Showing posts with label Horace Greeley. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Horace Greeley. Show all posts

Sunday, June 21, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 8, 1860

New York, March 8, 1860.

Friend Pike: I have bet you $20 on Douglas against the field. So far good. Now you say Seward will be our man. Well, I offer you $20 on that. I name my man for Charleston and back him against the field. You name your man for Chicago, and don't back him against the field, as I proposed. Very good. It seems that I have more confidence in my jud[g]ment than you have in yours; so we will stand there on the original $20 on Douglas, which I trust you will win; only, if Douglas has no chance, you and Harvey should “poor pussy” him, not abuse him.

F. is one of the poorest and most debauched of the drunken sailors that floated ashore from the wreck of Know-Nothingism. He is, of course, the very man for a printer to Congress. No honest man could get it, for none of that stamp could lie enough. Hence Follett's failure in '56, and Defrees's now. Both these are honest men.

But Gurley's bill to establish a Government Printing-Office is worse even than Ford or Bowman or Wendell — worse than all three together. It is to establish a national hospital for broken-down editors and printers, the jackals of the Camerons, and Bankses and Brights and Gwinns of all time. It will be more expensive and more nauseous than any thing we have yet known. Every drunken printer and ex-editor who won't work, and can't earn a living if he would, will be billeted on the public Treasury, and jobs will be invented to keep up a semblance of work for them — and very little work will do them. Just see.

I hope F. will cheat the crowd out of every dollar. If he will do this with the impudence of a highwayman, I'll go in for giving him another as good thing somewhere. Genius should be encouraged.

Yours,
H. G.
J. S. P.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 502

Sunday, June 14, 2015

Charles A. Dana to James S. Pike, March 8, 1860

New York, March 8, 1860.

Dear Pike: Horace wants to go off in April, along between the 1st and the 10th, to be gone for a week or so, and I write to propose that you should get here by the 1st. He is going over Pennsylvania, and without your help we can't get along.

I have had a second letter from Hildreth. He is mending, and really writes in good spirits. I infer that he is going to get well.

The Seward stock is rising, and that will console some of our friends for the defeat of the city railroad schemes in Albany. George Law has beat all the other speculators, and got a bill through the Senate which looks like smothering the whole concern. It charters a road in the Seventh Avenue, with forty-eight branches running through every cross-street. The great political engineers are aghast at this triumph of their opponent. Perhaps they may beat him yet; but I doubt it.

Yours faithfully,
C. A. Dana.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 501

Saturday, June 6, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 5, 1860

New York, March 5, 1860.

Friend Pike: Your grammar is perfect. The bet is all right — $20 to $20 on Douglas's nomination. Now if you want to go $20 more on Seward against the field for our nomination, I take that. I can spare the money, for I don't want to go to Chicago, and mean to keep away if possible.

If Douglas shall be nominated, I think Bates will have to be, unless we mean to rush on certain destruction. However, we shall see what we shall see.

“Capital States” and “Labor States” is foolish. Slave States and Free States tells the story, and no one can misunderstand it.

Why don't you go in hard for awarding the printing to the lowest bidder? I should be perfectly willing that Mrs. B. should have it all under that rule, if you can get it. Under the present system, I object. And a “National Printing Office” would be worse than this. Do try to help along some practical reform. I've written Sherman to send me a table of the mileage. Then we'll see who votes and how when that question comes up, and what they make or lose by it.

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
J. S. Pike, Esq., Washington, D. C.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 501

Sunday, May 31, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 4, 1860

New York, March 4,1860.

Friend Pike: I don't happen to have that $10 to spare to-day; but I'll do the next best thing — I'll double the bet. Do you “take it”? You ought to be rejoiced to see your favorite phrase used grammatically for once.

Why don't you go in for having the printing done by the lowest bidder? There is no other way.
When you see the Charleston convention in blast, you'll see stars. Then you'll see that the people are stronger than Washington City.

