Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, June 15, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

June 15, 1864

Of course, the first thing was to visit the great bridge. The approach to it lay along the river border, under the bank, and had been prepared with much labor, for, a day or two previous, it had been covered with great cypresses, some of them at least three and a half feet in diameter, and these had to be cut close to the ground, and the debris carefully cleared away; in a portion of the road too there was a muddy swamp, which had to be laboriously spanned by a causeway; but there was the whole thing, finished, and of course a photographer making a "picture" of it. It was very simple: you have only to fancy a bridge of boats, thirteen feet wide and 2000 long, the while looking so light as scarcely to be capable of bearing a man on horseback. In the middle of the river were anchored two schooners, which gave greater stability to the bridge, by being attached to it with ropes. What added to the strangeness of the scene was the ci-devant Rebel iron-clad Atlanta, lying there, like a big mud-turtle, with only its back exposed. The group was completed by two or three gunboats and several steamers anchored near by. It was funny to run against the marine in this inland region, and to see the naval officers, all so smug and well brushed in their clean uniforms. Admiral L____ came to visit the General – a pleasant old lady apparently. While we were at dinner came Colonel Babcock, from Grant at City Point, with news that Baldy Smith had marched thence before daylight, engaged the enemy at five A.M., and was driving them towards Petersburg. Orders were immediately given to halt the waggon-train, now passing the bridge, and allow the 9th Corps to pass over and push on towards Petersburg (by the same route that Hancock had been following, during the day), and there form on his left. Smith, meantime, had hit the enemy, some three or four miles from City Point, in a wood, near where the main road crossed the rail.  . . . How many there were I do not know, but they made a considerable fight with help of field batteries. Harry,¹ with 300 of his men, had the extreme left, and was wounded in this wood, early in the engagement. A soldier told me he held on for an hour after he was hit; and I was further told his men did remarkably well. Within about two and a half miles of the town, Smith ran on the strong works long since constructed for its defence. These consist of a series of redoubts, with regular ditches and barbettes for guns, and connected in a chain by a heavy infantry parapet. The line was defended by Wise's men¹ (who look to me just like other Confederate soldiers) and by the local militia. What a difference that makes!! Their batteries opened a well-directed fire as our people advanced; but no sooner did the lines of battle debouch from the woods and push over the open ground, than the militia got shaky behind their works and, when our troops charged, they broke and ran, leaving sixteen guns and 300 or 400 prisoners in our hands. Everyone gives great credit to the negroes for the spirit they showed. I believe there is no question their conduct was entirely to their credit. . . .

I shall never forget meeting, on the City Point road, five Confederate soldiers, under guard of nigs! . . . Three of the prisoners looked as if they could have taken off a tenpenny nail, at a snap. The other two seemed to take a ludicrous view of the matter and were smiling sheepishly. As to the negroes, they were all teeth, so to speak, teeth with a black frame. Hancock got up that evening and joined the 18th Corps. Their troops were all exhausted, but, oh! that they had attacked at once. Petersburg would have gone like a rotten branch. In war there is a critical instant — a night — perhaps only a half hour, when everything culminates. He is the military genius who recognizes this instant and acts upon it, neither precipitating nor postponing the critical moment. There is thus good reason why great soldiers should be so rare that generations pass without producing a single one. A great soldier must have, in addition to all usual traits of intellect, a courage unmoved by the greatest danger, and cool under every emergency, and the quickness of lightning, not only in conceiving, but in enforcing an order. . . .

_______________

¹ Mrs. Lyman's brother.

² "Wise's Legion."

