THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT
ROCHESTER, OCTOBER
25, 1858.
The unmistakable outbreaks of zeal which occur all around
me, show that you are earnest men — and such a man am I. Let us therefore, at
least for a time, pass by all secondary and collateral questions, whether of a
personal or of a general nature, and consider the main subject of the present
canvass. The democratic party — or, to speak more accurately, the party which
wears that attractive name — is in possession of the federal government. The
republicans propose to dislodge that party, and dismiss it from its high trust.
The main subject, then, is, whether the democratic party
deserves to retain the confidence of the American people. In attempting to
prove it unworthy, I think that I am not actuated by prejudices against that
party, or by prepossessions in favor of its adversary; for I have learned, by
some experience, that virtue and patriotism, vice and selfishness, are found in
all parties, and that they differ less in their motives than in the policies
they pursue. Our country is a theatre, which exhibits, in full operation, two
radically different political systems; the one resting on the basis of servile
or slave labor, the other on the basis of voluntary labor of freemen.
The laborers who are enslaved are all negroes, or persons
more or less purely of African derivation. But this is only accidental. The
principle of the system is, that labor in every society, by whomsoever
performed, is necessarily unintellectual, groveling and base; and that the
laborer, equally for his own good and for the welfare of the state, ought to be
enslaved The white laboring man, whether native or foreigner, is not enslaved,
only because he cannot, as yet, be reduced to bondage.
You need not be told now that the slave system is the older
of the two, and that once it was universal.
The emancipation of our own ancestors, Caucasians and
Europeans as they were, hardly dates beyond a period of five hundred years. The
great melioration of human society which modern times exhibit, is mainly due to
the incomplete substitution of the system of voluntary labor for the old one of
servile labor, which has already taken place. This African slave system is one
which, in its origin and in its growth, has been altogether foreign from the
habits of the races which colonized these states, and established civilization
here. It was introduced on this new continent as an engine of conquest, and for
the establishment of monarchical power, by the Portuguese and the Spaniards,
and was rapidly extended by them all over South America, Central America,
Louisiana and Mexico. Its legitimate fruits are seen in the poverty,
imbecility, and anarchy, which now pervade all Portuguese and Spanish America.
The free-labor system is of German extraction, and it was established in our
country by emigrants from Sweden, Holland, Germany, Great Britain and Ireland.
We justly ascribe to its influences the strength, wealth,
greatness, intelligence, and freedom, which the whole American people now
enjoy. One of the chief elements of the value of human life is freedom in the
pursuit of happiness. The slave system is not only intolerable, unjust, and
inhuman, towards the laborer, whom, only because he is a laborer, it loads down
with chains and converts into merchandise, but is scarcely less severe upon the
freeman, to whom, only because he is a laborer from necessity, it denies
facilities for employment, and whom it expels from the community because it
cannot enslave and convert him into merchandise also. It is necessarily
improvident and ruinous, because, as a general truth, communities prosper and
flourish or droop and decline in just the degree that they practise or neglect
to practise the primary duties of justice and humanity. The free-labor system
conforms to the divine law of equality, which is written in the hearts and
consciences of man, and therefore is always and everywhere beneficent.
The slave system is one of constant danger, distrust,
suspicion, and watchfulness. It debases those whose toil alone can produce
wealth and resources for defense, to the lowest degree of which human nature is
capable, to guard against mutiny and insurrection, and thus wastes energies
which otherwise might be employed in national development and aggrandizement.
The free-labor system educates all alike, and by opening all
the fields of industrial employment, and all the departments of authority, to
the unchecked and equal rivalry of all classes of men, at once secures
universal contentment, and brings into the highest possible activity all the
physical, moral and social energies of the whole state. In states where the
slave system prevails, the masters, directly or indirectly, secure all
political power, and constitute a ruling aristocracy. In states where the
free-labor system prevails, universal suffrage necessarily obtains, and the
state inevitably becomes, sooner or later, a republic or democracy.