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
J. S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Sunday, May 24, 2015

Charles A. Dana to James S. Pike, March 3, 1860

New York, March 3.

My Dear Pike: I reckon that rumor lies this time too. I don't know, of course; but I should need to have strong evidence to make me believe those letters were puffs for lobby use. However, if there is any proof let us have it.

I wish you would come back and go to work here again. Horace rather sweats under the toil, and cries for help now and then. You might as well stay here till the first of June as not.

Yours faithfully,
C. A. Dana.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Saturday, May 16, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 4, 1860

New York, March 4,1860.

Friend Pike: I don't happen to have that $10 to spare to-day; but I'll do the next best thing — I'll double the bet. Do you “take it”? You ought to be rejoiced to see your favorite phrase used grammatically for once.

Why don't you go in for having the printing done by the lowest bidder? There is no other way.
When you see the Charleston convention in blast, you'll see stars. Then you'll see that the people are stronger than Washington City.

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
J. S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Sunday, May 3, 2015

Charles A. Dana to James S. Pike, March 3, 1860

New York, March 3.

My Dear Pike : I reckon that rumor lies this time too. I don't know, of course; but I should need to have strong evidence to make me believe those letters were puffs for lobby use. However, if there is any proof let us have it.

I wish you would come back and go to work here again. Horace rather sweats under the toil, and cries for help now and then. You might as well stay here till the first of June as not.

Yours faithfully,
C. A. Dana.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Saturday, April 25, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, February 26, 1860

New York, February 26, 1860.

Friend P.: Before you say much more about John Bell, will you just take down the volumes of the Congressional Globe for 1853-4 and refresh your recollection of the part he played with regard to the Nebraska bill? Will you look especially at his votes, February 6th, on Chase's amendment; February 15th, on Douglas's amendment (the present slavery proviso); March 2d, on Chase's amendment (allowing the people of the Territories to prohibit slavery); March 2d, against Chase again, etc. It does seem to me that you or I must be mad or strangely forgetful about this business. I venture to say that Bell's record is the most tangled and embarrassing to the party which shall run him for President of any man's in America. And as to his wife's owning the slaves — bosh! We know that Bell has owned slaves — how did he get rid of them? That's an interesting question. We knowhow to answer it respecting Bates.

But I don't care what is done about the nomination. I know what ought to be done, and having set that forth am content. I stand in the position of the rich old fellow, who, having built a church entirely out of his own means, addressed his townsmen thus:

“I've built you a meeting-house,
And bought you a bell;
Now go to meeting,
Or go to h---!”

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
James S. Pike, Washington City, D. C.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 499-500

Sunday, April 19, 2015

Fitz Henry Warren to James S. Pike, February 25, 1860

Burlington, Iowa, February 25,1860.

Esteemed Individual: I am charged to the muzzle with quinine pills, but mind asserts its supremacy over matter. I thank you for your letter of 22d ; but I am more cheered and consoled by other events of that same day. Pennsylvania knocked Baits; and Indiana, where Martin Colfax has been cross-ploughing and harrowing in the good seed, has died (in convention) and made no sign. I agree with you; take apartments for me in the Pitti Palace. My acquaintance with him is slight, but all in his favor. I revere, admire, worship, adore pluck; a stiff backbone is worth all the rest of the human anatomy. Let us have an order of knighthood established whose cognizance shall be a spinal vertebra on a field gules. Brain is nothing compared to the dorsal column. Let no man be eligible to the nomination who can take a kick behind with no change of countenance perceptible to the spectator in front. I hope that will not rule out any of your New York candidates. Will it?

I join hands with you on Pitt; and now, come out and “fight the beasts at Ephesus” (Chicago) with me.

And now, once more. Will you keep me in a stock of speeches! I want Mr. Corwin's, who is a splendid talker; Winter Davis, also, and John P. Hale. Never mind; if you are weak and cannot go to the capital on foot, take a carriage; it only costs fifty cents.

