Monday, March 18, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Eclipse of The Sun, September 8, 1838

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN.

We had a fine opportunity, on our way from Plymouth to Concord, to witness this grand conjunction of the mighty orbs of the sky — this conflict of the “greater and lesser lights” — the lesser obscuring the greater, as is sometimes the case among sublunary bodies, by force of position. The glorious sun was indeed “sick almost to doomsday,” — and it was pitiful to see his regal distress, and with what dignity and decency he drew around him his robe of clouds, to hide his disaster and shame from the smoked-glass gaze of mortals. The atmosphere and the landscape sombered at his obscuration, and he looked, as the foul intrusion overshadowed his disk, like a noble nature seized upon, darkened, marred and smothered to blackness and darkness, by the Genius of slavery. The envious eclipse passes off, and the released luminary shines on gloriously again in mid heaven. Slavery is perpetual eclipse— sickness to “doomsday” — eternal obscuration. May God in his mercy rectify the erring orbs of life, to prevent and remove such fatal moral conjunctions.

All animate creation seemed to apprehend and notice instinctively the malady of the heavens. The few birds that remain extant at this unmusical season, gave token of their apprehension of night-fall by betaking themselves to the topmost boughs of the trees — to get as late a good-night as they could, from the blessed luminary whose good morrow they hail with such choral gladness, in that joyous season when “the time of the singing of birds is come.” The cricket and the grasshopper, in the fields by the road side, set up, as night came down, their twilight hum, and blew their “drowsy bugle.” A drove of cattle, through which we passed, on the way to Brighton — like a coffle from the city of Washington to Alabama — halted, as the drover told us, as if the hour for putting up for night had come. And our own good steed, refreshed by the coolness of the temperature, and warned by the deepening shadows, set up his evening trot, in full remembrance, as well as his master, of Concord hospitality — for he has a “memory like a horse” — and had every visible and ostensible reason to believe, that stable-time and release from the harness were at hand. Would that the poor human cattle of the republic could realize such a season! But neither night nor eclipse brmgs respite to them. They Are Slaves.

At the height of the obscuration, the sky wore the appearance of real sunset — a sunset far up from the horizon, with blue sky below, between it and the hills. The passing off of the eclipse was [invisible], by reason of the thick, hard, night-looking clouds, and the sun did not reappear to give assurance of his recovery. May it not be emblematic of the extinction of slavery in this country amid the gloomy shadowings and night of insurrection, which our friend, the Observer, deprecates with such deep shuddering—while the prospect cf eternal slavery he can lcok on with most se (ne compr sure.

The “specious” twilight of the eclipse gradually put on evening's bona fide enshroudings, and settled into but we forget that our eclipse was seen by all our readers, and will leave them, with the wish, that the sun may rise upon them again on the morrow, all unmarred and unscathed by his conflict with the “dirty planet,” and light them all on the way to a day cf antislavery gratitude and duty.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 25-6 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 22, 1838.

Francis Amasa Walker to William Schouler, Adjutant General of the Massachusetts Volunteer Militia, May 31, 1861


. . . I believe I should make a reasonably good lieutenant; at any rate, I should like to try it, south of Mason and Dixon's Line.

SOURCE: James Phinney Munroe, A Life of Francis Amasa Walker, p. 32

Important Meeting., between April 9 & 11, 1835

A meeting of a peculiarly solemn and interesting character was held on Thursday evening, April 2, in the Hall, corner of Broomfield and Tremont streets, in Boston. It was composed exclusively of members of various Christian churches, and convened for the purpose of considering the propriety of forming a Union among professing Christians, with a view to the action of churches as such upon the question of slavery.

The Hall was crowded to overflowing. Among those resent, we noticed the Rev. Messrs. Hague, Stow, Wells, Himes, Thrasher, S. J. May, Amasa Walker, Esq. S. E. Sewall, Esq. and Mr. Geo. Thompson. At a quarter before eight, the meeting was called to order by deacon Sullivan; and the Rev. Baron Stow was unanimously elected Moderator; Mr. Hayward was appointed Clerk of the meeting. After a few introductory remarks, the moderator called upon Mr. George Thompson to open the meeting with prayer.

