got between him and the troops coming to his assistance, and the battle had been raging for several hours before his division came up and attacked the enemy in the rear. He, therefore, furnished the reinforcement, instead of receiving it. The compiler again quotes from the report of Lieutenant Colonel Leake, as follows:

. . . These dispositions having been made at one o'clock P. M. the engagement was opened by the firing of a gun from the battery under the command of Lieutenant Marr. At about two o'clock the order was given to advance the battery, and I received orders to advance the regiment forward in support. We advanced in this order across the open field, to within about two hundred yards of the foot of the hill, and in front of the house of H. Roger, when the battery was ordered back, and the regiment left in that position. I presently received orders from Colonel Dye, in pursuance of which the regiment moved to the right into the adjoining field and in front of the orchard on the left of the house of Wm. Rogers, to check a movement of the enemy to outflank us on the right. At this time the Twentieth was on the extreme right of the Second and Third Divisions. This movement was executed under a galling fire which we returned, advancing to within a few paces of the edge of the orchard. At this time a force appeared on our right advancing up the valley. Fearing that we were being outflanked by the enemy, I was ordered to fall back across the field and take position behind a fence in our rear, which was executed in good order under fire. I then threw out companies A and F, under command of Captains Bates and Hubbard, from the right wing as skirmishers. Shortly after, a cavalry force appeared upon our right and rear, whereupon the skirmishers were recalled and a change of front made toward the approaching force, to the rear behind a fence running at right angles to the one from which we moved. Colonel Dye having sent forward and ascertained that the cavalry were from General Blunt's command, the Twentieth at once changed front and resumed its former position behind the fence fronting towards the orchard. We had scarcely taken this position when an aide from General Blunt reported to me that the forces which had come up the valley, and were taking position in the field on our right, was the command of General Blunt. I at once directed him to Colonel Dye, who was about 200 yards to the rear and left of me, who immediately sent word to General Herron of the arrival of reinforcements under General Blunt. This took place at about three and a half o'clock, as nearly as I can fix the time. Before this time the Nineteenth Iowa and Twentieth Wisconsin had charged up the hill on the extreme left, and had been driven back; after which the Twenty-sixth Indiana and Thirty-seventh Illinois had been ordered up in nearly the same place, and with a like result, so that when General Blunt arrived no infantry was engaged on our left. General Blunt at once sent forward a part of the First Indiana regiment as skirmishers. Colonel Dye reported to General Blunt and ordered me to make a charge with the Twentieth up the hill and on the left of, and operating with the forces of General Blunt. I moved the regiment rapidly forward in line of battle across the field, obliquing to the left; crossed the orchard fence, drove the enemy through the orchard, and advanced beyond the upper orchard fence and through the woods a short distance. . . . Fearing that the troops on our left wing had ascended the hill and advanced to our front, I saw directly in front of us a mass of troops moving down upon us. At almost the same instant they fired a volley under which the left wing recoiled nearly to the orchard fence, where they promptly rallied at my command and renewed the firing with great rapidity and, I think, effect. I received orders to retire behind the fence at the foot of the hill, and hold if, which movement was promptly executed by the regiment in good order, climbing the fence under a galling fire, lying down behind it, and continuing the firing between the fence rails. The moment we crossed the fence the orchard was shelled by the batteries of General Blunt's forces on the right in the field, and by that under command of Captain Murphy in position at the point from which we entered the action, from the combined effects of which, and our own firing, the enemy were driven back. . . . As soon as the enemy was driven from the orchard I was ordered to retire in good order from the fence and form in the middle of the field. As we commenced to retire, Major Thompson having been wounded and the left wing, not receiving the order to halt, promptly retired nearly to the fence from which we had advanced, I rode down, and at the command they returned and formed at the place designated. . . . This ended our active participation in the contest. About the time we had retaken our old position, the rest of General Blunt's Division had become heavily engaged with the enemy on our extreme right and remained so engaged until darkness closed the contest. . . The next morning before daylight, I formed the line of battle, and awaited the renewal of the action.


Soon after daylight it was discovered that the enemy had fled during the night, thus acknowledging defeat. The Union troops were so worn and exhausted from forced marches and the hard fighting of the previous day that they were in no condition to pursue the enemy. Lieutenant Colonel Leake in closing his report speaks in the highest terms of praise of the conduct of the Twentieth Iowa during the battle. He makes special mention of Major Thompson, who was wounded late in the action and, though suffering great pain, did not leave the field until the regiment retired. He also mentions the gallant conduct of Acting Adjutant, Lieutenant J. C. McClelland and Sergeant Major George A. Gray. Of the gallant Brigade Commander he says, "It will not, I trust, be improper for me to remark of my superior officer, Colonel William McE. Dye, commanding the Second Brigade, that by the entire self possession, the calm bravery, and the military ability he displayed on the field, he won the entire confidence of the regiment. Its affection he had gained before."