I am glad the Speaker is just what he is when it is necessary to take a candidate to please Geo. Briggs and Adrain, when the responsibility of having the control of the House is one which ought to have been dodged if it could be. I am happy that justice is more nimble-footed than usual.

I saw Pennington and Bates at Washington about the same time, and came to an early conclusion that neither of their anxious mothers knew they were out. As superb an ass as old P. is, I would rather take my chances with him for President than the Missouri pre-Adamite. You can understand my horror, then, of such a possible result as making a Republican President. Horace is kinky, but what has obfuscated Dana? My suspicion is that Weed does not want Seward, and does not intend he shall be nominated, but does want Bates? He is one of Weed's style of men. W. has been a correspondent of his for a long time, and Mister Weed could turn the crank and grind out any tune he wished. Weed made Fillmore, Fish, and Wash. Hunt. That's my theory, and it has to me great plausibility. There would be glorious picking at the Treasury for the New York banditti.

But this is private and very confidential. Use your eyes and your nose, and see if there is not something in it. Let me hear from you when the fascinations of the. federal city can be thrown off.

I suppose you dine frequently with Mr. Buchanan. Please assure him of my tender and abiding affection. With compliments to Mrs. P.,

Very truly,
Fitz-henry Warren.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 496-7

Monday, March 9, 2015

Congressman Israel Washburn, Jr. to James S. Pike, January 25, 1860

Washington, January 25, 1860.

Dear Pike: “Want of penetration!” “By the Lord, I knew ye!” but as I had been told that you were coming to Washington about this time, I supposed Greeley would be most likely to get the letter, and I desired mainly to thank the Tribune.

Tom Corwin has made a six hour’ speech, wise and witty, a little pro-slavery, a good deal anti-slavery, but quite likely to bring out twenty speeches on the two sides, and not unlikely in the end to elect a Democratic Speaker, and certain to make the country hold the Republicans responsible for the non-organization; i.e., responsible to a considerable extent. Only think, a six hours’ speech on all subjects under the sun addressed to the clerk, and this in rebuke of those Republicans who have labored all these weeks to bring the House to its duty, and prevent speaking on our side!

Are you for Edward Bates for President? A categorical answer requested.

Yours truly,
I. Washburn, Jr.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 479

Wednesday, February 25, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 27, 1861

Theodore Barker and James Lowndes came; the latter has been wretchedly treated. A man said, “All that I wish on earth is to be at peace and on my own plantation,” to which Mr. Lowndes replied quietly, “I wish I had a plantation to be on, but just now I can't see how any one would feel justified in leaving the army.” Mr. Barker was bitter against the spirit of braggadocio so rampant among us. The gentleman who had been answered so completely by James Lowndes said, with spitefulness: “Those women who are so frantic for their husbands to join the army would like them killed, no doubt.”

Things were growing rather uncomfortable, but an interruption came in the shape of a card. An old classmate of Mr. Chesnut's — Captain Archer, just now fresh from California — followed his card so quickly that Mr. Chesnut had hardly time to tell us that in Princeton College they called him “Sally” Archer he was so pretty — when he entered. He is good-looking still, but the service and consequent rough life have destroyed all softness and girlishness. He will never be so pretty again.

The North is consolidated; they move as one man, with no States, but an army organized by the central power. Russell in the Northern camp is cursed of Yankees for that Bull Run letter. Russell, in his capacity of Englishman, despises both sides. He divides us equally into North and South. He prefers to attribute our victory at Bull Run to Yankee cowardice rather than to Southern courage. He gives no credit to either side; for good qualities, we are after all mere Americans! Everything not '' national '' is arrested. It looks like the business of Seward.

I do not know when I have seen a woman without knitting in her hand. Socks for the soldiers is the cry. One poor man said he hid dozens of socks and but one shirt. He preferred more shirts and fewer stockings. We make a quaint appearance with this twinkling of needles and the everlasting sock dangling below.