After remarks from the Rev. Messrs. Himes, Thrasher and Wells, Mr. THOMPSON observed, that when it was his privilege to meet with christian minded men, who were devotedly attached to the work of abolition, he felt, even when their number was comparatively insignificant, that his heart was more elated, and his hopes of a speedy, peaceful, and righteous triumph were higher and brighter, than when he stood in the midst of thousands whose minds were not moved and sustained by the principles derived from a recognition of God, and a zeal for His glory. He regarded, with feelings of indescribable delight, the assembly before him. It showed the deep and hallowed interest which the cause of abolition had excited. The question was, — Ought the members of christian churches to organize a union upon the subject of Slavery His reply to that question was, —Yes! The union is desirable. It is proper — it is important — it is indispensable — it is is overwhelmingly imperative. The inquiry had been started, what has the church to do with slavery The answer was — Every thing. The honor, the purity, the usefulness, the glory, nay, the very existence of the church was concerned. The churches at the south had to do with slavery. Slavery was upheld by the churches. Essentially wicked, it had no self-sustaining energy. Were the sanction and participation of otherwise good men withdrawn, it would be condemned and annihilated with the common consent of mankind. The Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, Congregationalists, and some other minor denominations of Christians were at the present time the pillars of the hateful fabric. Hundreds of ministers were slaveholders. Thousands of professing christians were slaveholders. The minister of Christ was paid out of the hire of the laborer, kept back by fraud. Church property frequently consisted of slaves. There were many human beings, who, when asked by whom they were owned, replied — By the congregation? The followers of Christ buying, branding, bartering, toiling, and debasing God's image, and God's poor daily robbed to support the ordinances of a just and equal God, who hath made of one blood all nations of men In view of these things would it be said, the churches had nothing to do with slavery ? Had northern Christians no regard for the honor of their religion—the purity of the body to which they belonged? Must every sin be boldly denounced but the sin of slaveholding ? Must the harlot, the swindler, the gamester, the Sabbath-breaker, the drunkard, be thrust out of the church, and the slaveholder kept in, and soothed, and excused, and long and labored apologies framed for him and the abomination with which he stood connected? Was such a course a just or impartial one? If a man was known to sit down and spend an occasional hour in shuffling and exchanging pieces of painted paper, he became the subject of church discipline, and if he persisted, was ejected from the visible church of Christ. But thousands of slaveholders were permitted to gamble with immortal souls — speculate in human blood redeemed beings — and were all the time recognized as worthy members of the church of Christ, and were comforted, first by the direct countenance, co-partnership and participation of their own ministers, and next, by the silence and fellowship of northern professors of the same denomination. The southern churches were thoroughly corrupt, and would remain so as long as the churches of the north refrained from bearing a testimony for God against their crimes. One fact would show the state of feeling amongst Christians at the south. The editor of a religious newspaper, the Charleston Southern Baptist, had recently stated in behalf of his brethren around him, the following views: “We do not contemplate Slavery with hatred and horror, and our southern people do deny in the abstract, the injustice of slavery. We think that we can prove that slavery is not necessarily founded on injustice!” Mr. Thompson proceeded to support the motion for an organization, at considerable length, and advanced a variety of arguments and illustrations, which, as we cannot correctly report, we must pass over. He concluded by saying — My hope is in the churches. I earnestly desire that the abolition feeling of the North may flow onwards towards the South, through the sanctifying channels of the Christian churches. There are millions in this and every land, whose help I should deplore, unless checked and controlled by the wisdom and authority of those who fear God. The humble, prayerful and believing follower of Christ is the man to whom we must look. The man who seeks and enjoys the royal privilege of audience with the Deity. The man that grasps the promises, that in Christ are yea and amen to those that believe. The man who looks to rescue, not the slave alone, but the slave's master—to this man we must look. I love the cause in which we are engaged too well, to wish to see it under the conduct of irreligious, and therefore irresponsible men. I feel little anxiety to enlist the unsanctified eloquence of the demagouge. I would not make a speech to win a rabble multitude that would cover the spacious common that adorns your city; but I would weep and plead till midnight, or the blushing of the morn, to gain the righteous man whose faith, when exerted, grasps omnipotence, and whose effectual fervent prayer would avail to the speedy overthrow of the unhallowed institution.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 48-51; A very similar but much longer & more detailed article, “Important Meeting,” was published The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, April 11, 1835, p. 3