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 160-3

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, June 13, 1864

June 13, 1864

Last night, at dark, the whole army was in motion for "Charles City" on the James River (there is no "city" there, but I believe a house and a barn). . . . This morning we were on our way by 5.30 and, making a cut across the woods, we soon came on Barlow's division of the 2d Corps going rapidly toward the river, close to which we found Hancock, sitting on the grass and waiting for his Corps. At this point the Chickahominy is nothing of a stream, but, as it is bordered by considerable flats, it suddenly widens, during heavy floods, to perhaps half a mile, the water being just deep enough to stop waggons. This was a great trouble McClellan had: we have met with no such obstacle. This river is characteristic; a good drawing of this very scene at Long's Bridge might pass as the incarnation of malaria and swamp fever. Fancy a wide ditch, partly choked with rotten logs, and full of brown, tepid, sickly-looking water, whose slow current would scarcely carry a straw along. From the banks of dark mould rises a black and luxuriant vegetation: cypresses of immense size, willow oaks, and swamp magnolias, remind you that you are within the limits of a sub-tropical climate, and so does the unhealthy and peculiar smell of decaying leaves and stagnant water. A great contrast to this landscape, so suggestive of silence and loneliness, was the rumbling and clatter of Barlow's batteries, as they passed over the resounding pontoon bridge. We clattered over too, as soon as the last of the regiments had passed (which was about 10.30), designing to follow in rear of this division.  . . . We kept on, on the flank of the column, admiring its excellent marching, a result partly due to the good spirits of the men, partly to the terror in which stragglers stand of Barlow. His provost guard is a study. They follow the column, with their bayonets fixed, and drive up the loiterers, with small ceremony. Of course their tempers do not improve with heat and hard marching. There was one thin, hard-featured fellow who was a perfect scourge. “Blank you! — you—“ (here insert any profane and extremely abusive expression, varied to suit the peculiar case) “get up, will you? By blank, I'll kill you if you don't go on, double-quick!” And he looked so much like carrying out his threat that the hitherto utterly prostrate party would skip like the young lamb. Occasionally you would see a fellow awaiting the charge with an air of calm superiority, and, when the guard approached, pull out the aegis of a “surgeon's pass.” The column marched so fast that I was sent forward to tell General Barlow to go more gently. I found that eccentric officer divested of his coat and seated in a cherry tree. “By Jove!” said a voice from the branches, “I knew I should not be here long before Meade's Staff would be up. How do you do, Theodore, won't you come up and take a few cherries?” However, I could not stay, and so kept on till we came, somewhat suddenly, on well-cultivated fields with good crops of wheat, oats, and clover. I was speculating on the reason of this when somebody said we were within a mile of James River! and just after, General Meade ordered me to ride down and see what sort of a position there was and how the land lay.

It was about four o'clock in the afternoon that I caught the first sight of the water, as I cantered round the corner of a little grove. To appreciate such a sight you must pass five weeks in an almost unbroken wilderness, with no sights but weary, dusty troops, endless waggon-trains, convoys of poor wounded men, and hot, uncomfortable camps. Here was a noble river, a mile wide, with high green banks, studded with large plantation houses. In the distance, opposite, was Fort Powhatan, below which lay two steamers; and, what seemed strangest of all, not a Rebel soldier to be seen anywhere!  . . . There was a signal-man waving away with his flag to attract the attention of the steamers, to notify all concerned that the head of the Army of the Potomac had struck the James. We went to a field by the Tyler house for our camp — the birthplace of John Tyler, he of the big nose and small political principles — once Vice President, with Tippy-canoe and Tyler too. Nobody was there, save a lot of nigs, that were too funny; for there suddenly appeared among them one of our black servants, who had left that very place in McClellan's time. Such a “Lord a-a massy! is dat a-ar you? Wha-ar d'ge come from?” as never was heard, and great rejoicings over the distinguished traveller! What was more to the purpose, I got some green peas, a great coup; likewise milk, though “them a-ar infants” (meaning infantry) got the most of it.  . . . A pontoon bridge, 2000 feet long, was made in ten hours, and over this passed a train of waggons and artillery thirty-five miles long; more than half the infantry in the army and 3500 beef cattle; besides 4000 cavalry; all of which was chiefly accomplished within the space of forty-eight hours!¹ In civil life, if a bridge of this length were to be built over a river with a swift current and having a maximum depth of eighty-five feet, they would allow two or three months for the making of plans and collecting of materials. Then not less than a year to build it. This was a busy night on the river, messages going to City Point and Fort Monroe, and ferryboats and gunboats coming up as fast as possible to the neighborhood of Charles City. . . .