The loss of the regiment in the battle of Prairie Grove was 1 officer and 7 enlisted men killed; 5 officers and 34 enlisted men wounded. The Brigade Commander—Colonel Dye—warmly commended Lieutenant Colonel Leake for the excellent manner in which he handled his regiment during the battle, and also made special mention of Adjutant Lake of the Twentieth Iowa, who acted as Assistant Adjutant General upon his staff, and carried his orders to different points on the field under the fire of the enemy. While the subsequent record of the regiment is altogether an honorable one and deserves full description, the limitations prescribed for this historical sketch will not permit of the occupancy of much greater space in describing its future movements than has been devoted to its operations up to and including the battle just described. The compiler believes, however, that the events embraced in this period of the history of the regiment constitute a record not excelled for bravery and fortitude, and that it would have entitled the officers and men of the Twentieth Iowa to the lasting gratitude of the State and Nation had the record ended with Prairie Grove. The day after the battle the dead were buried with military honors. The wounded had received such care and attention as could be given in field hospitals, and they were subsequently removed to Fayetteville, where better facilities for their care were provided. The regiment remained in camp at Prairie Grove, enjoying a much needed rest, until the morning of December 27, 1862, when it again took up the line of march for Van Buren on the Arkansas river. The march was over the Boston Mountains, the cavalry leading the advance and skirmishing with the enemy, but, upon the approach of the Union troops, the enemy retreated across the Arkansas, and the town of Van Buren, a large quantity of supplies and several steamboats were captured. The boats and such portion of the supplies as could not be removed were destroyed, and the troops returned to their camp at Prairie Grove.

On Jan. 2, 1863, the regiment again took up the line of march, with its brigade and division. General Schofield had again assumed command of the Army of the Frontier. In the campaign which ensued, and which extended through the winter and into the spring, there was much hard marching, and the troops were exposed to alternate storms of snow and rain, marching over muddy and sometimes almost impassable roads, but everywhere the movements of the army as a whole, and in detachments, were directed against the rebel forces with the one purpose in view — that of driving the invaders from the State and placing the loyal citizens of Missouri in position to defend themselves from further invasion, and enabling the troops composing the Army of the Frontier to be withdrawn for the purpose of co-operating in the great expedition against Vicksburg. General Schofield's plans were successfully carried out, the rebel troops in his front being mostly withdrawn during the winter for the purpose of reinforcing their army in Mississippi, then preparing to resist the advance of the Union army under General Grant.

Towards the latter part of March, the regiment with its brigade and division was being gradually withdrawn from the Missouri frontier and moved towards the point where these troops had entered upon their first campaign. At length, on the 23d of April, 1863, the division marched into Rolla. The Twentieth Iowa had now been in active service about seven months. It had been engaged in many skirmishes and one hard fought battle. Its losses in killed and wounded, and from disease, had been heavy. April 24th the regiment was transported by rail to St. Louis. The following extracts from Colonel Dye's history of the regiment (heretofore alluded to in this sketch) describe its principal movements for a considerable portion of its subsequent service, beginning with its arrival in St. Louis:

Here we remained guarding the arsenal, and doing other important duties until May 15th. During a part of this time, First Lieutenant C. L. Drake, with company A, and a part of company F, embarked for Cape Girardeau, Mo., where he arrived in time to participate in the successful defense of that place against the assaults of the enemy. Companies D and G, Captains Torrey and Altmann, were also detached to quell mutinies at Benton Barracks. On the 1st of May the regiment arrived by rail at Pilot Knob, and remained there until June 3d. On the 5th, by hot marching arrived at St. Genevieve, and embarked with what remained of the regiment. ... A part of the Infantry and Artillery of the Second and Third Divisions, having now been organized into a division (detached from the Army of the Frontier) of two brigades, the Twentieth Iowa being a part of the First Brigade, proceeded on the 6th to reinforce the investing army at Vicksburg. We arrived at Chickasaw Bluff, on the Yazoo river, on the 11th. Returned and landed at Young's Point, crossed the peninsula to a point below Vicksburg, and took position on the 14th, on the extreme left of the investing forces, the First Brigade on the left, and the Twentieth Iowa, the second regiment from the right, where they remained until July 4th — the day of the surrender — participating in all the exposures and fatigues of that successful siege, being on duty in detachments almost continuously, either in the trenches or rifle pits; the troops not thus on duty standing to arms every day and night. Men were on duty as long as five successive days and nights, without other sleep than was stolen or involuntarily obtained under the guns of the enemy, while another relief was on duty. The regiment was very fortunate in losing during the siege by wounds only six enlisted men, three of whom died from their wounds.