Gerrit Smith to Dr. George C. Beckwith, Secretary of the American Peace Society

Let us thank God that anything, even though it had to be the insanity of the whole south, has brought slavery to its dying hour. Never more will the American Peace Society witness the need of raising armies to put down a treasonable onslaught upon our government. For the one cause of so formidable an onslaught will be gone when slavery is gone. Besides, when slavery is gone from the whole world, the whole world will then be freed, not only from a source of war, but from the most cruel and horrid form of war. For slavery is war as well as the source of war. Thus has the Peace Society as well as the Abolition Society, much to hope for from this grand uprising of the north. For while the whole north rejoices in the direct and immediate object of the uprising—the maintenance of government; and while the abolitionists do, in addition to this object, cherish the further one of the abolition of slavery, the Peace men are happy to know that the abolition of slavery will be the abolition of one form of war, the drying up of one source of war, and of one source of occasions for raising armies.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 256-7

Amos A. Lawrence to Senator Charles Sumner, October 10, 1856

Cottage Farm, Brookline, October 10, 1856.

My Dear Sir, — Having been informed that you contemplate making a visit to Boston, and knowing how difficult it will be for you to avoid the fatigue and excitement which must attend your stay within the city, I beg to offer you a home at my house.

You may prefer to be with some one of those who agree with you in regard to party politics, and you will without doubt have many invitations from nearer and dearer friends than I am; but I assure you that no one will give you a more cordial welcome.

With much regard, yours truly,
A. A. L.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 141

Sunday, March 17, 2019

List of Those Who Sheltered in the Carter House Basement During the Battle of Franklin, November 30, 1864

  • Fountain Branch Carter
  • Moscow Branch Carter
  • Mary Orlena Carter
  • Walter Fountain Carter
  • Hugh Ewing Carter
  • Anna Josephine Carter
  • Mary Alice Carter McPhail
  • Alice Adelaide McPhail
  • Orlando Carter McPhail
  • Marcus Eugene McPhail
  • Frances Hodge Carter
  • Annie Vick Carter McKinney
  • Sarah Holcomb Carter
  • Sarah McKinney Carter
  • Fountain McKinley Carter
  • Ruth James Carter
  • Susanna Carter
  • Oscar Carter
  • Tom Carter
  • Jackson Carter
  • Calfurnia Parrish Carter
  • Gustavus Carter
  • Johann Albert Lotz
  • Margaretha Lotz
  • Matilda Lotz
  • Augustus Lotz
  • Paul Lotz

SOURCE: Eric A. Jacobson, CEO of Battle of Franklin Trust.  He notes, "there may be 2-3 more who were in the basement, but we have not been able to find any rock solid evidence as of yet.”

A big shout out to Eric for supplying this list.  He is the author and co-author of the following books about the battle:

Saturday, March 16, 2019

Daniel Webster to Justice Joseph Story, September 24, 1821

Boston, September 24, 1821.

My Dear Sir, — I am happy to hear that you are coming up to-morrow, to dine with the commodore. Mr. Baker, the British consul-general, is in town. He called on me to-day, and expressed a wish to see you. I have invited him to pass an hour with me to-morrow evening, and have promised him your company; and he has accepted, on the strength of that promise.

Will you be kind enough to bring up with you the last Dodson. I wish to look at the recent case about the slave-trade. I very much fear my Lord Stowell has missed a figure. However, I suppose, as usual, he has given plausible reasons.

We shall have some interesting questions here on this subject, and that shortly.

Very truly yours,
D. Webster.

P. S. I am greatly delighted at this notion of going to Worcester. I know nothing of that county, where so many venues were laid, and I think we shall meet some good men. Bainbridge means to go with us.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Volume 1, p. 316

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, August 31, 1856

August 31

Some good news and some bad — the good being that our private advices state that things really are much better than is represented, in Kansas; the leading Missourians are making great efforts to raise men to invade, but find great reluctance to follow. They are considerably intimidated, in fact.