They have arrested Wm. B. Reed and Miss Winder, she boldly proclaiming herself a secessionist. Why should she seek a martyr's crown? Writing people love notoriety. It is so delightful to be of enough consequence to be arrested. I have often wondered if such incense was ever offered as Napoleon's so-called persecution and alleged jealousy of Madame de Stael.

Russell once more, to whom London, Paris, and India have been an every-day sight, and every-night, too, streets and all. How absurd for him to go on in indignation because there have been women on negro plantations who were not vestal virgins. Negro women get married, and after marriage behave as well as other people. Marrying is the amusement of their lives. They take life easily; so do their class everywhere. Bad men are hated here as elsewhere.

“I hate slavery. I hate a man who — You say there are no more fallen women on a plantation than in London in proportion to numbers. But what do you say to this — to a magnate who runs a hideous black harem, with its consequences, under the same roof with his lovely white wife and his beautiful and accomplished daughters? He holds his head high and poses as the model of all human virtues to these poor women whom God and the laws have given him. From the height of his awful majesty he scolds and thunders at them as if he never did wrong in his life. Fancy such a man finding his daughter reading Don Juan. ‘You with that immoral book!’ he would say, and then he would order her out of his sight. You see Mrs. Stowe did not hit the sorest spot. She makes Legree a bachelor.” “Remember George II and his likes.”

“Oh, I know half a Legree — a man said to be as cruel as Legree, but the other half of him did not correspond. He was a man of polished manners, and the best husband and father and member of the church in the world.” “Can that be so?”

“Yes, I know it. Exceptional case, that sort of thing, always. And I knew the dissolute half of Legree well. He was high and mighty, but the kindest creature to his slaves. And the unfortunate results of his bad ways were not sold, had not to jump over ice-blocks. They were kept in full view, and provided for handsomely in his will.”

“The wife and daughters in the might of their purity and innocence are supposed never to dream of what is as plain before their eyes as the sunlight, and they play their parts of unsuspecting angels to the letter. They profess to adore the father as the model of all saintly goodness.” “Well, yes; if he is rich he is the fountain from whence all blessings flow.”

“The one I have in my eye — my half of Legree, the dissolute half — was so furious in temper and thundered his wrath so at the poor women, they were glad to let him do as he pleased in peace if they could only escape his everlasting fault-finding, and noisy bluster, making everybody so uncomfortable.” “Now — now, do you know any woman of this generation who would stand that sort of thing? No, never, not for one moment. The make-believe angels were of the last century. We know, and we won't have it.”

"The condition of women is improving, it seems." "Women are brought up not to judge their fathers or their husbands. They take them as the Lord provides and are thankful."

“If they should not go to heaven after all; think what lives most women lead.” “No heaven, no purgatory, no — the other thing? Never. I believe in future rewards and punishments.”

“How about the wives of drunkards? I heard a woman say once to a friend of her husband, tell it as a cruel matter of fact, without bitterness, without comment, ‘Oh, you have not seen him! He has changed. He has not gone to bed sober in thirty years.’ She has had her purgatory, if not ‘the other thing,’ here in this world. We all know what a drunken man is. To think, for no crime, a person may be condemned to live with one thirty years.” “You wander from the question I asked. Are Southern men worse because of the slave system and the facile black women?” “Not a bit. They see too much of them. The barroom people don't drink, the confectionery people loathe candy. They are sick of the black sight of them.”

“You think a nice man from the South is the nicest thing in the world?” “I know it. Put him by any other man and see!”

Have seen Yankee letters taken at Manassas. The spelling is often atrocious, and we thought they had all gone through a course of blue-covered Noah Webster spellingbooks. Our soldiers do spell astonishingly. There is Horace Greeley: they say he can't read his own handwriting. But he is candid enough and disregards all time-serving. He says in his paper that in our army the North has a hard nut to crack, and that the rank and file of our army is superior in education and general intelligence to theirs.