At 9 a. m. on the 4th, part of the division, the Twentieth Iowa leading, marched into the works of Vicksburg, planting the first Union flag which floated over the extreme fort on the right of the enemy's works. As bad as the water used by our men was, the sickness was not so severe before the surrender, as when, by a relaxation of the system from the stimulant of excitement, intermittent and congestive fevers at once prostrated about one-third of the regiment. We remained in the works, collecting the surrendered material, until the 11th, when the division embarked with orders to reinforce the investing force of Port Hudson. When aboard, and about leaving, intelligence arrived of its surrender. The destination of the division was then changed to Yazoo City, where it arrived on the 13th, and by co-operation with the gunboats, (the De Kalb of which was destroyed by torpedoes,) captured the place, with a half dozen pieces of artillery, and a number of prisoners, after an ineffectual resistance of half an hour. On the 16th, we left to open communication with General Sherman, at Canton, Miss. This accomplished, we arrived on the 19th, on our return, at Yazoo City, and re-embarked. . . . By the 22d, we were again in camp within the works of Vicksburg, the regiment having lost by sickness about 280 men. Leaving the serious cases of sickness at Vicksburg, we embarked on the 24th of July, and arrived at Port Hudson on the 26th. During the siege of Vicksburg, the division had been attached to the Thirteenth Army Corps; it now became, and yet is, the Second Division of this corps. The troops remained on the boats until the 31st, when they were put into camp just in rear of Port Hudson. . . . We remained here until the 16th of August. During our stay, although about two-thirds of the men continued on the report for duty, probably three-fourths of the regiment were under medical treatment. On the 17th, arrived at Carrollton, La., losing, during our stay here, many of the men, from the protracted diseases of the summer. The regiment embarked here, without tents or knapsacks, and bivouacked, Sept. 7th, near Morganza, below the mouth of Red river. On the 8th, we marched to the Atchafalaya, driving the enemy to the opposite bank, a part of the division having a skirmish. We were absent but two days on this duty, yet the men suffered greatly from the heat (many being sun struck) and the want of good water. We remained at or near Morganza, almost constantly bivouacked, until October 10th. The knapsacks of the regiment did not arrive until about September 28th. Lieutenant Colonel Leake and two men (the former slightly wounded) were unfortunately captured, at Sterling Farm, Sept. 29th, While on duty, detached from the regiment [see note 3]. While at Morganza the men suffered alternately with heat and cold rains, being without shelter or change of clothing. On the 11th of October, encamped at Carrollton, La., where the regiment remained until October 23d, health much improved. . . . October 24th the division steamed out with sealed orders, and was overhauled by a severe gale, which was weathered by most of the vessels of the fleet November 1st, arrived in sight of Brazos de Santiago, (coast of Texas) and landed on the 4th, after making, with the Twentieth Wisconsin, an unsuccessful effort to land through the surf, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, in which seven out of ten surf boats, loaded with men, were either swamped or upset, losing, miraculously, however, only four men by drowning. A portion of the division, including company G, (provost guard of the division) proceeded to Brownsville, and a detachment of the regiment, under Lieutenant Carver, remained at the mouth of the river, whilst the regiment (with these exceptions) on the 6th crossed the Lagoon del Madre, to Point Isabel, where it remained, suffering from great scarcity of water, and want of cooking utensils and baggage, until the 13th. November 15th, the regiment re-embarked and landed, with a portion of the division, on the south end of Mustang Island, in the evening; At 9 a. m. on the 17th, it arrived at the north end of the island, (about 25 miles distant,) after a very fatiguing march, the men drawing by hand two pieces of artillery, carrying their knapsacks and sixty rounds of ammunition, this after about two weeks' confinement aboard ship. About one hundred of the enemy, with three pieces of heavy artillery, were at this end of the island, guarding the Aransas inlet. The enemy surrendered as soon as our forces appeared.


The regiment remained on Mustang Island about seven months. Out of wrecked lumber, procured on and near the island, they erected barracks. The monotony of garrison duty was varied somewhat by expeditions of detachments from the regiment to the main land. Some prisoners and a couple of schooners were captured, but no organized body of the enemy was encountered on these expeditions. It was the most restful period in the history of the regiment. On June 24, 1864, the regiment embarked at Mustang Island and was conveyed to Brazos Santiago, and from there it marched to Brownsville, Texas, where it remained, doing garrison duty until July 29th, when it started on its return to Brazos Santiago, and from there returned by sea to New Orleans, arriving there and going into its old camp at Carrollton, August 6th. Here it remained but a short time when it was conveyed by steamer to Fort Gaines, Ala., which, however, had surrendered before the arrival of the regiment. It disembarked at Mobile Point, and participated in the siege of Fort Morgan, which surrendered August 23, 1864. During all these movements Colonel Dye was detached from the regiment and in command of a brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Leake was still a prisoner of war, Major Thompson had resigned, and the regiment had alternately been under the command of Captains M. L. Thompson and Edward Coulter.