The bad news (for you) is that I leave for Chicago to-morrow, shall go to Nebraska City and probably into the Territory. . . . I allow six weeks, but it may be only a month, and hope to write a good deal to you and Mary and the “Tribune,” though letters may be intercepted. Letters for me to be directed to

James L. Armstrong
Topeka Kansas

Mary taxed her wits to invent this name and intends to write in the character of an affectionate grandmother!

I shall take out a nice supply of boots and clothing for our Worcester men and a plum cake and some other dainties, and long to see their delight at my appearance. Good-bye, darling mama.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 139-40

Wendell Phillips to George L. Stearns, June 19, 1863

[June 19, 1863.]
Dear Stearns:

Yours recd, and communicated to Sanborn. We congratulate you — your success seems full.

I forward the official document as requested with two remarks. 1st. Mr. Jay Browne is no “friend” of mine. He knew me and wrote me, and, as in duty bound, I forwarded his letter to Andrew, 2d. I remember well our understanding, a wise one, that you had nothing to do with commissions, and I had nothing to do in recommending any one to you.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 295

Samuel Gridley Howe to Congressman Horace Mann, May 30, 1852

Boston, May 30th, 1852.

My Dear Mann: — I was equally surprised and disappointed by hearing of your Hegira (to Washington). I was in hopes of seeing you and talking with you fully about your plans. I have a sort of conviction that we must lose you here: that you will go West; and I try in all ways to reconcile myself to it. You are, much more than you suppose, necessary to the new college — while it is not necessary to you. There is a radical fault in your organization which prevents you from feeling your own worth and power and acting upon the feeling. Your self-esteem is too small; so small that it does not know it is small. You have a sort of intellectual perception of your talents and virtues — but these intellectual perceptions never do the duty of the feelings. Old Dan sees with his intellect the beauty and the glory of virtue, right and truth — but how poorly does this intellectual perception supply the place of the normal sentiments, which should engender, feel and embody virtue and goodness.

By the by — I heard old Dan1 last Saturday, and was most painfully impressed by the melancholy spectacle which he presented. I do not say that he was drunk, but he appeared like a man who was nearly drunk — or else half paralyzed. I am told that most of the Methodist clergy got the impression that he was very drunk — and were indignant. One thing is certain — most certain; not a fifth part, perhaps not an eighth part could make out what he said; and yet they sat, patient and open-mouthed, waiting for words of power and beauty. Oh! what an awful reckoning it would be if that man had to answer for the hundred talents which were committed to him! Would be? It is now awful — how he suffers and how the world suffers, if we consider that when we do not have what we might and ought to have we suffer positive loss. . . .

If you were going to a clime ten degrees further south and on the west slope of the Alleghanies, I should be strongly tempted to pull up stakes and follow you. There is a degree of self-conceit and intolerance [in Boston] that makes it seem a pitiful place. Then the prospect for the future is not good. The American population is getting crowded out of town and the houses filled up with Irish. By the by, do you remember the beautiful mansion formerly inhabited by P. C. Brooks, in Atkinson Street, and more recently by Samuel May? Well, it is now a colony of Irish, where they pig in sixteen in a room. So long as these poor creatures came to us only fast enough to be leavened by the little virtue there was in us, so long we welcomed them; but if they are to pull us down instead of our pulling them up we may well cry hold off! However, I suppose that this evil is only local: as a whole the process may be good for humanity, and we have no right to partition off God's earth and say here shall be Saxon and here shall not be Celt. . . .

I shall write you again in a day or two; meanwhile I am, dear Mann,

Ever yours,
S. G. Howe.
_______________

1 Webster's last speech in Boston.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 378-380

Friday, March 15, 2019

From the Louisiana Democrat, January 11, 1860

To this date the number of cadets who have reported themselves at the State Seminary is over forty, the arrivals having been at the rate of about six per day. The cadets who have arrived are creditable representatives of Young Louisiana, averaging in age about seventeen years and in height about five feet six inches. A considerable proportion of them are well advanced in academic studies and several have been members of military schools in other states.