My wildest imagination will not picture Mr. Mason1 as a diplomat. He will say chaw for chew, and he will call himself Jeems, and he will wear a dress coat to breakfast. Over here, whatever a Mason does is right in his own eyes. He is above law. Somebody asked him how he pronounced his wife's maiden name: she was a Miss Chew from Philadelphia.

They say the English will like Mr. Mason; he is so manly, so straightforward, so truthful and bold. “A fine old English gentleman,” so said Russell to me, “but for tobacco.” “I like Mr. Mason and Mr. Hunter better than anybody else.” “And yet they are wonderfully unlike.” “Now you just listen to me,” said I. “Is Mrs. Davis in hearing — no? Well, this sending Mr. Mason to London is the maddest thing yet. Worse in some points of view than Yancey, and that was a catastrophe.”
_______________

1 James Murray Mason was a grandson of George Mason, and had been elected United States Senator from Virginia in 1847. In 1851 he drafted the Fugitive Slave Law. His mission to England in 1861 was shared by John Slidell. On November 8, 1861, while on board the British steamer Trent, in the Bahamas, they were captured by an American named Wilkes, and imprisoned in Boston until January 2, 1862. A famous diplomatic difficulty arose with England over this affair. John Slidell was a native of New York, who had settled in Louisiana and became a Member of Congress from that State in 1843. In 1853 he was elected to the United States Senate.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 112-7

Sunday, February 1, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: March 23, 1861

It is announced positively that the authorities in Pensacola and Charleston have refused to allow any further supplies to be sent to Fort Pickens, the United States fleet in the Gulf, and to Fort Sumter. Everywhere the Southern leaders are forcing on a solution with decision and energy, whilst the Government appears to be helplessly drifting with the current of events, having neither bow nor stern, neither keel nor deck, neither rudder, compass, sails, or steam. Mr. Seward has declined to receive or hold any intercourse with the three gentlemen called Southern Commissioners, who repaired to Washington accredited by the Government and Congress of the Seceding States now sitting at Montgomery, so that there is no channel of mediation or means of adjustment left open. I hear, indeed, that Government is secretly preparing what force it can to strengthen the garrison at Pickens, and to reinforce Sumter at any hazard; but that its want of men, ships, and money compels it to temporize, lest the Southern authorities should forestall their designs by a vigorous attack on the enfeebled forts.

There is, in reality, very little done by New York to support or encourage the Government in any decided policy, and the journals are more engaged now in abusing each other, and in small party aggressive warfare, than in the performance of the duties of a patriotic press, whose mission at such a time is beyond all question the resignation of little differences for the sake of the whole country, and an entire devotion to its safety, honor, and integrity. But the New York people must have their intellectual drams every morning, and it matters little what the course of Government may be, so long as the aristocratic democrat can be amused by ridicule of the Great Rail Splitter, or a vivid portraiture of Mr. Horace Greeley's old coat, hat, breeches, and umbrella. The coarsest personalities are read with gusto, and attacks of a kind which would not have been admitted into the “Age” or “Satirist” in their worst days, form the staple leading articles of one or two of the most largely circulated journals in the city. “Slang” in its worst Americanized form is freely used in sensation headings and leaders, and a class of advertisements which are not allowed to appear in respectable English papers, have possession of columns of the principal newspapers, few, indeed, excluding them. It is strange, too, to see in journals which profess to represent the civilization and intelligence of the most enlightened and highly educated people on the face of the earth, advertisements of sorcerers, wizards, and fortunetellers by the score — “wonderful clairvoyants,” “the seventh child of a seventh child,” “mesmeristic necromancers,” and the like, who can tell your thoughts as soon as you enter the room, can secure the affections you prize, give lucky numbers in lotteries, and make everybody's fortunes but their own. Then there are the most impudent quack programmes — very doubtful personals” addressed to “the young lady with black hair and blue eyes, who got out of the omnibus at the corner of 7th Street” — appeals by “a lady about to be confined” to “any respectable person who is desirous of adopting a child:” all rather curious reading for a stranger, or for a family.