On September 7th the regiment proceeded by steamer to New Orleans and thence up the river to Morganza, La. During the voyage an accident occurred to the machinery of the vessel, and five men of the Twentieth Iowa were badly scalded by escaping steam; three of them jumped overboard and were drowned. At Morganza Lieutenant Colonel Leake rejoined the regiment, having regained his liberty by an exchange of prisoners. He received a glad welcome from the officers and men, who had become greatly attached to him and had complete confidence in his courage and ability. With full appreciation of this feeling towards him, he again assumed the command of the regiment

On the 12th of October orders were received to embark the command and move up the Mississippi to the mouth of White River, thence to Devall's Bluff, and disembark. There, and at Brownsville, the regiment was encamped until January, 1865. During this period of its service the Twentieth Iowa was part of the time engaged in scouting in the surrounding country, but was most of the time performing garrison duty and erecting fortifications. Many of its men were on the sick list, the prevailing disease being scurvy. A quantity of sanitary stores were sent to the regiment from Iowa, and were used with excellent effect, and when the regiment left Arkansas, on the 8th of January, the health of the men had greatly improved. Its next place of encampment was near Kennerville, La., where it remained until February 16th, on which date it embarked for Pensacola Bay, Florida, and, after a voyage without incident, went into camp at Florida Point, remaining there until the commencement of the Mobile campaign, in which it was an active participant. On the march to Mobile, which was very toilsome, the regiment attracted the attention of the Division Commander to such a marked extent as to cause him to make special mention of its conduct in a general order thanking all the troops under his command. The order is here quoted as follows:


General Orders No. 8.

Headquarters Second Division Thirteenth Army Corps.
In the Field Mar. 28, 1865.

I. The General commanding appreciates the ready and generous efforts of the troops in promoting this difficult march. These labors assure future success, and every patriot will feel grateful to the soldiers who have endured them. The General particularly thanks Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Leake, commanding the Twentieth Iowa Volunteers, for the valuable and rapid service of his regiment this morning, showing, by the amount done, how much can be accomplished by officers giving their personal interest and attention to their duty.

By order of Brigadier General C. C. Andrews,

GEORGE MONROE,
Assistant Adjutant General.


The regiment participated in the siege of Fort Blakely, performing all the duties assigned to it, but fortunately sustained only the single casualty of one man wounded. On April 14th, the regiment was conveyed across the bay to the city of Mobile, where it was engaged in the performance of provost guard duty until July 8, 1865, on which date it was mustered out of the service of the United States. The regiment was then conveyed to Clinton, Iowa, where it was disbanded July 27, 1865.

The record of the Twentieth Iowa is an honorable one. While the regiment was engaged in but one hard fought battle in the open field, it was no fault of its gallant officers and men that it did not participate in more of the great battles of the war. They went where they were ordered to go, and performed every duty required of them. They endured as much suffering upon the march, in bivouac, in camp and siege, as any regiment which the State of Iowa sent into the field. They are therefore entitled to the gratitude of every patriotic citizen of the State and Nation for the service they have rendered to both. Their names and the record of their service, contained in these pages, will be handed down to their posterity; and those who can trace their lineage to the brave and faithful men of the Twentieth Iowa may justly claim as proud a heritage as was ever bestowed upon the descendants of those who fought and suffered and died in a righteous cause.


SUMMARY OF CASUALTIES.

Total Enrollment 1026
Killed and drowned 20
Wounded 52
Died of wounds 7
Died of disease 130
Discharged for disease, wounds or other causes 183
Buried in National Cemeteries 66
Captured . 13
Transferred 39


[Note 1.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, Vol. 1, 1863, pages 718 to 750, Original Roster of the Regiment.

[Note 2.] Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, Vol. 2, 1863, pages 826 to 830. Report of Adjutant General of Iowa, Vol. 2, 1865, pages 1113 to 1120.

[Note 3.] Lieutenant Colonel Leake was in command of the Nineteenth Iowa and Twenty-sixth Indiana at the time he was wounded and captured.


SOURCE: Roster & Record of Iowa Soldiers During the War of the Rebellion, Volume 3, p. 341-8