_______________

¹ As before stated, these letters were written after the events described.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 156

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, June 12, 1864

June 12, 1864^l

General Grant has appeared with his moustache and beard trimmed close, giving him a very mild air — and indeed he is a mild man really. He is an odd combination; there is one good thing, at any rate — he is the concentration of all that is American. He talks bad grammar, but he talks it naturally, as much as to say, “I was so brought up and, if I try fine phrases, I shall only appear silly.” Then his writing, though very terse and well expressed, is full of horrible spelling. In fact, he has such an easy and straightforward way that you almost think that he must be right and you wrong, in these little matters of elegance.  . . . At 3 P.M. tents were struck and we all rode to Despatch Station, where we turned up to the left and went as far as Moody's house.  . . . We halted in a field hard by and waited for the train, an operation that required much patience: for the waggons undertook to go over a sort of mill-dam, and tumbled down a bank and had many mishaps, so that they arrived only at ten. General Grant, however, had made a big fire, got a piece of board, lain down on it, with a bag under his head, and was fast asleep. At eleven, before getting to bed; we had news that Wilson's cavalry had forced the passage of the Chickahominy at Long's Bridge (the bridge was long since burnt) and that the pontoon was going down for the passage of the 5th Corps. Fain would I write more, but I am so stupid and sleepy that I am not equal to it.

_______________

¹ On this date the army began its march to the James River.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 156

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, February 6, 1864

Our army did not move until in the afternoon, because of having to lay the pontoons across the Pearl river. The rebels had burned the bridges, twenty-eight in all, after crossing. I was detailed this morning as special guard at the Seventeenth Corps headquarters while out on this expedition. Things are quiet in the rear.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 166

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: June 4, 1864

Saturday morning. Up early and on the march, going on through the town. About ten miles up the pike is Mount Crawford, at which point the Shenandoah River crosses the pike. The enemy have the mount strongly fortified, a commanding position. About three miles out of Harrisonburg we file to the left over a dirt road. The intention seems to be to flank the mount. We are now making for Port Republic, near which we were obliged to cross the Shenandoah River. Owing to the recent heavy rains it was very high, running swift. A canvas pontoon bridge was made by drawing canvas over boat frames which had been made and brought along. The boats were made and placed in the river, when the bridge was completed like any pontoon bridge, except the canvas boats. (The first and only ones I ever saw, and was the only time I ever saw that one used.) It was a frail thing for an army to cross on. General Hunter sat on his horse very close to the frail bridge, anxiously watching us cross, and shouting, “Men, break step.” That would divide the weight while we were on the bridge. That seemed to be a duty that the General would not trust to any one else. (I well remember that scene.) As far as I know the army all passed over in safety. The cavalry crossed at some other point. A young cavalryman attempted to swim his horse across the river near the bridge, slipped or fell from his horse and was drowned. Many boys jumped in and dove for him. The high, swift-running, dirty water was too much for them. The Shenandoah River was his grave, as it was the grave of many other Union soldiers. Some were members of our regiment, the 18th Connecticut. The enemy was driven out of Port Republic, losing a large wagon train filled with supplies, captured by our cavalry. The supplies were distributed to us. A number of packages of coffee came to our company, which gave to us a great surprise as they were put up in our home town by Selden & Willard, Norwich, Conn. Here we were, one hundred miles from our base of supplies, in the enemy's country. It has often been reported that there are people in the North getting rich by running supplies through the blockade. These people are anxious to prolong the war when they should remember that every battle kills a soldier, and by the help they give to the foes. These soldier boys have dear friends at home. Passed on through Port Republic, camping near the town. Hunter forced the enemy to leave Mount Crawford and change front. Judging from what we can learn the enemy is in strong force in our front. Night sets in dark and raining.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 66-7

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, February 3, 1864

We started this morning at 8 o'clock and marched to the Black river, where we bivouacked for the night. Our brigade was train guard for the provision train. Our entire expedition is supposed to have about twenty-five thousand men, composed of infantry, artillery and cavalry, with one engineers' corps in charge of a pontoon bridge. The weather is fine for marching. General Crocker's Division has started ahead.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 166