By the energy and forethought of the superintendent, the professors and members of the Board, due preparation had been made for this promising influx of cadets, who are now, consequently, already beginning their studies. It is very desirable that all students who intend to go to the Seminary during the current session should report themselves at the earliest day practicable. . .

While on this topic we might as well advert to a serious error into which some have fallen concerning the course of study at the State Seminary. It is assumed by these that, as the organization of this institution is military in character, the course of study will of necessity be purely scientific, to the exclusion of classical studies. On the contrary provision is made for as complete a course of tuition in Latin and Greek as can be enjoyed in any American College. The chair of ancient languages is filled by an able professor, chosen by the Board of Supervisors from a large number of applicants, and recommended as well by his attainments as by his success as a teacher. Our State Seminary has therefore all the features of a collegiate institution of the first grade; its military regulations and discipline will not interfere at all with the classical and scientific pursuits of the cadets, as we have already fully explained.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 107-8

John Brown to John F. Blessing, November 29, 1859

To John F. Blessing, of Charlestown, Va., with the best wishes of the undersigned, and his sincere thanks for many acts of kindness received. There is no commentary in the world so good, in order to a right understanding of this blessed book,1 as an honest, childlike, and teachable spirit.

John Brown.
Charlestown, Nov. 29, 1859.
_______________

1 John Brown’s pocket Bible.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 619

Lewis Cobb to William Still, April 25, 1857

TORONTO, April 25, 1857.

To Mr. WM. STILL — Dear Sir: — I take this opportunity of addressing these few lines to inform you that I am well and hope that they may find you and your family enjoying the same good health. Please to give my love to you and your family. I had a very pleasant trip from your house that morning. Dear sir, you would oblige me much, if you have not sent that box to Mr. Robinson, to open it and take out the little yellow box that I tied up in the large one and send it on by express to me in Toronto. Lift up a few of the things and you will find it near the top. All the clothes that I have are in that box and I stand in need of them. You would oblige me much by so doing. I stopped at Mr. Jones’ in Elmira, and was very well treated by him while there. I am now in Toronto and doing very well at present. I am very thankful to you and your family for the attention you paid to me while at your house. I wish you would see Mr. Ormsted and ask him if he has not some things for Mr. Anthony Loney, and if he has, please send them on with my things, as we are both living together at this time. Give my love to Mr. Anthony, also to Mr. Ormsted and family. Dear sir, we both would be very glad for you to attend to this, as we both do stand very much in need of them at this time. Dear sir, you will oblige me by giving my love to Miss Frances Watkins, and as she said she hoped to be out in the summer, I should like to see her. I have met with a gentleman here by the name of Mr. Truehart, and he sends his best love to you and your family. Mr. Truehart desires to know whether you received the letter he sent to you, and if so, answer it as soon as possible. Please answer this letter as soon as possible. I must now come to a close by saying that I remain your beloved friend,

LEWIS COBB.

The young man who was there that morning, Mr. Robinson, got married to that young lady.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 378-9

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, January 2, 1863

(Private)
New Orleans, January 2nd, 1863.

Dear Sir: Everything remains nearly as when I last wrote. Troops have been moving up to Baton Rouge, and the whole army and navy here, are occupied in preparations for advancing on Port Hudson. It will certainly be captured when attacked, and according to the best information I can collect, the attack will be made in about twelve days. Gen. Banks seems disposed to occupy himself more with military and less with civil and commercial affairs than Gen. Butler did. He does not yet communicate his intentions to me so freely as Gen. Butler did.

Two regiments of infantry and a battery have gone to Galveston, to occupy that Island. I have laid before Gen. Banks a plan for the capture of Brownsville, opposite Matamoras on the Rio Grande. The occupation of this place is becoming of great consequence, on account of the great trade at that point with the Rebel states. Gen. Hamilton urges the project, and Gen. Banks seems to regard it favorable.