It is not to be expected, of course, that New York is a very pure city, for more than London or Paris it is the sewer of nations. It is a city of luxury also — French and Italian cooks and milliners, German and Italian musicians, high prices, extravagant tastes and dressing, money readily made, a life in, hotels, bar-rooms, heavy gambling, sporting, and prize-fighting flourish here, and combine to lower the standard of the bourgeoisie at all events. Where wealth is the sole aristocracy, there is great danger of mistaking excess and profusion for elegance and good taste. To-day as I was going down Broadway, some dozen or more of the most over-dressed men I ever saw were pointed out to me as “sports;” that is, men who lived by gambling-houses and betting on races; and the class is so numerous that it has its own influence, particularly at elections, when the power of a hard-hitting prize-fighter with a following makes itself unmistakably felt. Young America essays to look like martial France in mufti, but the hat and the coat suited to the Colonel of Carabiniers en retraite do not at all become the thin, tall, rather long-faced gentlemen one sees lounging about Broadway. It is true, indeed, the type, though not French, is not English. The characteristics of the American are straight hair, keen, bright, penetrating eyes, and want of color in the cheeks.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 26-8

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, July 19, 1863

New York, July 19th, '63.

On Tuesday evening, upon an intimation from a man who had heard the plot arranged in the city to come down and visit me that night, and find Horace Greeley and Wendell Phillips, “who were concealed in my house,” I took the babies out of bed and departed to an unsuspected neighbor's. On Wednesday a dozen persons informed me and Mr. Shaw that our houses were to be burned; and as there was no police or military force upon the island, and my only defensive weapon was a large family umbrella, I carried Anna and the two babies to James Sturgis's in Roxbury. Frank was with Mrs. Shaw at Susie Minturn's up the river. Today I am going with him to Roxbury, but shall return immediately, so that I cannot see you. We have now organized ourselves in the neighborhood for mutual defense, and I do not fear any serious trouble.

The good cause gains greatly by all this trouble. The government is strong enough to hold New York, if necessary, as it holds New Orleans, Baltimore, and St. Louis. There must be a great deal more excitement, and if Seymour can bring the State, under a form of law, against the national government, he will do it. It will be done by a state decision of the unconstitutionality of the conscription act. But as a riot it has been suppressed, as an insurrection it has failed. No Northern conspiracy for the rebellion can ever have so fair a chance again as it had in this city last week, without soldiers, with a governor friendly to the mob, and with only a splendid police which did its duty as well as Grant's army.

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 165-6

Sunday, January 25, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: March 22, 1861

A snow-storm worthy of Moscow or Riga flew through New York all day, depositing more food for the mud. I paid a visit to Mr. Horace Greeley, and had a long conversation with him. He expressed great pleasure at the intelligence that I was going to visit the Southern States. “Be sure you examine the slave-pens. They will be afraid to refuse you, and you can tell the truth.” As the capital and the South form the chief attractions at present, I am preparing to escape from “the divine calm” and snows of New York. I was recommended to visit many places before I left New York, principally hospitals and prisons. Sing-Sing, the state penitentiary, is “claimed,” as the Americans say, to be the first “institution” of its kind in the world. Time presses, however, and Sing-Sing is a long way off. I am told a system of torture prevails there for hardened or obdurate offenders — torture by dropping cold water on them, torture by thumb-screws, and the like — rather opposed to the views of prison philanthropists in modern days.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 26

Thursday, December 25, 2014

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, February 6, 1863

February 6, 1863.