Russia yet maintains slavery, and is a despotism. Most of
the other European states have abolished slavery, and adopted the system of
free labor. It was the antagonistic political tendencies of the two systems
which the first Napoleon was contemplating when he predicted that Europe would
ultimately be either all Cossack or all republican. Never did human sagacity
utter a more pregnant truth. The two systems are at once perceived to be
incongruous. But they are more than incongruous — they are incompatible. They
never have permanently existed together in one country, and they never can. It
would be easy to demonstrate this impossibility, from the irreconcilable
contrast between their great principles and characteristics. But the experience
of mankind has conclusively established it. Slavery, as I have already
intimated, existed in every state in Europe. Free labor has supplanted it
everywhere except in Russia and Turkey. State necessities developed in modern
times, are now obliging even those two nations to encourage and employ free
labor; and already, despotic as they are, we find them engaged in abolishing
slavery. In the United States, slavery came into collision with free labor at
the close of the last century, and fell before it in New England, New York, New
Jersey and Pennsylvania, but triumphed over it effectually, and excluded it for
a period yet undetermined, from Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia. Indeed, so
incompatible are the two systems, that every new state which is organized
within our ever extending domain makes its first political act a choice of the
one and the exclusion of the other, even at the cost of civil war, if
necessary. The slave states, without law, at the last national election,
successfully forbade, within their own limits, even the casting of votes for a
candidate for president of the United States supposed to be favorable to the
establishment of the free-labor system in new states. Hitherto, the two systems
have existed in different states, but side by side within the American Union.
This has happened because the Union is a confederation of states. But in
another aspect the United States constitute only one nation. Increase of
population, which is filling the states out to their very borders, together
with a new and extended net-work of railroads and other avenues, and an
internal commerce which daily becomes more intimate, is rapidly bringing the
states into a higher and more perfect social unity or consolidation. Thus,
these antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, and
collision results.
Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think
that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical
agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether, it is an
irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that
the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a
slaveholding nation, or entirely free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice-fields of South
Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by
free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate
merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts and
New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the
production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for
trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great
truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final compromise between
the slave and free states, and it is the existence of this great fact that
renders all such pretended compromises, when made, vain and ephemeral.
Startling as this saying may appear to you, fellow citizens, it is by no means
an original or even a moderate one. Our forefathers knew it to be true, and
unanimously acted upon it when they framed the constitution of the United
States. They regarded the existence of the servile system in so many of the
states with sorrow and shame, which they openly confessed, and they looked upon
the collision between them, which was then just revealing itself, and which we
are now accustomed to deplore, with favor and hope. They knew that either the
one or the other system must exclusively prevail.
Unlike too many of those who in modern time invoke their
authority, they had a choice between the two. They preferred the system of free
labor, and they determined to organize the government, and so to direct its
activity, that that system should surely and certainly prevail. For this
purpose, and no other, they based the whole structure of government broadly on
the principle that all men are created equal, and therefore free — little
dreaming that, within the short period of one hundred years, their descendants
would bear to be told by any orator, however popular, that the utterance of
that principle was merely a rhetorical rhapsody; or by any judge, however
venerated, that it was attended by mental reservations, which rendered it
hypocritical and false. By the ordinance of 1787, they dedicated all of the
national domain not yet polluted by slavery to free labor immediately,
thenceforth and forever; while by the new constitution and laws they invited
foreign free labor from all lands under the sun, and interdicted the
importation of African slave labor, at all times, in all places, and under all
circumstances whatsoever. It is true that they necessarily and wisely modified
this policy of freedom, by leaving it to the several states, affected as they
were by differing circumstances, to abolish slavery in their own way and at
their own pleasure, instead of confiding that duty to congress; and that they
secured to the slave states, while yet retaining the system of slavery, a
three-fifths representation of slaves in the federal government, until they
should find themselves able to relinquish it with safety. But the very nature
of these modifications fortifies my position that the fathers knew that the two
systems could not endure within the Union, and expected that within a short
period slavery would disappear forever. Moreover, in order that these
modifications might not altogether defeat their grand design of a republic
maintaining universal equality, they provided that two-thirds of the states
might amend the constitution.
It remains to say on this point only one word, to guard
against misapprehension. If these states are to again become universally
slaveholding, I do not pretend to say with what violations of the constitution
that end shall be accomplished. On the other hand, while I do confidently
believe and hope that my country will yet become a land of universal freedom, I
do not expect that it will be made so otherwise than through the action of the
several states cooperating with the federal government, and all acting in
strict conformity with their respective constitutions.