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, November 9, 1863

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

November 9, 1863

We have once more moved our Headquarters. . . . Reveille was beaten so early that, when I popped my sleepy head out of the tent, there were the stars, most magnificent, especially Venus who sat above the moon and looked like a fire-ball. The moon was but a little one, but her circle was completed by that kind of image you often see, only the figure of the Man-in-the-Moon was plainly reflected on this image, a thing I never noticed before. These were the astronomical observations of Lyman, as he stood in the sharp air, clad in a flannel shirt and drawers. A sense of coldness about the legs roused me to a sense of my position, and I speedily added more warm garments. Breakfast was ready by the time it was light; and, every mouthful of beef I stowed away, I expected to hear the cannon that would announce the opening of the great battle. The General was confident of a battle and remarked cheerfully that “he meant to pitch right into them.” The idea was that they would take a chosen position, near Brandy Station, and there await our attack, for which they would not have been obliged to wait long. The bulk of the army was therefore crossed at Kelly's Ford, so as to advance with undivided force; General Sedgwick, however, with nearly his whole corps, held the redoubt he had taken on the north side, and, at the proper moment, was ready to throw his bridges, cross the river and take them in the flank. An hour wore away, and there was no sound of battle; so we all mounted, and rode to a small house on Mt. Holly. This is a low, steep hill, close to Kelly's Ford and commanding it. . . . Presently there appeared a couple of dragoons, with five fresh prisoners.  . . . “How were you taken?” quoth the Provost-Marshal. “Well, we were on guard and we went to sleep, and, when we woke up, the first thing we seed was your skirmish line” (which was only a roundabout way of saying they were common stragglers). “Where is the rest of your army?” “All gone last night to the breastworks behind the Rapidan!” And this was the gist of the matter. We passed Ewell's Headquarters, a little while after, and there I learned that, when news of the capture of the redoubt was brought him, he exclaimed with some profanity, “Then it's time we were out of this!” and immediately issued orders to fall back, along the whole line, after dark. There we crossed on a pontoon bridge, and found the 5th Corps massed, on the other side. As the cavalcade trotted by, the men all ran to the road and cheered and yelled most vociferously for General Meade. Soon we came up with General Warren. He looked like a man of disappointed hopes, as he gazed round the country and said, “There's nobody here — nobody!” And so we passed on, and beheld our English friends, with the Staff of General Webb. They had a very bewildered air, which seemed to say: “Oh, ah, where are these Rebel persons? pray could you tell me where they are?” Near Brandy Station we met good “Uncle John” Sedgwick, who said it was a cool day, as if there was nothing particular on hand, and he hadn't been doing anything for a week or two. It was now late on this Sunday afternoon and the troops were massing, to bivouac. There seemed really no end of them; though but part of the army was there; yet I never saw it look so big, which is accounted for by the fact that the country is very open and rolling and we could see the whole of it quite swarming with blue coats.  . . . We recrossed the Rappahannock at the railroad, and saw the fresh graves of the poor fellows who fell in the assault of the redoubt. The Rebel officers said it was the most gallant thing they had seen. Two regiments, the 6th Maine and 7th Wisconsin, just at sundown, as the light was fading, charged up a long, naked slope, in face of the fire of a brigade and of four cannon, and carried the works at the point of the bayonet.  . . . I think it no small praise to General Meade to say that his plans were so well laid out that our loss in all is but about 400. No useless slaughter, you see, though there was plenty of room for a blunder, as you would have known had you seen the lines of breastworks the fellows had; but we took part of them and scared them out of the rest.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 44-6

Diary of Charles H. Lynch: June 16, 1863

Up very early this morning. All Major Peale could muster of the 18th Regiment was only thirty members. The rest of those who escaped were with Captain Matthewson, they taking a different route from Major Peale who followed the route taken by General Milroy.

After breakfast of hardtack and coffee, the Major marched us on through Harper's Ferry, crossing the Potomac River on a pontoon bridge. On, up Maryland Heights, halting under low pine trees, well up to the top of the Heights. Here we were allowed to remain for rest and sleep. General Dan Tyler, a Connecticut man, was in command of a large force at this point. From the top of the Heights we could see the enemy crossing the Potomac River at Williamsport into Maryland. Our detachment was detailed for headquarters guard at the quarters of General Tyler. The duty was easy and made very interesting about all the time.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 22-3

General John Bell Hood to Brigadier-General William H. Jackson, October 10, 1864 – 8 a.m.

CAVE SPRING, October 10, 1864. – 8 a.m.

Brigadier-General JACKSON, Commanding Cavalry:

General Hood desires me to inform you that the pontoon at Quinn's Ferry, on the Coosa River, will be taken up this evening, and you must put on a line of couriers to that place to connect with a line on the other side. They will meet at the ferry and must continue to keep some there or near there to take dispatches over the line. Day after to-morrow (12th), unless you are otherwise engaged, General Hood desires you will move on Rome and make considerable of a demonstration from your side of the river, but be careful not to fire into the town. Communicate fully and frequently about all movements of the enemy.