Gen. Hamilton asks for five thousand men. The 1st. Texas regiment (only 200 or 300 in number) accompanied the other two regiments to Galveston. Gen. Hamilton is still here and will probably remain until the expedition goes to Brownsville. I suppose great complaints will be made of Gen. Butler when he gets North. You may be sure that Gen. Butler deserves well of the country and Government — and I believe he did no bad thing, except permitting his brother and other friends to make large sums of money — dishonorably, as I think. All the other accusations against him, which I have seen, are not true.

I do not think Gen. Butler sent to Washington the evidence respecting the schooner which run into Pontchitoula. He said the testimony would be presented to the witnesses for signature, but this has not been done.

Statements are in circulation here that you and Mr. Seward have resigned. In respect to yourself, I can truly say that the report is received by all with regret. When I say by all, I mean the public generally.

I have sent to you to-day a bill of lading for $195,000.00 shipped to John J. Cisco, in accordance with your instructions.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 344-5

Salmon P. Chase to John M. Forbes & William H. Aspinwall, March 30, 1863

Treasury Department,         
Washington, D. C., March 30, 1863.

. . . This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Walker, who will also submit to your perusal the letter of instructions under which he will himself act.

He is not informed as to the particulars of any commission with which you are charged, other than that of negotiating a loan of five millions, but you will doubtless find it convenient and useful to confer with him freely as to all the objects you have in view. . . .

I trust your well-known sagacity and practical experience will contribute much to the success of the efforts of our diplomatic and consular functionaries to arrest these practices so dangerous to peace between the two nations. . . .

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 42

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, December 21, 1861

Private
Dec. 21. Port Royal Str Wabash.
My Dear Sir

I have applied for an ordnance Lieut. Will you do me the favor to order Lt. A. S. Mackenzie late of the Hartford — You saw his mother in New York.

He had better call on the Bureau and get posted up and then on Dahlgren. I am worried a little about the Dept. for I want it right not only in itself — but in our records and archives.

Squally news yesterday from England. Let 'em come.

W haste
S. F. Dupont.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 82

Thursday, March 14, 2019

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, April 19, 1864

The President did not make his appearance to-day in Cabinet. He was in Baltimore last evening at the opening of the fair, and is reported to have made a speech. He has a fondness for attending these shows only surpassed by Seward. Neither Seward, nor Blair, nor Chase was present with us to-day. Blair was with the President at Baltimore. Being a Marylander, there was propriety in his attendance.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 15

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes Sunday, November 1, 1863

Camp White, (Sunday), November 1, 1863.

Dear Mother: — It is a lovely morning. I have just got into new quarters, two tents together on a stockade, making two good little rooms with a coal stove. As cozy as need be. . . .

We had preaching in our camp last Sunday by the chaplain of the Thirty-fourth, Mr. Collier, a rather entertaining speaker, and have been promised meetings every other Sunday hereafter. It is so unusual a thing that the novelty makes it attractive, if there were nothing else to recommend it. . . .

Affectionately, your son,
Rutherford.
Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 443-4

George Poindexter to John F. H. Claiborne, December 25, 1829


Ashwood Place, Wilkinson Co., Dec. 25th, 1829.