The strife and contentions concerning slavery, which
gently-disposed persons so habitually deprecate, are nothing more than the
ripening of the conflict which the fathers themselves not only thus regarded
with favor, but which they may be said to have instituted. It is not to be
denied, however, that thus far the course of that contest has not been
according to their humane anticipations and wishes. In the field of federal
politics, slavery, deriving unlooked-for advantages from commercial changes,
and energies unforeseen from the facilities of combination between members of
the slaveholding class and between that class and other property classes, early
rallied, and has at length made a stand, not merely to retain its original
defensive position, but to extend its sway throughout the whole Union. It is
certain that the slaveholding class of American citizens indulge this high
ambition, and that they derive encouragement for it from the rapid and
effective political successes which they have already obtained. The plan of
operation is this: By continued appliances of patronage and threats of
disunion, they will keep a majority favorable to these designs in the senate,
where each state has an equal representation. Through that majority they will
defeat, as they best can, the admission of free states and secure the admission
of slave states. Under the protection of the judiciary, they will, on the
principle of the Dred Scott case, carry slavery into all the territories of the
United States now existing and hereafter to be organized. By the action of the
president and the senate, using the treaty-making power, they will annex
foreign slaveholding states. In a favorable conjuncture they will induce
congress to repeal the act of 1808, which prohibits the foreign slave trade,
and so they will import from Africa, at the cost of only twenty dollars a head,
slaves enough to fill up the interior of the continent. Thus relatively
increasing the number of slave states, they will allow no amendment to the
constitution prejudicial to their interest; and so, having permanently
established their power, they expect the federal judiciary to nullify all state
laws which shall interfere with internal or foreign commerce in slaves. When
the free states shall be sufficiently demoralized to tolerate these designs,
they reasonably conclude that slavery will be accepted by those states
themselves. I shall not stop to show how speedy or how complete would be the
ruin which the accomplishment of these slaveholding schemes would bring upon
the country. For one, I should not remain in the country to test the sad
experiment. Having spent my manhood, though not my whole life, in a free state,
no aristocracy of any kind, much less an aristocracy of slaveholders, shall
ever make the laws of the land in which I shall be content to live. Having seen
the society around me universally engaged in agriculture, manufactures and
trade, which were innocent and beneficent, I shall never be a denizen of a
state where men and women are reared as cattle, and bought and sold as
merchandise. When that evil day shall come, and all further effort at
resistance shall be impossible, then, if there shall be no better hope for
redemption than I can now foresee, I shall say with Franklin, while looking
abroad over the whole earth for a new and more congenial home, "Where
liberty dwells, there is my country."
You will tell me that these fears are extravagant and
chimerical. I answer, they are so; but they are so only because the designs of
the slaveholders must and can be defeated. But it is only the possibility of
defeat that renders them so. They cannot be defeated by inactivity. There is no
escape from them, compatible with non-resistance. How, then, and in what way,
shall the necessary resistance be made. There is only one way. The democratic
party must be permanently dislodged from the government. The reason is, that
the democratic party is inextricably committed to the designs of the
slaveholders, which I have described. Let me be well understood. I do not
charge that the democratic candidates for public office now before the people
are pledged to — much less that the democratic masses who support them really
adopt — those atrocious and dangerous designs. Candidates may, and generally
do, mean to act justly, wisely and patriotically, when they shall be elected;
but they become the ministers and servants, not the dictators, of the power
which elects them. The policy which a party shall pursue at a future period is
only gradually developed, depending on the occurrence of events never fully
foreknown. The motives of men, whether acting as electors or in any other
capacity, are generally pure. Nevertheless, it is not more true that "hell
is paved with good intentions," than it is that earth is covered with
wrecks resulting from innocent and amiable motives.
The very constitution of the democratic party commits it to
execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever they may be. It is not a
party of the whole Union, of all the free states and of all the slave states;
nor yet is it a party of the free states in the north and in the northwest; but
it is a sectional and local party, having practically its seat within the slave
states, and counting its constituency chiefly and almost exclusively there. Of
all its representatives in congress and in the electoral colleges, two-thirds
uniformly come from these states. Its great element of strength lies in the
vote of the slaveholders, augmented by the representation of three-fifths of
the slaves. Deprive the democratic party of this strength, and it would be a
helpless and hopeless minority, incapable of continued organization. The
democratic party, being thus local and sectional, acquires new strength from
the admission of every new slave state, and loses relatively by the admission
of every new free state into the Union.