 A. P. MASON,

 Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 79), p. 811; John Bell Hood, Advance and Retreat, p. 261

General Robert E. Lee to Lieutenant-General Richard S. Ewell, April 3, 1865, 6:30 p.m.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

April 3, 1865, 6.30 P. M.

HEBRON CHURCH, 6 miles from Goode's Ford.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL EWELL:

When you were directed to cross the Appomattox at Genito Bridge, it was supposed that a pontoon bridge had been laid at that point, as ordered. But I learn today from Mr. Hascall that such is not the case. Should you not be able to cross at that point or at some bridge higher up, you must take the best road to Rudd's Store on the Goode's Bridge road, and cross the Appomattox on the bridge at that point, and then conform to your original instructions.

This portion of the army is now on its way to Goode's Bridge, the flats of Bevel's Bridge being flooded by high water. Notify me of your approach to the bridge and passage of the Appomattox by courier to Amelia Court House or wherever I may be.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE,

General.

P. S. — 7.30 A. M., April 4th. The courier has returned with this note, having been able to learn nothing of you. I am about to cross the river. Get to Amelia Court House as soon as possible, and let me hear from you.

R. E. LEE.

 John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 365

Major General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, January 23, 1863

CAMP NEAR FALMOUTH, VA., January 23, 1863.

I have not written to you for several days, for the reasons that I have had no opportunity, and that I was aware all letters from the camp were stopped in Washington, so that there was no use in writing. On the 19th, in the night, we received orders to move the next day. On the 20th, the whole army moved from their camp to a position four miles up the river, where crossing places had previously been selected. Everything went off very well up to about 8 P. M. of the 20th. The army reached its position. The pontoons, artillery and all other accessories were up in time, and we all thought the next morning the bridges would be thrown over and we should be at it. But man proposes and God disposes. About 9 P. M. a terrific storm of wind and rain set in and continued all night. At once I saw the game was up. The next day the roads were almost impassable; the pontoons, in attempting to get them to the water's edge, stuck on the bank, and a hundred men could not budge them. Instead of six bridges being thrown over by 8 A. M., it was found late in the day that the materials for one only could be got to the water's edge. Burnside visited us, and soon saw the state of the case. Still in hopes something might happen, he directed we should remain in position. All that night, the 21st, and the next day, the 22d, it continued to rain, and the roads to get into such a condition, that early yesterday, the 22d, I had to turn out the whole of my corps, fifteen thousand men, and go to work and bridge with logs, or corduroy, as it is called, nearly the whole road from our camp to the crossing place, eight miles. The men worked cheerfully at this, which was accomplished by early this morning, and Burnside having recalled the army to its old camp, we have been all day getting our artillery back, and to-morrow the infantry will return, thus consuming two days to get back, when it took only a few hours to get there. I never felt so disappointed and sorry for any one in my life as I did for Burnside. He really seems to have even the elements against him. I told him warmly, when I saw him, how sorry I felt, and that I had almost rather have lost a limb than that the storm should have occurred. He seemed quite philosophical, said he could not resist the elements and perhaps it was as well, for that his movement had been most strongly opposed and some of his generals had told him he was leading the men to a slaughter pen; and I am sorry to say there were many men, and among them generals high in command, who openly rejoiced at the storm and the obstacle it presented. We were very much amused to see in the papers to-day, flaming accounts of our crossing, of the battle, and of Hooker being mortally wounded. I hope you did not attach any importance to these absurd reports, which, when I saw, I feared you might have been anxious. I presumed the truth had been telegraphed and that you would know the storm had frustrated our plans. The plan was based on the presumption that we would take the enemy unawares, at least so far as the place of crossing was concerned, and I believe, but for the storm, we should have succeeded in this. What will be done now I cannot imagine, the mud is at present several feet thick wherever any wagons pass over a road, and if the weather from this time, should at all resemble that of last year, it will effectually stop all operations for two months to come.

I did not see George¹ during our fiasco, though I was at one time bivouacked near a part of his regiment, but his company was not with that part.

Doubleday has been assigned to the Reserves, which is a good thing for me, for now they will think a great deal more of me than before.

__________

¹ Son of General Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 348-9

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 24, 1862

CAMP NEAR ACQUIA CREEK, November 24, 1862.