Why should Dr. Holmes trouble himself about the base of McClellan's brain? McClellan has nothing to do with all this McClellanization of the public mind. The reaction requires a small Democrat with great military prestige for its presidential candidate. The new programme, you know, is a new conservative party of Republicans and Democrats, and all mankind except Abolitionists. It will work, I think, for as a party we have broken down. I blame nobody. It was inevitable. The “Tribune,” through the well-meaning mistakes of Greeley, has been forced to take (in the public mind, which is the point) the position of W. Phillips, — the Union if possible, emancipation anyhow. As a practical political position that is not tenable. If, by any hocus-pocus, the war order of emancipation should be withdrawn, we should be lost forever, beyond McClellan's power, assisted by John Van Buren, the “Boston Courier” and “Post” and the “New York Herald,” to save us. There's nothing for us but to go forward and save all we can.

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 161

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, July 26, 1864

Headquarters Army oF The Potomac, July 26, 1864.

I consider the peace movement in Canada, and the share Horace Greeley had in it, as most significant. The New York Times of the 23d has a most important article on the President's “To whom it may concern” proclamation, in which it is argued that Mr. Lincoln was right to make the integrity of the Union a sine qua non, but not to make the abandonment of slavery; that this last is a question for discussion and mutual arrangement, and should not be interposed as a bar to peace negotiations.

It is a pity Mr. Lincoln employed the term “abandonment of slavery,” as it implies its immediate abolition or extinction, to which the South will never agree; at least, not until our military successes have been greater than they have hitherto been, or than they now seem likely to be. Whereas had he said the final adjustment of the slavery question, leaving the door open to gradual emancipation, I really believe the South would listen and agree to terms. But when a man like Horace Greeley declares a peace is not so distant or improbable as he had thought, and when a Republican paper, like the Times, asserts the people are yearning for peace, and will not permit the slavery question to interpose towards its negotiations, I think we may conclude we see the beginning of the end. God grant it may be so, and that it will not be long before this terrible war is brought to a close.

The camp is full of rumors of intrigues and reports of all kinds, but I keep myself free from them all, ask no questions, mind my own business, and stand prepared to obey orders and do my duty.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 215-6

Monday, November 3, 2014

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, July 29, 1861

July 29, 1861.

My Dear Charles, — I have your notes and the good news of Longfellow. A week ago Tom Appleton wrote me about himself and L–––. It was a very manly, touching letter. How glad I am that L––– is not crushed by the heavy blow!

No, nor am I nor the country by our blow. It is very bitter, but we had made a false start, and we should have suffered more dreadfully in the end had we succeeded now.

The "Tribune," as you see, has changed. There was a terrible time there. Its course was quite exclusively controlled by my friend, Charles Dana. The stockholders and Greeley himself at last rebelled and Dana was overthrown. It may lead to his leaving the “Tribune;” but for his sake I hope not.

As for blame and causes (for the defeat at Bull Run), they are in our condition and character. We have undertaken to make war without in the least knowing how. It is as if I should be put to run a locomotive. I am a decent citizen, and (let us suppose) a respectable man, but if the train were destroyed, who would be responsible? We have made a false start and we have discovered it. It remains only to start afresh.

The only difficulty now will be just that of which Mr. Cox’s resolutions are an evidence, the disposition to ask, “Will it pay?” And the duty is to destroy that difficulty by showing that peace is impossible without an emphatic conquest upon one side or the other. If we could suppose peace made as we stand now, we could not reduce our army by a single soldier. The sword must decide this radical quarrel. Why not within as well as without the Union? Then, if we win, we save all. If we lose, we lose no more.

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 148-9

Thursday, September 25, 2014

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, April 2, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, April 2, 1864.

I left Washington this morning, bidding dear Pennie1 good-bye at the hotel, which he was to leave half an hour after me. He has had a pretty pleasant time, and his visit has been a source of great happiness to me.