A party is in one sense a joint stock association, in which
those who contribute most direct the action and management of the concern. The
slaveholders contributing in an overwhelming proportion to the capital strength
of the democratic party, they necessarily dictate and prescribe its policy. The
inevitable caucus system enables them to do so with a show of fairness and
justice. If it were possible to conceive for a moment that the democratic party
should disobey the behests of the slaveholders, we should then see a withdrawal
of the slaveholders, which would leave the party to perish. The portion of the
party which is found in the free states is a mere appendage, convenient to
modify its sectional character, without impairing its sectional constitution,
and is less effective in regulating its movement than the nebulous tail of the
comet is in determining the appointed though apparently eccentric course of the
fiery sphere from which it emanates.
To expect the democratic party to resist slavery and favor
freedom, is as unreasonable as to look for protestant missionaries to the
catholic propaganda of Rome. The history of the democratic party commits it to
the policy of slavery. It has been the democratic party, and no other agency,
which has carried that policy up to its present alarming culmination. Without
stopping to ascertain, critically, the origin of the present democratic party,
we may concede its claim to date from the era of good feeling which occurred
under the administration of President Monroe. At that time, in this state, and
about that time in many others of the free states, the democratic party
deliberately disfranchised the free colored or African citizen, and it has
pertinaciously continued this disfranchisement ever since. This was an
effective aid to slavery; for, while the slaveholder votes for his slaves
against freedom, the freed slave in the free states is prohibited from voting
against slavery.
In 1824, the democracy resisted the election of John Quincy
Adams — himself before that time an acceptable democrat — and in 1828 it
expelled him from the presidency and put a slaveholder in his place, although
the office had been filled by slaveholders thirty-two out of forty years.
In 1836, Martin Van Buren — the first non-slaveholding
citizen of a free state to whose election the democratic party ever consented—
signalized his inauguration into the presidency by a gratuitous announcement,
that under no circumstances would he ever approve a bill for the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia. From 1838 to 1844, the subject of abolishing
slavery in the District of Columbia and in the national dock-yards and
arsenals, was brought before congress by repeated popular appeals. The
democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right of petition, and
effectually suppressed the freedom of speech in congress, so far as the
institution of slavery was concerned.
From 1840 to 1843, good and wise men counseled that Texas
should remain outside the Union until she should consent to relinquish her self
instituted slavery; but the democratic party precipitated her admission into
the Union, not only without that condition, but even with a covenant that the
state might be divided and reorganized so as to constitute four slave states
instead of one.
In 1846, when the United States became involved in a war
with Mexico, and it was apparent that the struggle would end in the
dismemberment of that republic, which was a non-slaveholding power, the
democratic party rejected a declaration that slavery should not be established
within the territory to be acquired. When, in 1850, governments were to be
instituted in the territories of California and New Mexico, the fruits of that
war, the democratic party refused to admit New Mexico as a free state, and only
consented to admit California as a free state on the condition, as it has since
explained the transaction, of leaving all of New Mexico and Utah open to
slavery, to which was also added the concession of perpetual slavery in the
District of Columbia, and the passage of an unconstitutional, cruel and
humiliating law, for the recapture of fugitive slaves, with a further
stipulation that the subject of slavery should never again be agitated in
either chamber of congress. When, in 1854, the slaveholders were contentedly
reposing on these great advantages, then so recently won, the democratic party
unnecessarily, officiously and with superserviceable liberality, awakened them
from their slumber, to offer and force on their acceptance the abrogation of
the law which declared that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should
ever exist within that part of the ancient territory of Louisiana which lay
outside of the state of Missouri, and north of the parallel of 36° 30' of north
latitude—a law which, with the exception of one other, was the only statute of
freedom then remaining in the federal code.
In 1856, when the people of Kansas had organized a new state
within the region thus abandoned to slavery, and applied to be admitted as a
free state into the Union, the democratic party contemptuously rejected their
petition, and drove them with menaces and intimidations from the halls of
congress, and armed the president with military power to enforce their
submission to a slave code, established over them by fraud and usurpation. At
every subsequent stage of the long contest which has since raged in Kansas, the
democratic party has lent its sympathies, its aid, and all the powers of the
government which it controlled, to enforce slavery upon that unwilling and
injured people. And now, even at this day, while it mocks us with the assurance
that Kansas is free, the democratic party keeps the state excluded from her
just and proper place in the Union, under the hope that she may be dragooned
into the acceptance of slavery.