My Dear Sir, — I had written you, before I received yours of the 22d, on the subject to which it relates. I differ with you entirely as to the effect of a visit to Jackson. It would be degrading to both parties. On my part, it would manifest a mean solicitude for office which, thank God, I do not feel; and, on the part of the electors, it would imply that they might be led from one man to another, with perfect ease, if one would only take the proper pains. Show yourself in person, flatter their vanity, and convince them by actual inspection of your physical powers, and you will find them the most docile creatures on earth. If I had no public character to rest my claims on, if I had rendered no service to the state, if I were entirely unknown as a politician and a jurist, I would eagerly substitute for merit personal attentions, urgent solicitations, and disgusting professions and protestations. The line of conduct which I have marked out for myself is founded on moral virtue, and supports the dignity of the senatorial character. The other course is sycophantic and demoralizing in all its tendencies. You will find that no gentleman who intended to vote for me will decline doing so because I do not choose to approach him with personal importunities. Those who do not mean to vote for me may make my remaining at home a convenient excuse. There can be no mistake about the state of my health. If I am worthy of the high trust of senator in Congress, I certainly may be trusted to tell the truth as to the state of my health. On former occasions I have rejected important offices, because my health would not justify my accepting them. This very office of senator was offered to mo in 1825, but I could not fulfill the duties, and it was declined. But if other evidence is wanted concerning my health, my friends and neighbors, who will be at Jackson, and my physicians will testify to it. If I had the strength of my overseer (a very stout man) I would not make my personal appearance at Jackson until after the vote is taken. I should then take great pleasure in paying my respects to the members. Candidates without merit, who are willing to rely on management, will honor the members with their company and conversation on all occasions, and will be “all things to all men,” that they may gain favor with a few. If, then, my friends think that my presence is a sine qua non, they may drop my name as a candidate. You seem to doubt whether the senator from —— will vote against me. I can assure you I should as soon expect to see a white crow as to obtain the vote of any man in this state of the name of ——. Huston and others are laboring in their vocation. They expect to get a share of Mr. Adams's practice — all pure patriotism and love of country! A Clay man supporting a Jackson man, and the Jackson men of Adams County electing a Clay man to the Legislature. “Heads I win, tails you lose.” The good people of Mississippi have been duped and ridden for many years past, and I suppose they are not yet sufficiently gulled.

Your friend, most truly,
Geo. Poindexter.
Hon. J. F. H. Claiborne, Jackson.

SOURCE: John F. H. Quitman, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Volume 1, p. 98-100

George Fries* to Howell Cobb, September 4, 1848

Hanoverton, Ohio, Sept. 4th '48.

My Dear Sir: When we parted at Washington I promised to write as soon as I had looked over the whole field in Ohio and scanned well our political prospects. I have been home two weeks and have spent near all that time in traveling over my district, and, in company with Col. Weller, over part of the Western Reserve. On my way home I passed through the Reserve from Cleveland, and then saw clearly that the Taylor party there was “among the things that were." Since then, Root, Giddings and Crowell have been renominated (I may be mistaken as to the latter) — all anti-Taylor men. Indeed all the strong Whigs on the Reserve are out against Taylor. Among democrats, in that section of the state, there is very little defection. I attended with Weller immense massmeetings last week at New Lisbon, Youngstown, Carrollton and Steubenville.

Youngstown is on the Reserve. I have never seen but one as large a meeting in my life. The best men of our party were there, and assured us that, whilst Van Burenism was eating out the vitals of Whiggery, it would take it as long to fatten on what it gets off democracy as it would have required those asses to have fattened that are said in the good old Book to have “snuffed up the East wind.” The truth is, the democracy in that quarter have been whipped long enough to stand up to anything.

In my district — where Tappan resides—we have some trouble, but much less than the Whigs. From present appearance I think Van Buren will take off five to ten Whigs to one democrat. So will it be in the whole southern, southwestern, N. W., and southeastern part of the state. Take it all in all then, I am happy to say that we are all as sanguine of success for Cass in this state as we are that the sun will rise and set. If you or your Southern friends have a doubt of Ohio, lay it aside. All's well, rest assured of that.

Of Weller's prospects let me say a word. If all the factions that have heretofore opposed us should unite on Ford, he will be elected. This I think they cannot do. So Weller thinks; and all appearances now indicate that Ford's prospects are daily declining. He has thus far not dared to define his position. Let him do that, either for Taylor or Van Buren, and his game is up. As he now stands both factions doubt him, and from both will there be a loss. The few Van Buren democrats will go Weller. So much for Ohio. How stands Georgia? Will you be sure to carry her for Cass? And what is the state of feeling and prospects of success in the whole South? I trust you will write as soon as possible and state to me what we may look for with certainty. There are some here who fear the South.

I had a glorious trip home. Mr. Turner and family were in company to Cleveland, both in good health and both speaking very frequently of you, your wife and sister in terms that showed clearly that they remembered you all with friendly and grateful hearts.

I hope you'll remember me to your sister, and say that I regretted very much not having had time to call before my departure, to bid her good-bye. I hope we shall see you all next winter.

_______________

* Member of Congress from Ohio, 1845-1849.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 124-5