I enclose you a letter I addressed the Department,2 with an autograph reply from the President.3 I feel quite sure the President meant to be very kind and complimentary in paying me the distinguished honor of writing a reply in his own hand, and under this conviction I am bound to be satisfied. You will perceive, however, that the main point of my request is avoided, namely, my desire that the letter of Historicus should be submitted, with my letter, to General Sickles, and if he acknowledged or endorsed it, then I wished a court of inquiry, not otherwise. However, Mr. Stanton told me the true reason, which was that it was concluded submitting the letter to Sickles was only playing into his hands; that a court of inquiry, if called at my request, although it might exonerate me, yet it would not necessarily criminate him; and that, on the whole, it was deemed best not to take any action. Butterfield, I hear, was very bitter in his testimony, and made wonderful revelations. I went before the committee yesterday and replied only to his assertion that I instructed him to draw up an order to retreat. This I emphatically denied; also denied any knowledge of his having drawn up such an order; presented documentary evidence to show that, if I had any such idea, that my orders and despatches were contradictory, and referred to numerous officers who ought to have and would have known if I entertained any idea of the kind.4

I find I have three warm friends on the committee — Odell of New York, Gooch of Massachusetts, and Harding of Oregon. It is believed Wade, of Ohio, is favorably inclined. If either he or one of the others should prove so, it would make a majority in my favor. Old Zach Chandler is my bitterest foe and will show me no quarter. While going up to Washington I had a long and satisfactory talk with Grant, who has expressed himself and acted towards me in the most friendly manner. Among other things he said he heard Horace Greeley had been in Washington, demanding my removal, and that Thomas be brought here. Grant said, if he saw Greeley he should tell him that when he wanted the advice of a political editor in selecting generals, he would call on him. The President, Secretary, indeed every one I met, were civil and affable to me.
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1 Spencer Meade, son of General Meade.

2 For letter mentioned, see Appendix M.

3 For letter mentioned, see Appendix N.

4 This attack on General Meade was continued until long after the war, and even after his death, when, in defence of General Meade, Colonel Meade published in 1883 a pamphlet entitled, "Did General Meade Deaire to Retreat at the Battle of Gettysburg?" For pamphlet, see Appendix Y.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 186-7

Wednesday, August 27, 2014

Charles Russell Lowell to George Putnam, May 24, 1860

Burlington, May 24, '60.

How does the Chicago platform and nomination please the Puritans, — it shows pluck, and that, in an American, generally argues strength. Deliberately I prefer Lincoln to Seward, especially since the latter's Capital and Labor speech, that shivered a little in the wind's eye. Lincoln is emphatic on the irrepressible conflict, without if or but. Had Greeley's pet, Bates, been successful, this State, at least, would have gone for Douglas. Since Douglas's last rally in the Senate, he stands in a Samson Antagonistic attitude, which is attractive to the Northwest.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 187-8

Friday, August 22, 2014

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, December 20, 1863

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, December 20, 1863.

As to the Christmas box you ask about, it is hardly necessary to send it, as the Frenchman who messes me provides me liberally with everything, and these boxes are very expensive. I expect you will have your hands full with the children at Christmas, and I think you had better throw into this fund the amount you would expend on me for a box and mufti.

I have had several visitors recently. One was the Chevalier Danesi, a young Sardinian officer, who has come to this country with a view of serving in our army. The other was an English gentleman, from Liverpool, an original Union man, who desired to see our army in the field. Danesi brought me a letter from McClellan, and the Englishman one from Mr. Seward, Secretary of State. They both spent a day very pleasantly, and I endeavored to be civil to them.

I suppose you have seen Greeley's apology about the New Jersey letter. After he found it was written to a loyal Republican, he changed his tune about the character of its contents. I wonder what these people want if they are not satisfied with my services and my practical devotion to their cause?

You ask me about Grant. It is difficult for me to reply. I knew him as a young man in the Mexican war, at which time he was considered a clever young officer, but nothing extraordinary. He was compelled to resign some years before the present war, owing to his irregular habits. I think his great characteristic is indomitable energy and great tenacity of purpose. He certainly has been very successful, and that is nowadays the measure of reputation. The enemy, however, have never had in any of their Western armies either the generals or the troops they have had in Virginia, nor has the country been so favorable for them there as here. Grant has undoubtedly shown very superior abilities, and is I think justly entitled to all the honors they propose to bestow upon him.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 162-3