The democratic party, finally, has procured from a supreme
judiciary, fixed in its interest, a decree that slavery exists by force of the
constitution in every territory of the United States, paramount to all
legislative authority, either within the territory, or residing in congress.
Such is the democratic party. It has no policy, state or
federal, for finance, or trade, or manufacture, or commerce, or education, or
internal improvements, or for the protection or even the security of civil or
religious liberty. It is positive and uncompromising in the interest of slavery
— negative, compromising, and vacillating, in regard to everything else. It
boasts its love of equality, and wastes its strength, and even its life, in
fortifying the only aristocracy known in the land. It professes fraternity,
and, so often as slavery requires, allies itself with proscription. It
magnifies itself for conquests in foreign lands, but it sends the national
eagle forth always with chains, and not the olive branch, in his fangs.
This dark record shows you, fellow citizens, what I was
unwilling to announce at an earlier stage of this argument, that of the whole
nefarious schedule of slaveholding designs which I have submitted to you, the
democratic party has left only one yet to be consummated — the abrogation of
the law which forbids the African slave trade.
Now, I know very well that the democratic party has, at
every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive and the policy of
fortifying and extending slavery, and has excused them on entirely different
and more plausible grounds. But the inconsistency and frivolity of these pleas
prove still more conclusively the guilt I charge upon that party. It must,
indeed, try to excuse such guilt before mankind, and even to the consciences of
its own adherents. There is an instinctive abhorrence of slavery, and an inborn
and inhering love of freedom in the human heart, which render palliation of
such gross misconduct indispensable. It disfranchised the free African on the
ground of a fear that, if left to enjoy the right of suffrage, he might seduce
the free white citizens into amalgamation with his wronged and despised race.
The democratic party condemned and deposed John Quincy Adams, because he
expended twelve millions a year, while it justifies his favored successor in
spending seventy, eighty and even one hundred millions, a year. It denies
emancipation in the District of Columbia, even with compensation to masters and
the consent of the people, on the ground of an implied constitutional
inhibition, although the constitution expressly confers upon congress sovereign
legislative power in that district, and although the democratic party is
tenacious of the principle of strict construction. It violated the express
provisions of the constitution in suppressing petition and debate on the
subject of slavery, through fear of disturbance of the public harmony, although
it claims that the electors have a right to instruct their representatives, and
even demand their resignation in cases of contumacy. It extended slavery over
Texas, and connived at the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories,
even to the shores of the Pacific ocean, under a plea of enlarging the area of
freedom. It abrogated the Mexican slave law and the Missouri compromise
prohibition of slavery in Kansas, not to open the new territories to slavery,
but to try therein the new and fascinating theories of non-intervention and
popular sovereignty; and, finally, it overthrew both these new and elegant
systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Dred Scott decision, on the
ground that the free states ought not to enter the Union without a population
equal to the representative basis of one member of congress, although slave
states might come in without inspection as to their numbers.
Will any member of the democratic party now here claim that
the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the party transcended their partisan
platforms, and so misrepresented the party in the various transactions, I have
recited? Then I ask him to name one democratic statesman or legislator, from
Van Buren to Walker, who, either timidly or cautiously like them, or boldly and
defiantly like Douglas, ever refused to execute a behest of the slaveholders
and was not therefore, and for no other cause, immediately denounced, and
deposed from his trust, and repudiated by the democratic party for that contumacy.
I think, fellow citizens, that I have shown you that it is
high time for the friends of freedom to rush to the rescue of the constitution,
and that their very first duty is to dismiss the democratic party from the
administration of the government .
Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to be
done. What, then, shall prevent its being done? Nothing but timidity or
division of the opponents of the democratic party.
Some of these opponents start one objection, and some
another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One class say that they cannot
trust the republican party; that it has not avowed its hostility to slavery
boldly enough, or its affection for freedom earnestly enough.