Yesterday, being Sunday, after I had penned a few lines to you, I determined I would go and see Burnside and ascertain whether there was any meaning in his recent action. On my way (for Burnside's headquarters were eight miles off) I accidentally passed Hooker's headquarters, where I at once stopped and found Hooker at home. Hooker was very civil, asked if you had sent me a copy of his letter to Halleck, said he had written another since his return to the army, and that I should have two stars if he could get them. Of course I thanked Hooker very warmly. I spoke then of the object of my visit to headquarters, as Butterfield is in Hooker's grand division, and I found them camping together. Hooker said he thought McClellan had behaved very badly to me in putting Reynolds over me, as he should have found some other place for Reynolds. This of course I expected, for from what passed I evidently saw that all the entente cordiale, if any ever existed, was gone between Hooker and McClellan. Hooker spoke very freely; said at one time he expected to have the Army of the Potomac, but that Halleck would not go West, though McClellan was willing to return to Washington as general in chief. Hooker gave one or two hits at Burnside, and rather hinted it might not be very long yet before he was in command. After getting through with my talk with Hooker, I went on to Burnside's headquarters and saw him, luckily finding him alone. I said, playfully, I had come to pick a crow with him. About what? he immediately asked. I told him the state of the case. He promptly assured me he was until that moment perfectly ignorant that I ranked Butterfield; that he agreed with me in all I said; that he would rather have me in command of the corps; that Butterfield's assignment was only temporary; that he would inquire what probability there was of Sedgwick or any other senior officer being sent, and if there was none, and there was a probability of the position being open for any time, that I should certainly have it, as I was the last man he would set aside or slight in any way. I told him I knew there was no intention on his part to slight me, or prejudice my rank, and that I felt satisfied when I came, that he was not aware of the relative rank of Butterfield and myself; indeed, that it was only within a day or two that I had become apprised of the fact that Butterfield had the corps, and that I was his only senior present in command of a division. Hence I had made no written protest and now made no claim to the command; I had simply come to let him know the true state of the case, and should leave all further action to him, confiding in his good feeling always expressed for me. I stayed but a short time, as it was near dark, and I had eight miles to ride home. I came away, however, quite satisfied there had been no intention to do me any injustice, and that had Burnside known of the true state of the case, he would originally have assigned me to the corps. I do not want it if it is to be for only a few days, to give place to some other senior, and don't mind not being assigned, now that I am satisfied nothing personal was meant. Burnside told me the enemy were evidently concentrating their forces near Fredericksburg, and he thought we should have to fight before we could advance from there. I cannot believe they will risk a great battle, under circumstances so favorable for us, as, if they are defeated, at such a distance from Richmond, they cannot prevent our following them right up to that city. On the other hand, if we are defeated, we have only fifteen miles to get back to our gunboats and supplies. We are now waiting to repair the road from Acquia Creek to Fredericksburg, accumulate supplies and get up our pontoon bridges, when we will cross the river. I have no doubt they will dispute the passage of the river and endeavor to check us as much as possible; but whether they will risk a general battle at or near Fredericksburg remains to be seen.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 331-3

General Robert E. Lee to Brigadier General G. W. Custis Lee, September 27, 1863

Camp, 27th September, 1863.

I rejoice over Bragg's victory. It is a great success and will be of great service to us every way; though from the reports in yesterday's paper it looks as if Rosecrans had made a stand at Chattanooga. I hope Bragg will be able to cross the Tennessee below him and force him out.

His cavalry ought now to break up his communications and force him out. I see Rob, Fitz, John, and Henry occasionally; the cavalry is near me now. They are all well.

No advance has yet been seriously made, though all the preparations of General Meade indicate that purpose. Generals King, Heintzelman, etc., have been brought up to Culpeper, and the pontoon trains have again been brought forward from Centerville. I am glad to hear that there is some prospect of a general exchange of prisoners. If Bragg has captured any of importance, it will facilitate matters. Good-by, my dear son. Remember me in your prayers and always keep in your heart,

Your devoted father,

R. E. LEE.

GEN. G. W. CUSTIS LEE.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 284

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Monday, February 23, 1863

General Logan's division arrived today, accompanied by the Seventeenth Engineers' Corps with pontoon bridges.  They bring the news that our men are still throwing shells into Vicksburg, and that the rebels are vacating the place. Our quartermaster went out into the country with the teams and brought in nineteen loads of cotton.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 101-2