I ask, in reply, is there any other party which can be more
safely trusted? Every one knows that it is the republican party, or none, that
shall displace the democratic party. But I answer, further, that the character
and fidelity of any party are determined, necessarily, not by its pledges,
programmes, and platforms, but by the public exigencies, and the temper of the
people when they call it into activity. Subserviency to slavery is a law
written not only on the forehead of the democratic party, but also in its very
soul — so resistance to slavery, and devotion to freedom, the popular elements
now actively working for the republican party among the people, must and will
be the resources for its ever-renewing strength and constant invigoration.
Others cannot support the republican party, because it has
not sufficiently exposed its platform, and determined what it will do, and what
it will not do, when triumphant. It may prove too progressive for some, and too
conservative for others. As if any party ever foresaw so clearly the course of
future events as to plan a universal scheme of future action, adapted to all
possible emergencies. Who would ever have joined even the whig party of the
revolution, if it had been obliged to answer, in 1775, whether it would declare
for independence in 1776, and for this noble federal constitution of ours in
1787, and not a year earlier or later? The people will be as wise next year,
and even ten years hence, as we are now. They will oblige the republican party
to act as the public welfare and the interests of justice and humanity shall
require, through all the stages of its career, whether of trial or triumph.
Others will not venture an effort, because they fear that
the Union would not endure the change. Will such objectors tell me how long a
constitution can bear a strain directly along the fibres of which it is
composed? This is a constitution of freedom. It is being converted into a
constitution of slavery. It is a republican constitution. It is being made an
aristocratic one. Others wish to wait until some collateral questions concerning
temperance, or the exercise of the elective franchise are properly settled. Let
me ask all such persons, whether time enough has not been wasted on these
points already, without gaining any other than this single advantage, namely,
the discovery that only one thing can be effectually done at one time, and that
the one thing which must and will be done at any one time is just that thing
which is most urgent, and will no longer admit of postponement or delay.
Finally, we are told by faint-hearted men that they despond; the democratic
party, they say is unconquerable, and the dominion of slavery is consequently
inevitable. I reply that the complete and universal dominion of slavery would
be intolerable enough, when it should have come, after the last possible effort
to escape should have been made. There would then be left to us the consoling
reflection of fidelity to duty.
But I reply further, that I know — few, I think, know better
than I — the resources and energies of the democratic party, which is identical
with the slave power. I do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I
know, further — few, I think, know better than I — the difficulties and
disadvantages of organizing a new political force, like the republican party,
and the obstacles it must encounter in laboring without prestige and without
patronage. But, understanding all this, I know that the democratic party must
go down, and that the republican party must rise into its place. The democratic
party derived its strength, originally, from its adoption of the principles of
equal and exact justice to all men. So long as it practised this principle
faithfully, it was invulnerable. It became vulnerable when it renounced the
principle, and since that time it has maintained itself, not by virtue of its
own strength, or even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet had
appeared in the political field no other party that had the conscience and the
courage to take up, and avow, and practice the life-inspiring principle which
the democratic party had surrendered. At last, the republican party has
appeared. It avows, now, as the republican party of 1800 did, in one word, its
faith and its works, "Equal and exact justice to all men." Even when
it first entered the field, only half organized, it struck a blow which only
just failed to secure complete and triumphant victory. In this, its second
campaign, it has already won advantages which render that triumph now both easy
and certain.
The secret of its assured success lies in that very
characteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes its great and
lasting imbecility and reproach. It lies in the fact that it is a party of one
idea; but that idea is a noble one — an idea that fills and expands all
generous souls; the idea of equality — the equality of all men before human
tribunals and human laws, as they all are equal before the Divine tribunal and
Divine laws.
I know, and you know, that a revolution has begun. I know,
and all the world knows, that revolutions never go backward. Twenty senators
and a hundred representatives proclaim boldly in congress to-day sentiments and
opinions and principles of freedom which hardly so many men, even in this free
state, dared to utter in their own homes twenty years ago. While the government
of the United States, under the conduct of the democratic party, has been all
that time surrendering one plain and castle after another to slavery, the
people of the United States have been no less steadily and perseveringly
gathering together the forces with which to recover back again all the fields
and all the castles which have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one
decisive blow, the betrayers of the constitution and freedom forever.
SOURCE: William Henry Seward, George Baker, Editor, The Works
of William H. Seward, Volume 4, p. 289-302
